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OF  FLORIDA 
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THE 

ALABAMA  HISTORICAL 
QUARTERLY 


Vol.  XXXIX  ID 77  No.  1,  2,  3 and  4 


Published  by  the 

ALABAMA  STATE  DEPARTMENT 
OF 


ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORY 


THE 

ALABAMA  HISTORICAL 
QUARTERLY 


Vol.  XXXIX  1977  No.  1,  2,  3 and  4 


CONTENTS 

Colonel  Hilary  A.  Herbert's  ‘History  of  the  Eighth 
Alabama  Volunteer  Regiment,  C.S.A.’  edited  by 
Maurice  S.  Fortin  5 


Milo  B.  Howard,  Jr.,  Editor 


Published  by  the 

ALABAMA  STATE  DEPARTMENT 
OF  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORY 
Montgomery,  Alabama 


SKINNER  PRINTING  COMPANY 
INDUSTRIAL  TERMINAL 
MONTGOMERY,  ALABAMA 


CONTRIBUTORS 


MAURICE  S.  FORTIN  of  Sun  City,  Arizona,  is  currently  work- 
ing on  a biography  of  H.  A.  Herbert. 


19  7 7 


5 


COLONEL  HILARY  A.  HERBERT’S 
‘HISTORY  OF  THE  EIGHTH  ALABAMA  VOLUNTEER 
REGIMENT,  C.  S.  A.’ 

EDITED  BY:  MAURICE  S.  FORTIN 

INTRODUCTION 

“While  thus  we  have  so  much  cause  for  congratulation 
and  pleasure;  let  us  not  and  never  forget  the  memory 
of  the  noble  spirits  who  fell  in  the  glorious  work  whose 
consummation  we  were  spared  to  establish  and  com- 
memorate.” 

Brigadier  General  William  Mahone,  C.  S.  A, 

Hilary  Abner  Herbert,  the  author  of  the  History  of  the 
Eighth  Alabama  Volunteer  Regiment , C.  S.  A.y  was  the  last 
Colonel  of  that  Regiment.  At  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness  he 
was  seriously  wounded,  and  this  injury  prompted  his  retire- 
ment. He  subsequently  had  a distinguished  public  service  ca- 
reer as  Congressman  from  the  2nd  Congressional  District  of 
Alabama  from  1876  through  1892;  and  as  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  during  Grover  Cleveland’s  second  administration,  1893- 
1897.  He  was  the  first  Cabinet  member  from  Alabama  and 
also  the  first  ex-Confederate  appointed  to  a Cabinet  post. 

In  1903,  Dr.  Thomas  M.  Owen,  Director  of  the  Alabama 
Department  of  Archives  and  History,  requested  of  Herbert  the 
preparation  of  a sketch  of  the  Eighth  Alabama  Infantry  Regi- 
ment, to  be  printed  by  the  Department  along  with  other  sketches 
of  Alabama  Civil  War  military  groups.  Herbert,  while  anxious 
to  see  such  an  history  in  print,  was  at  the  time  very  busy  with 
his  large  law  practice  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  proceeded 
slowly.  The  result  was  a manuscript,  completed  in  1906,  far 
longer  than  Dr.  Owen’s  anticipated  “sketch.”  What  Colonel 
Herbert  attempted  to  do  was  not  to  write  a “sketch”  but  rather 
to  write  “the  history  of  a representative  unit  of  Lee’s  army,” 
which  he  considered  the  Eighth  Alabama  Infantry  to  be,  and 
thereby  preserve  the  history  of  that  gallant  command.  In  a 
letter  transmitting  the  manuscript  to  Dr.  Owen,  Herbert  stated, 
“It  is  a history,  necessarily,  in,  large  part,  not  only  of  the 


6 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Eighth,  but  also  the  Ninth,  Tenth,  Eleventh  and  Fourteenth 
Alabama  Regiments,  all  of  which  were  brigaded  together  in 
the  summer  of  1862  and  fought  together  to  the  close  of  the 
war.” 


It  was  then  the  custom  to  publish  Alabama  histories  pre- 
liminarily in  the  Montgomery  Advertiser,  and  publication  of 
the  History  of  the  Eighth  Alabama  Volunteer  Regiment , C.  S.  A. 
began  in  that  paper  Sunday,  July  22,  1906  and  continued  in 
consecutive  Sunday  installments  through  September  16,  1906. 
After  the  publication  of  his  “History”  in  the  newspaper,  Her- 
bert proceeded  to  correct  and  revise,  striking  out  portions  and 
making  additions  to  the  manuscript.  Accordingly,  the  manu- 
script and  papers  contain  many  annotations,  elaborations,  ancj 
inserts.  There  are  indications  that  the  length  of  the  manu- 
script, along  with  certain  appendices,  was  more  than  Dr.  Owen's 
publishing  budget  could  meet  at  that  time.  He  also  objected 
to  certain  contents  of  the  manuscripts  and  suggested  a major 
revision  that  would  reduce  the  writings  by  some  forty  pages. 
The  development  of  the  manuscript  is  fully  recorded  in  cor- 
respondence in  the  Alabama  State  Department  of  Archives  and 
History. 

Herbert’s  introductory  to  his  “History”  is  a long  essay 
in  which  he  expounds  his  belief  that  the  fanaticism  of  the  north- 
ern abolitionists  provoked  the  coming  of  the  Civil  War.  Dr. 
Owen  thought  this  chapter  too  long.  He  wrote  Herbert,  “I 
think  you  will  agree  that  it  would  hardly  be  proper  to  embrace 
a sketch  of  the  abolition  movement  with  the  history  of  the 
Eighth  Alabama  Regiment.  It  would  not  be  improper  to  have 
a very  brief  preliminary  sketch  of  two  or  three  pages,  but  I 
think  that  a sketch  of  the  length  you  propose  would  not  be  ap- 
propriate.” Herbert,  however,  did  not  agree.  He  considered 
that  chapter  pertinent  history  and  “not  out  of  place  in  an  in- 
troductory chapter,  . . . inasmuch  as  my  conclusion  of  the  whole 
matter  is  that  the  abolition  crusade  was  the  direct  cause  of  the 
antagonism  between  the  two  sections  which  resulted  eventually 
in  secession  and  war.”  On  another  occasion  he  again  resisted 
any  change  in  his  manuscript  and  explained  the  relevance  of 
his  introductory  chapter  by  writing:  “For  one,  I am  unwilling 

that  my  descendants  shall  misunderstand  the  motives  and  pur- 
poses underlying  secession  and  the  civil  war.”  To  him  this 


chapter  was  but  a realistic  examination  of  the  facts.  Herbert 
later  expanded  this  chapter  into  a book,  ‘The  Abolition  Crusade 
and  Its  Consequences,”  which  was  published  in  1912.  Both 
Herbert’s  ‘Introductory’  chapter  to  this  history  of  his  Regiment, 
and  his  book  are  notable  contributions  to  the  historiography  of 
the  abolitionist  movement  in  our  nation’s  history. 

Herbert’s  well  written  and  very  readable  “History,”  which 
he  hoped  “would  be  attractive  not  only  to  Alabamians  but  stu- 
dents of  the  war  everywhere,”  offers  new  insights  to  the  con- 
flict. His  generally  excellent  and  truthful  observations,  which 
are  well  substantiated  by  other  sources,  are  marred  in  his  re- 
collections of  the  early  days  of  the  Maryland  campaign  around 
Crampton’s  Gap  and  Pleasant  Valley,  just  prior  to  the  Union 
surrender  of  Harper’s  Ferry,  (Chapter  VIII).  He  credits 
“Stonewall”  Jackson  with  capturing  Loudoun  Heights,  whereas 
it  was  Brigadier  General  John  G.  Walker’s  forces  who  captured 
these  heights,  Jackson  being  involved  at  the  time  with  the 
capture  of  Bolivar  Heights. 

Herbert  states  that  his  regiment  passed  into  Pleasant  Valley 
through  Crampton’s  Gap  after  a march  from  Hagerstown.  It 
its  more  likely  that  the  regiment’s  march  began  south  of  Fred- 
erick and  proceeded  south-southwest  to  and  through  the  Gap. 
It  is  also  unfortunate  that  Herbert  failed  to  elaborate  upon  and 
specifically  reconstruct  the  Eighth  Alabama’s  activities  in  Plea- 
sant Valley.  All  that  is  known  is  that  Wilcox’s  Brigade,  of 
which  the  Eighth  Alabama  formed  a part,  then  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Alfred  Cumming,  was  ordered  to  the  support 
of  Brigadier  Generals  Howell  Cobb,  William  Mahone,  and  Paul 
J.  Semmes.  The  three  were  attempting  to  withstand  Union 
Major  General  William  Buel  Franklin’s  effort  to  pass  Cramp- 
ton’s Gap  just  prior  to  the  Union  surrender  at  Harper’s  Ferry. 

Nevertheless,  in  the  same  chapter  Herbert  provides  a singu- 
lar contribution  to  the  events  that  occurred  during  the  battle 
of  Sharpsburg.  He  gives  the  story  of  what  occurred  to  his 
regiment  and  to  other  Confederate  troops  during  the  day  of 
battle  in  the  lower  areas  of  the  battlefield  near  and  around 
Pfeiffer’s  (Piper’s)  house.  The  Union  forces  were  never  suc- 
cessful in  holding  this  ground.  His  account  is  the  only  report 
of  Confederate  action  that  this  editor  found,  and  is,  accord- 


8 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


ingly,  a unique  assessment  of  the  day’s  action  in  the  Pfeiffer’s 
farm  area. 

The  chapter  on  the  battle  of  Salem  Church  (Chapter  XI) 
relates  a view  of  this  battle  from  an  officer  who  actively  com- 
manded a regiment  totally  involved  in  the  battle  and  who  re- 
ceived a commendation  for  his  leadership  during  this  action. 
This  account  is  without  doubt  an  important  addition  to  the 
history  of  that  day’s  combat. 

Chapter  XII  offers  important  points  on  the  general  his- 
tory of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  and  includes  a detailed  account 
of  the  Eighth  Alabama  and  other  regiments  of  Wilcox’s  Brigade. 
The  chapter  is  also  interesting  for  Herbert’s  obvious  criticism 
of  Confederate  Major  General  Richard  H.  Anderson’s  leader- 
ship because  of  his  failure  to  support  assaults  by  portions  of 
his  Division  when  success  seemed  assured. 

The  last  three  chapters  provide  personal  accounts  of  officers 
who  were  actively  involved  with  their  troops  in  the  severe  ac- 
tions of  the  Petersburg  campaign  and  the  months  that  followed. 
The  ‘History’  ends  with  a pitiably  pathetic  description  of  the 
retreat  toward  Appomattox  C.  H.  during  the  “Last  Few  Days” 
of  this  brave  fighting  group. 

Herbert’s  enthusiasm  for  his  “History”  is  not  surprising. 
A main  purpose  of  his  efforts  in  writing  of  his  old  regiment 
was  his  patriotic  feeling  that  his  old  comrades  should  be  re- 
membered. He  felt  that  they  were  motivated  with  “that  pride 
which  was  inborn  in  every  Confederate”  and  with  “true  cour- 
age, willingness  to  die  for  one’s  conviction.”  This  feeling 
applied  to  most  of  the  men  who  fought  alongside  him  in  the 
Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  an  army  he  considered  one  of  the 
greatest  military  organizations  of  all  time,  and,  considering  its 
valiant  history,  that  is  not  an  unreasonable  assumption. 

Appendices  of  additional  material  which  are  relevant  to 
the  story  of  the  Eighth  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment  are  pro- 
vided. All  names  in  parentheses  were  added  by  the  editor. 
The  rosters  of  the  officers  of  the  Eighth  Alabama  Infantry 
Regiment,  and  of  its  ten  (10)  companies  and  supernumeraries, 
were  obtained  principally  from  the  compiled  service  records  of 


19  7 7 


9 


Confederate  soldiers  who  served  from  the  State  of  Alabama, 
which  are  in  the  National  Archives,  Washington,  D.  C.  The 
rosters  were  checked  against  records  deposited  in  the  Military 
Section,  Alabama  Department  of  Archives  and  History,  and 
the  soldiers  mentioned  in  Herbert's  “History”. 

A close  study  of  Herbert’s  work  results  in  the  opinion  that 
it  was  written  without  malice  and  that  it  is  an  excellent  addi- 
tion to  the  general  literature  of  the  Civil  War.  It  is  hoped 
other  readers  will  agree.  In  any  event,  it  is  the  editor’s  con- 
tention that  Herbert’s  “History”  merited  publication  in  book 
form. 

The  editor  desires  to  express  his  gratitude  to  Mr.  Milo 
Howard,  Director,  Alabama  Department  of  Archives  and  His- 
tory, for  permission  to  use  the  Herbert  material  and  to  mem- 
bers of  his  staff,  Mr.  D.  Floyd  Watson  and  Mrs.  Margie  Locker, 
of  the  Military  Section,  for  their  patience  and  assistance  in 
bringing  to  light  the  records,  rosters  and  files  that  provided 

much  of  the  material  for  this  book. 


Maurice  S.  Fortin 


10  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CONTENTS 

Chapter  Page 

Editor’s  Introduction  5 

Author’s  Preface  12 

Author’s  Introductory  15 

I.  Organization,  Ideas  of  Discipline 37 

Field  Officers „ 40 

II.  Yorktown.  Being  Trained  ... 44 

Davies  and  Kautz 50 

III.  The  Siege  of  Yorktown 52 

IV.  Battle  of  Williamsburg  56 

V.  Battle  of  Seven  Pines 59 

VI.  The  Seven  Days  Around  Richmond 64 

Frazier’s  Farm  67 

VII.  Second  Manassas 71 

VIII.  The  Maryland  Campaign 75 

Sharpsburg 77 

IX.  Again  in  Virginia 85 

X.  Winter  Quarters  at  Banks’  Ford - 89 

XI.  Battle  of  Salem  Church 96 

Disposition  of  Troops  . 98 

XII.  The  Gettysburg  Campaign . 112 

XIII.  Gettysburg  to  Winter  Quarters,  Orange  C.  H 131 

XIV.  The  Wilderness  to  Petersburg 138 

Cold  Harbor  141 

XV.  Petersburg  — The  Crater 143 

The  Battle  of  the  Crater 145 

The  Confederate  Charge  148 

Charge  of  the  Alabamians — 149 

Sights  at  the  Crater 150 

Suffering  of  the  Wounded 151 

Peculiarity  of  the  Fighting * 151 

Captain  Feather ston  of  the  Battle  of  the 

Crater  154 

XVI.  From  August  1864  to  March  1865  173 

Conditions  At  Petersburg  in  Spring  of  1865  178 

XVII.  The  Last  Few  Days  182 

Appendix 

A.  Consolidated  Roll  of  8th  Alabama  Regiment  192 

B.  Recapitulation  of  Strength,  Casualties,  etc.,  of 

Company  F 194 


1977  11 


Appendix  Page 

C.  Captain  Wm.  B.  Young’s  Account  of  Battle  of 

the  Crater  197 

D.  Roster  of  the  Officers  of  the  8th  Alabama  In- 

fantry, C.  S.  A 201 

E.  Roster  of  Company  “A”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry  . 204 

F.  Roster  of  Company  “B”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry 216 

G.  Roster  of  Company  “C”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry  227 

H.  Roster  of  Company  “D”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry  238 

I.  Roster  of  Company  “E”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry 249 

J.  Roster  of  Company  “F”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry 260 

K.  Roster  of  Company  “G”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry  270 

L.  Roster  of  Company  “H”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry  281 

M.  Roster  of  Company  “I”,  8th  Alabama  infantry  294 

N.  Roster  of  Company  “K”,  8th  Alabama  Infantry 306 

O.  Supernumeraries,  8th  Alabama  Infantry  318 


12  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

PREFACE 

Forty  years  and  more  have  passed  since  the  gallant  old 
8th  Alabama  laid  down  its  arms  at  Appomatox;  and  it  did  not 
even  then  turn  over  its  flag  to  the  enemy,  as  required  by  the 
terms  of  the  surrender.  So  frenzied  with  grief  were  those 
gallant  veterans  who  from  Yorktown  to  Appomatox  had  never 
lost  a flag,  that  they  tore  their  shot-riddled  banner  into  tatters, 
and  each  of  them  who  was  fortunate  enough  to  get  a piece  pre- 
served it  as  a memento  of  the  many  fields  on  which  they  and 
their  comrades  had  carried  it  to  victory.  Singular  it  is  that, 
notwithstanding  the  spirit  of  devotion  thus  typified,  not  a mem- 
ber of  the  regiment  during  all  the  years  since  Appomatox  has 
undertaken  the  task  of  writing  its  history.  Indeed,  during 
the  civil  war  there  were  very  few  letters  written  from  the 
regiment  to  the  press  at  home  — not  one  that  the  writer  can 
now  lay  hand  upon,  to  help  him  in  his  task.  The  general  his- 
torian records  that  the  men  of  the  8th  were  fighters,  but  they 
have  written  little  for  the  press  — far  too  little. 

When  recently  it  was  published  that  at  the  request  of 
Dr.  Thomas  M.  Owen,  Director  of  the  Department  of  Archives 
and  History  at  Montgomery,  I had  undertaken  this  history,  a 
iett€T  came  from  Captain  W(illian)  L.  Fagan  of  Company  K, 
now  living  near  Havana,  Greene  County,  Ala.,  offering  me  a 
diary  he  had  kept,  making  frequent  entries  in  it  during  the 
whole  war,  even  down  to  Appomatox,  where  he  was  present. 
The  regiment  contained  no  more  reliable  officer  than  gallant 
Captain  Fagan,  and  I have,  therefore,  made  much  use  of  his 
memoranda.  There  is  before  me  also  “A  Short  History  of  the 
8th  Alabama  Regiment,”  written  by  myself  in  camp  near 
Orange  C.  H.,  Va.,  in  the  winter  of  1868-4,  in  response  to  a 
request,  or  order,  from  Colonel  (William  Henry)  Fowler,  the 
Adjutant  General  of  Governor  (Thomas  Hill)  Watts,  requiring 
such  a report  from  officers  at  the  head  of  several  Alabama 
commands.  From  this  little  sketch  the  following  is  a quotation : 

In  the  accounts  of  each  battle  I have  consulted  with 
those  officers  who  were  most  cognizant  of  the  facts, 
and  this  account  has  been  open  to  the  inspection  of  all 
the  officers  of  the  regiment.  Their  comments  have 
been  invited  and  I have  in  several  instances  availed 


19  7 7 


13 


myself  of  their  suggestions.  — The  writer  has  been 
obliged  to  mention  his  own  name  oftener  than  he  would 
have  desired  in  a writing  of  his  own.  This  has  been 
unavoidable  from  the  nature  of  the  report  called  for, 
and  the  relation  the  writer  has  sustained  to  the  regi- 
ment. 

A like  apology  is  perhaps  now  again  necessary,  as  I un- 
dertake the  task  assigned  me,  of  writing  more  fully  and  at- 
tempting to  give  a life  color  to  the  history  made  by  my  comrades. 

It  is  scarcely  fair,  however,  to  myself,  to  speak  of  this  little 
work  as  “a  task”  imposed  upon  me  and  executed  under  orders. 
It  has  been  entered  upon  with  alacrity,  and  with  a spirit  of 
thankfulness  that  I Have  at  least  been  able  to  devote  a portion 
of  my  time  to  the  performance  of  this  which  has  now  come  to 
be  a duty  to  my  comrades,  dead  and  living. 

Most  assuredly  the  fullness  of  time  has  come  when  some- 
thing more  ought  to  be  written,  not  only  of  the  history  of 
the  8th  Alabama,  but  also  of  Wilcox's  Brigade,  of  which  it 
formed  a past.  This  has  been  to  me  painfully  manifest  as  I 
have  proceeded  with  my  investigations,  for  I have  found  no 
extended  notice  anywhere,  either  of  the  Brigade,  or  of  the 
8th,  9th,  10th,  11th,  or  14th  Alabama,  which  composed  it. 

What  I have  found  is,  that  at  Salem  Church,  where  on 
May  3,  1863,  Wilcox’s  brigade  was  the  chief  factor  in  one  of 
the  most  glorious  victories  of  the  war,  somebody  has  set  up 
a tablet  stating  that  the  battle  was  won  by  General  (Jubal  A.) 
Early,  when  Early  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  he  and  his  com- 
mand being  some  five  miles  away. 

Again  I have  discovered  that  recently  some  of  the  survivors 
of  Mahone’s  old  brigade  were  making  the  claim  that  they  were 
entitled  to  the  chief  credit  of  the  great  Confederate  triumph 
at  the  Crater,  July  30,  1864,  and  that  they  were  for  a time 
discussing  the  project  of  setting  up  a memorial  tablet  to  their 
command  on  the  Crater  proper,  when  the  fact  is  that  Wilcox’s 
brigade  captured  the  Crater  proper  and  Mahone  only  cap- 
tured the  works  to  the  left  of  it. 


14 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


To  say,  however,  that  it  was  Wilcox’s  brigade  that  cap- 
tured the  Crater  is  not  historically  correct,  except  in  this : When 
the  8th,  9th,  10th,  11th,  and  14th  Alabama  first  came  together 
Wilcox  was  their  commander.  Under  him  they  first  won  repu- 
tation, and  therefore  its  soldiers  generally,  during  the  whole 
war,  and  its  survivors  always  since  Appomatox,  refer  to  them- 
selves as  members  of  Wilcox’s  brigade;  but  this  by  no  means 
implies  any  imputation  on  the  brave  generals  who  subsequently 
had  charge  of  it.  After  Wilcox  had  been  promoted  away  from 
us,  Abner  Perrin  was  our  general,  until  he  was  killed  at  Spot- 
sylvania, May  11,  1864;  then  John  C.  C.  Sanders,  till  he  was 
killed  near  Petersburg,  June  22,  1864;  and  then  (Brigadier 
General)  W(illiam)  H.  Forney  was  its  general  until  the  sur- 
render. General  Sanders  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  having 
led  at  the  Crater.  All  our  commanders  wTere  gallant  officers 
and  were  in  turn  idolized  by  the  brigade,  yet  it  is  natural, 
however,  that  these  old  veterans  should  cling  always  to  the 
name  by  which  the  five  regiments,  as  an  organization,  were 
first  baptized  with  fire  and  glory  in  the  battles  around  Rich- 
mond in  1862. 

The  istory  of  the  8th  Alabama  is,  to  a large  extent,  neces- 
sarily a history  of  the  brigade  of  which  it  formed  a part,  and 
it  is  hoped  that  the  survivors  of  the  9th,  10th,  11th,  and  14th 
Alabama  Regiments  will  find  in  these  pages  a contribution  which 
will  be  of  value  to  them  and  to  the  memory  of  their  dead 
comrades. 

With  sincere  regrets  that  other  demands  upon  my  time 
have  prevented  me  from  making  this  little  work  more  thorough 
than  it  can  pretend  to  be,  and  yet  with  the  feeling  that  what 
is  here  set  down  has  been  written  with  an  earnest  desire  to 
state  facts  as  they  were,  I submit  this  little  work  to  the  public ; 
and  especially  do  I ask  for  these  pages  the  kindly  consideration 
of  the  noble  women  of  our  State.  It  was  the  patriotism,  the 
enthusiasm,  the  devotion  and  self-sacrificing  spirit  of  our  women 
that,  more  than  all  else,  nerved  the  hearts  of  the  Alabama 
soldiers  who  fought  under  Magruder  and  Johnston  and  Lee 
from  Yorktown  to  Appomatox. 


Hilary  A.  Herbert 

Last  Colonel  8th  Ala.  Vols. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  June  1906 


19  7 7 


15 


INTRODUCTORY 

The  Volunteer  Spirit  of  1861.  Causes. 

The  formation  in  the  spring  of  1861  of  the  Confederate 
States  of  America  was  greeted  with  transports  of  delight,  and 
young  men  who  were  the  flower  of  the  land  volunteered  into 
its  armies  with  an  alacrity  which  the  reader  of  today  will  fail 
to  understand  without  a brief  survey  of  pre-existing  conditions. 
We  were  then  exulting  over  the  dissolution  of  a union  that  at 
that  time  unfortunately  had  become  hateful  and  we  hailed 
with  great  gladness  the  setting  up  of  a government  of  our  own, 
just  as  the  Norwegians  were  last  year,  1905,  rejoicing  over 
peaceful  separation  from  Sweden,  their  long  union  with  which 
had  become  irksome  and  intolerable.  In  principle  the  two  cases 
are  parallel.  Between  Sweden  and  Norway,  two  sovereign 
states,  there  was  a limited  union.  Norway  felt  that  Sweden, 
the  majority  nation,  was  claiming  and  exercising  powers  not 
authorized  by  the  Act  of  Union.  There  was  no  one  to  judge 
between  the  two  sovereign  States,  and  Norway  seceded.  Our 
case  was  the  same. 

The  government  at  Washington  was  a limited  union,  formed 
by  sovereign  States,  each  State  surrendering  for  the  purposes 
of  this  union  certain  powers  specifically  designated  in  the  con- 
stitution that  brought  them  together.  The  broad  limitation 
was  that  all  powers  not  granted  in  this  constitution  were  specifi- 
cally reserved.  The  seceding  Sates  in  1860-1  withdrew  from 
the  union  because  in  their  judgment  the  majority  section  was 
claiming  and  exercising,  and  threatening  still  further  to  exer- 
cise, rights  not  warranted  by  the  constitution,  the  basis  of  a 
union,  which  had  now  become  to  them  exasperating  and  in- 
tolerable, The  two  cases  of  secession  can  be  differentiated  only 
in  this,  that  between  the  two  sections  of  the  American  union 
there  existed  far  more  bitterness,  and  there  had  been  far  more 
of  vituperation  and  personal  abuse,  than  has  ever  prevailed 
between  the  people  of  Sweden  and  Norway. 

The  Southern  people  believe  in  the  right  of  a State  to 
secede  peaceably  from  our  union,  just  as  Norway  has  recently 
done  from  its  union  with  Sweden,  whenever  in  its  own  judg- 
ment the  State  had  good  cause;  and  public  opinion  on  the  sub- 


16 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


ject  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic  is  thus  stated  by  that 
eminent  historiographer,  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge : 

When  the  constitution  was  adopted  by  the  votes  of 
States  at  Philadelphia,  and  accepted  by  the  votes  of 
States  in  popular  convention,  it  is  safe  to  say  there 
was  not  a man  in  the  country,  from  Washington  and 
Hamilton  on  the  one  side,  to  George  Clinton  and  George 
Mason  on  the  other,  who  regarded  the  new  system  as 
anything  but  an  experiment,  entered  upon  by  the 
States,  and  from  which  each  and  every  State  had  the 
right  to  peaceably  withdraw,  a right  which  was  very 
likely  to  be  exercised. 

Certain  it  is  that  the  union  could  never  have  been  formed 
if  it  had  been  plainly  written  down  in  the  constitution  that  the 
general  government  was  to  be  the  ultimate  judge  of  its  own 
powers. 

In  1797,  only  eight  years  after  the  adoption  of  our  Federal 
constitution,  Oliver  Edwards,  who  had  been  a member  of  the 
convention,  and  Rufus  King,  both  then  United  States  Senators 
from  Massachusetts,  confidentially  informed  “John  Taylor  of 
Caroline/’  that  if  Congress  should  persist  in  carrying  out  cer- 
tain policies  the  New  England  States  might  conclude  to  with- 
draw from  the  union. 

During  the  war  of  1812,  Congress,  as  a war  measure,  im- 
posed an  embargo  on  American  shipping.  This  bore  hard  on 
the  shipping  interests  of  New  England,  and  in  1815,  delegates 
representing  the  New  England  States  in  a convention  at  Hart- 
ford, threatened  to  secede  from  the  union.  But  New  England 
did  not  secede.  Soon  after  the  Hartford  convention  peace  came 
with  Great  Britain,  the  embargo  terminated,  and  the  trouble 
was  at  an  end. 

Had  the  New  England  States  in  1815  put  into  effect  their 
threat  to  secede,  it  is  safe  to  say  there  would  have  been  no 
effort  to  resist  the  movement  by  an  armed  force.  Public  opinion 
would  not  have  sanctioned  it.  But  during  forty-five  years  of 
prosperity  intervening  between  1815  and  1860  there  had  been 
a wonderful  growth  of  union  sentiment  in  the  North,  which 


19  7 7 


17 


had  found  in  the  cotton  producing  South  the  best  possible  mar- 
ket for  its  manufactures,  its  meats  and  its  braadstuffs.  Im- 
migration, too,  had  greatly  strengthened  Union  sentiments  at 
the  North.  Millions  cf  foreigners  had  come  into  that  section, 
knowing  nothing  of  the  history  of  our  government,  or  of  the 
Constitution,  its  basis.  All  they  knew  was  that  this  was  a 
great  and  free  country,  and  with  them  dismemberment  was 
not  debatable.  There  was  also  a continually  growing  patriotic 
pride  in  the  rapidly  increasing  strength  and  power  of  the  United 
States,  now  coming  into  the  front  rank  of  nations.  But  the 
Southern  people,  — how  could  they,  in  1860,  feel  pride  in  a gov- 
ernment which  from  their  viewpoint  no  longer  protected  them 
in  their  rights? 

The  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  had  now  completely 
estranged  the  two  sections.  In  my  effort  to  show  how  this 
deplorable  result  came  about,  I shall  rely  for  my  most  important 
statements  on  the  two  most  eminent  Northern  historians  who 
have  written  of  it,  (William)  Goodell,  the  Abolition  Historian, 
“Slavery  and  Anti-Slavery, ” 1852,  and  (James  Ford)  Rhodes, 
“History  of  the  United  States,”  Boston.  Goodell  is  the  highest 
authority  among  Abolition  writers.  Mr.  Rhodes  is  the  greatest 
living  American  historian,  though  he  makes  no  attempt  to  dis- 
guise the  fact  that  he  is  a follower  of  the  Republican  party. 

The  Crusade  of  the  “Modern  Abolitionists 1831-61. 

The  name  “Modern  Abolitionists”  attaches  to  those  who 
founded  in  the  North  an  anti-slavery  party  in  1831,  because  they 
promulgated  the  idea,  then  distinctly  modern , that  the  people  of 
the  whole  Union  were  morally  responsible  for  the  sin  of  slavery 
wherever  and  as  long  as  it  existed  in  any  part  of  the  United. 
States.  Previous  opinion  had  been  that,  as  the  constitution 
gave  the  general  government  no  power  over  slavery  in  the 
States,  voters  in  the  free  States  ought  not  to  trouble  their  con- 
sciences about  the  transgressions  of  their  friends  in  the  slave 
States.  This  new  or  modern  idea  first  took  shape  in  “The 
Liberator,”  established  in  Boston,  Mass.,  January  1,  1831,  by 
William  Lloyd  Garrison. 

The  consequences  which  followed  the  founding  of  this  new 
school  and  which  it  is  the  purpose  of  this  chapter  to  briefly 


18 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


sketch,  constitute  one  of  the  most  remarkable  episodes  in  the 
history  of  mankind,  finding  parallels  only  in  the  crusades  of 
the  middle  ages  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and 
in  the  history  of  the  Reformation.  Yet  the  acknowledged  | 
founder,  or  to  speak  more  accurately,  organizer  of  “Modern 
Abolitionism,”  was  not  intellectually  remarkable.  In  this  re- 
gard he  was  distinctly  inferior  to  Wendell  Phillips,  Theodore 
Parker,  James  Julian,  and  hundreds  of  others  who  accepted  his 
tenets  and  became  his  disciples.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  was 
great,  if  great  at  all,  only  in  his  self  sacrificing  devotion  to  a 
single  idea,  and  he  attracted  attention  not  by  his  ability  as  a 
writer,  but  by  the  boldness  with  which  he  denounced  slavery 
and  slaveholders.  His  success  illustrates  the  fact  that  a wire 
of  moderate  size  suffices  to  bring  down  lightning  from  a cloud 
that  is  surcharged  with  electricity. 

The  mighty  wave  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  that  sprang  up 
in  Europe  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  centurv  was  just  i 
about  in  1831  to  complete  its  great  work  in  the  British  parlia- 
ment; it  had  also  freed,  or  provided  for  the  ultimate  freedom 
of  slaves  in  the  northern  States  of  our  Union;  and  now  the 
progress  of  manumission  by  State  legislatures  had  stopped 
short,  at  least  for  the  present,  at  the  borders  of  those  of  our 
States  where  slaves  were  most  numerous.  Within  these  States 
the  problem  was  being  debated,  but  at  the  time  men  in  the 
North,  who  believed  slavery  to  be  a curse,  had  many  of  them 
begun  to  doubt  whether  the  South  would  ever  see  its  way  to 
emancipation. 

Even  at  the  time  of  this  writing  there  are  many  broad-- 
minded men  in  that  section,  who,  while  admitting  that  the  ag- 
gressive program  of  the  Modern  Abolitionists  was  lawless,  never- 
theless make  for  them  the  plea  that  the  Southern  States  would 
not  voluntarily  have  manumitted  their  slaves,  and  that  the 
crusade  was  a necessity  if  slavery  was  ever  to  be  abolished. 
My  study  of  history  does  not  incline  me  to  accept  this  view. 
My  belief  is  that  the  South,  if  left  alone,  would  have  fallen 
into  line  with  the  growing  sentiment  of  the  age  and  long  before 
this  would  have  found  its  way  to  emancipation.  Certain  I am 
that  if  the  North,  while  refusing  to  advocate  or  contenance  slave 
insurrections  in  the  South,  had  proposed  and  voted  for  a con- 
stitutional amendment  authorizing  the  general  government  to 


19  7 7 


19 


abolish  slavery  and  make  compensation  to  owners  from  the 
public  purse,  as  Great  Britain  did,  the  South  would  have  ac- 
cepted the  terms  with  gladness.  Such  a scheme,  or  even  some 
modification  of  it  showing  that  Northern  Abolitionists  were 
willing  to  accept  a reasonable  share  of  the  burden  of  emanci- 
pation, would  have  been  fair  and  equitable.  But  no  such  propo- 
sition seems  to  have  occurred  to  the  northern  mind,  and  it  is 
therefore  fair  to  assume  that  if  “The  Liberator”  had  begun  its 
crusade  on  that  line  this  generation  would  never  have  heard 
the  name  of  Mr.  Garrison. 

Speculation  however  as  to  what  might  have  been  is  profit- 
less. Let  me  write  of  these  things  as  they  were.  The  Crusade 
of  the  “Modern  Abolitionists”  was  conducted  on  the  idea,  from 
start  to  finish,  that  the  Southern  slaveholder  was  to  “pay  the 
piper,”  that  the  sin  of  slavery  in  the  South  was  something  the 
Northern  people  were  answerable  for  and  that  therefore  it  was 
to  be  abolished  by  their  efforts  and  yet  without  any  compen- 
sation to  the  slave  owners. 

Slavery  had  once  existed  everywhere  in  the  United  States, 
but  in  the  Northern  States  there  had  been  only  a few  slaves 
bcause  “the  soil  there  was  not  adapted  to  slave  culture.”  Into 
the  South  importations  had  been  more  numerous  because  slavery 
there  was  profitable.  Originally  the  importing  and  buying  of 
slaves  was  not  a question,  either  North  or  South,  of  morals, 
but  of  profit.  But  later  a tide  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  swept 
over  the  world,  and  in  1831  the  Northern  States  had  virtually 
already  emancipated  all  their  slaves  that  had  not  been  sold  to 
the  South.  In  some  of  these  States  the  laws  had  provided  that 
the  process  should  be  gradual.  Professor  Ingram  says  the  prin- 
cipal operation  of  these  latter  laws  was  “to  transfer  Northern 
slaves  to  Southern  markets.”  (History  of  Slavery.  London, 
1895,  p.  184,  by  Professor  (John  Kells)  Ingram) 

In  the  Southern  States,  long  before  1831,  slavery  had  be- 
come the  bedrock  of  social  and  economical  institutions,  and  there 
it  was  much  more  difficult  to  get  rid  of  the  fateful  institution. 
Nevertheless  many  philanthropists  in  the  South  were  moving  for 
emancipation.  Popular  leaders  like  Jefferson  and  Clay  favored 
it,  and  if  we  can  take  the  United  States  census  (free  blacks) 
as  authority,  the  people  of  the  thirteen  slave  States  had,  in 


20 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


1830,  freed  44,541  more  slaves  by  individual  action  than  had 
been  freed  in  the  thirteen  Northern  states  of  individual  and 
state  action  combined. 

In  1831  “in  the  slave  states  the  opinion  prevailed  that 
slavery  in  the  abstract  was.  an  evil.”  (Goodell,  pp.  10-11) 
(Josephus  N.  Larned,  History  of  Ready  Reference,  Vol.  v.  p. 
3371)  (Rhodes,  Vol.  I,  p.  54) 

It  was  an  inherited  evil,  coming  over  from  times  when 
slavery  was  not  thought  to  be  wrong,  and  practically  it  was 
difficult  to  deal  with.  How  were  owners  to  be  compensated 
for  emancipation,  and  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  negroes 
if  freed?  The  Southern  people  were  addressing  themselves 
seriously  to  these  questions,  and  Judge  (Oliver  Perry)  Temple 
tells  us,  in  the  “Covenanter,  Puritan  and  Cavalier,”  that  in  1826 
cut  of  143  emancipation  societies  in  the  United  States,  103  were 
in  the  South. 

“Miss  Martineau,  (a  noted  author1  and  traveller  of  that 
day),  had  conversed  with  many  people  on  the  subject  (slavery) 
but  she  met  with  only  one  person  who  altogether  defended  the 
situation.”  (Rhodes,  Vol.  I,  p.  54) 

There  had,  it  is  true,  as  far  back  as  1819  been  a sectional 
dispute  about  slavery.  Missouri  in  that  year  had  applied  for 
admission  as  a state,  with  a constitution  authorizing  slavery; 
objection  was  made  and  a very  exciting  debate  followed.  The 
Southern  people,  although  the  thoughtful  among  them  were  not 
then  ready  to  make  what  the  lawyers  call  “full  defense”  of 
their  inherited  institution,  resented  this  interference  with  a 
matter  that,  as  they  contended,  concerned  the  states  alone.  The 
Missouri  constitution  was  like  theirs,  and  by  sanctioning  slavery 
the  new  state  would  relieve  the  South  of  some  of  its.  slaves 
without  adding  to  the  number  of  this  population  in  the  United 
States,  their  importation  having  long  ago  been  forbidden  by 
statute. 

No  doubt  the  debates  in  Congress  over  Missouri  were  bitter, 
and  it  is  certainly  true  that  many  of  the  speakers  naturally 
went  to  great  lengths  in  defending  an  institution  prevailing 
among  their  constitutents ; but  the  question,  which  then  related 


19  7 7 


21 


only  to  slavery  in  the  territories  and  new  states,  was  settled 
by  the  great  Compromise  of  1820.  This  let  in  Missouri  with 
slavery  and  provided  that  thereafter  every  state  coming  from 
north  of  a line  drawn  on  the  parallel  36  degrees,  30  minutes, 
extending  to  our  then  Western  border,  should  be  free,  and  that 
any  territory  applying  for  admission  as  a state  south  of  that 
line  might  have  slavery  or  not,  as  its  constitution  might  provide. 
This  was  the  settlement  of  the  question  so  far  as  our  territories 
were  concerned.  As  to  the  States  in  which  slavery  then  existed , 
the  underlying  postulate  of  the  agreement  reached  was , that 
they  were  left  to  deal  with  it  for  themselves. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  was  intended  to  take  the  question 
of  slavery  entirely  ouf  of  national  politics  and  to  be  final,  and 
so  no  doubt  it  would  have  been,  if  anti-slavery  people  at  the 
North  had  allowed  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  thereafter 
to  deal  with  this  purely  domestic  institution  in  their  own  way, 
as  the  Constitution  of  the  Union  plainly  provided.  And  the 
spirit  of  their  Compromise  would  have  extended  the  line  of  36 
degrees,  30  minutes  to  the  Pacific  ocean,  when  subsequently  we 
had  acquired  new  territory  to  the  westward. 

The  great  pact  of  1820  had  proved  beneficent;  it  quieted 
agitation.  Eleven  years  had  passed,  and  the  Southern  people 
were  now  discussing  in  their  own  emancipation  societies  the 
institution  with  which  they  found  themselves  encumbered;  and 
as  to  the  thought,  at  that  time,  of  the  North,  Daniel  Webster, 
in  hi*s  debate  with  (Robert  Young)  Hayne  in  1831,  expressed 
it  this  way:  Whether  slavery  is  a curable  or  an  incurable  evil 
“I  leave  it  to  those  whose  very  duty  it  is  to  decide,  and  this  I 
believe  is,  and  uniformly  has  been,  the  sentiment  of  the  North.” 

Who  disturbed  these  conditions?  Who  violated  the  Missouri 
Compromise?  If  I have  studied  the  question  fairly  and  do  not 
mistake  the  imports  of  the  facts  I am  about  to  relate,  it  was 
the  Abolition  party,  starting  in  1831,  and  the  northern  congress- 
men and  legislators  and  mobs  later  joining  with  it  that  were 
the  destroyers  of  that  compromise,  as  well  as  of  the  peace  it 
had  brought  about. 

The  “Liberator”  was  established  in  Boston  by  Garrison 
January,  1831,  for  the  purpose  of  convincing  the  northern  people 


22  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

that  slavery  “was  a concern  of  theirs.”  Garrison  was  for  “im- 
mediate emancipation,”  and  the  “American  Anti-Slavery  Con- 
vention,” an  outgrowth  of  the  agitation  headed  by  the  Libera- 
tor, two  years  later  in  Philadelphia  added  the  words  “and  un- 
conditional,” making  the  announcement  read  “immediate  and 
unconditional  emancipation.”  Because  of  this  new  conten- 
tion — that  slavery  in  the  Southern  States  was  a concern  of 
the  northern  people,  Goodell  and  Rhodes  and  all  other  accurate 
writers  denominate  the  party  now  founded  as  the  “New  Aboli- 
tionists.” The  underlying  idea  of  this  new  school  was  that  the 
States  where  slavery  still  existed  would  not,  and  that  therefore 
the  general  government  must,  abolish  the  institution  within 
their  limits. 

There  were  two  obstacles  in  the  way,  and  two  only.  First, 
the  want  of  power  in  the  general  government  to  effectuate 
manumission  in  the  States.  This  the  advocates  of  the  new  school 
refused  to  discuss.  Constitutions  were  not  to  stand  in  their  way. 
The  second  was  the  question  of  compensation  to  the  peoples  who 
had  inherited  the  institution  of  slavery.  The  British  parliament 
just  about  that  time  under  similar  circumstances  appropriated 
20,000,000  pounds  ($100,000,000)  to  compensate  the  owners  of 
slaves  manumitted  in  the  West  Indies.  The  answer  of  the 
American  philanthropists  to  this  was  that  the  poor  slave,  and 
not  the  wicked  master,  was  entitled  to  compensation. 

A new  party  has  been  born.  It  was  the  offspring  of  a 
union  between  philanthropy  and  outlawry.  Its  platform  was 
“immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation”  in  the  States  and 
everywhere  else.  For  the  Missouri  Compromise  this  new  party 
substituted  “no  compromise  with  slavery.”  Their  method,  as 
announced  in  “The  Liberator,”  was  to  draw  attention  to  the 
horrors  of  slavery  and  to  “make  the  slaveholder  himself  odious.” 

The  reflective  reader  will  at  once  see  that  the  most  effective 
workers  along  these  lines  would  be  the  writers  and  the  orators 
who  could  most  successfully  paint  slavery  as  the  most  hellish  of 
institutions  and  the  slaveholder  as  the  most  fiendish  of  human 
beings.  In  the  carrying  out  of  such  a program,  if  the  Abolition 
writers  and  speakers  were  only  fallible  mortals  and  speakers 
(and  they  were),  there  would  always  be  temptation,  increasing 
as  passions  waxed  hotter,  to  overdraw  the  picture.  In  the  out- 


19  7 7 


23 


set  Garrison  said  in  his  paper:  “On  this  subject  I do  not  wish 
to  think  or  speak  or  write  with  moderation” 

The  Abolition  leaders  were  not  all  saints;  neither  on  the 
other  hand  were  those  whom  they  had  deliberately  chosen  to 
personally  antagonize.  The  Southerners  were  hot-blooded,  and 
if  the  North  was  to  be  aroused  from  its  present  complacency 
about  slavery  by  torrents  of  denunciation  launched  by  the  new 
sect  at  the  iniquities  of  their  Southern  brethren,  no  one  could 
fail  to  see,  at  least  in  part,  the  indignation  that  would  be  aroused 
among  the  luckless  slaveholders. 

The  South  right  along,  and  for  a time  the  North,  with  great 
unanimity  looked  on  these  “New  Abolition”  enthusiasts  as 
nothing  better  than  cheap  philanthropists,  who  proposed  to  take 
away  other  people’s  property  without  taxing  themselves  a penny ; 
and  most  certainly  their  avowed  program  was  absolutely  with- 
out warrant  in  the  constitution  of  their  country.  But  many  of 
them  soon  showed  the  true  spirit  of  martyrs  — a willingness 
to  sacrifice  friendships,  property,  and  even  endanger  life  itself, 
if  need  be.  Strange  indeed  is  fanaticism  ! 

Amid  the  tranquility  then  prevailing,  the  sound  of  the  new 
doctrines  was  like  a fire  bell  in  the  stillness  of  the  night. 

The  north  regarded  the  agitators  as  disturbers  of  the  peace. 
“Good  Society,”  etc.,  “opposed  the  movement”  — (Rhodes). 
“The  vast  powers  wielded  by  clerical  bodies,  missionary  boards, 
conventions,  and  managers  and  committees  of  benevolent  so- 
cieties” were  wielded  “to  cripple  and  crush  abolitionists,  who 
would  persist  in  agitating  the  slave  question.”  (Goodell,  p. 
436). 

Meetings  of  Abolitionists  were  frequently  broken  up,  their 
printing  presses  destroyed,  and  now  and  then  thedr  speakers 
were  subjected  to  violence.  But  this  was  not  the  way,  if  indeed 
there  was  any  way,  to  put  down  the  new  cult.  The  crusaders 
cried  out  persecution  and  thus  gained  recruits.  They  mul- 
tiplied and  became  more  extreme.  A new  tenet  was  “No  wicked 
enactment  can  be  morally  binding.”  The  reply  to  the  argUr 
ments  of  the  preachers  that  the  Bible  sanctioned  slavery  was 
a demand  for  “an  anti-slavery  Bible  and  an  anti-slavery  God.” 


24 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


To  statesmen  their  response  was  that  the  constitution  was  a 
“league  with  Hell  and  a covenant  with  Death.”  “Per  fas  et 
nefas”  they  meant  to  go  forward.  They  wrought  and  they 
suffered,  biding  the  time  when  office  seekers  should  come  to 
their  help.  This  they  knew,  or  at  least  the  wiser  among  them 
soon  came  to  know,  would  be  whenever  a new  distribution  of 
the  loaves  and  fishes  should  be  in  sight. 

The  indigation  with  which  the  South  regarded  the  organi- 
zation of  this  effort  to  take  away  their  property  without  com- 
pensation, and  this  by  overriding  the  constitution,  was  only 
equalled  by  the  alarm  of  what  soon  followed  the  birth  of  the 
“New  Abolitionists.”  Scarcely  had  the  teachings  of  the  Liber- 
ator” been  well  ventilated  in  the  press,  North  and  South,  when 
within  seven  months  after  its  establishment  occurred  in  South- 
hampton county,  Va.,  the  Nat  Turner  slave  insurrection,  in 
which  sixty-one  men,  women  and  children  were  murdered  at 
night.  Turner  could  read,  Southampton  county  was  accessible 
to  the  mails,  and  Southerners  naturally  connected  the  “Libera- 
tor” with  the  insurrection.  This  horror  gave  no  pause  to  “The 
Liberator”  or  to  the  circulation  of  incendiary  literature  through 
the  South  in  the  mails.  To  such  an  extent  did  this  practice  in- 
crease that  in  1837  President  Andrew  Jackson,  widely  known 
for  his  devotion  to  the  Union,  .sent  a message  to  Congress 
recommending  legislation  to  prevent  the  transmission  in  the 
mails  of  “inflammatory  appeals,  addressed  to  the  passions  of 
the  slaves,  in  prints  and  in  various  sorts  of  publications,  calcu- 
lated to  stimulate  them  to  insurrection  and  to  produce  all  the 
horrors  of  a civil  war.” 

Nothing  came  of  the  message. 

Of  course  emancipation  societies  in  the  South  were  now 
ended,  for  to  discuss  there  the  wrongfulness  of  slavery  would 
have  been  to  light  a match  over  a magazine.  My  mother,  prior 
to  the  Nat  Turner  insurrection,  had  favored  some  method  of 
freeing  the  slaves,  but  thenceforward  she  was  silent,  not  even 
telling  her  views  to  her  own  son,  born  afterwards,  though  she 
lived  till  he  was  seventeen  years  old.  Indeed,  so  fearful  was 
my  mother  of  insurrections  that  when  my  father  removed  from 
South  Carolina  to  Alabama  in  1846,  she  induced  him  to  select 
for  his  residence  a county  in  which  the  whites  predominated. 


19  7 7 


25 


When  there  could  no  longer  be  but  one  side  of  the  slavery 
question  at  the  South,  and  when  Abolitionists  were  continually 
charging  “wickedness”  and  “brutality”  and  “folly,”  Southerners 
naturally  came  to  advocate  the  righteousness  and  wisdom  of 
the  institution.  But  it  took  years  to  bring  this  about.  Rhodes 
tells  us  that  the  distinguished  William  Gilmore  Sims,  of  South 
Carolina,  boasted,  in  1852,  that  fifteen  years  before  he  had 
been  one  of  the  first  to  advocate  that  slavery  was  “a  great  good 
and  a great  blessing.”  If  Mr.  Sims’  statement  is  entitled  to 
credence,  then  it  was  only  in  1837,  or  six  years  after  the  “The 
Liberator”  began  to  denounce  slaveholders,  that  the  crusaders 
had  succeeded  in  driving  the  Southern  people  to  begin  to  make 
“full  defense”  of  slavery. 

Quite  promptly,  however,  their  press,  their  orators,  and 
their  Church  had  taken  up  the  defense  of  the  Southerners. 

But,  crimination  begets  recrimination,  and  excitement, 
North  and  South,  grew  by  what  it  fed  upon.  The  time  had  at 
length  come  when  if  in  the  one  section  no  voice  was  lifted  ex- 
cept to  defend  slavery,  so  in  the  other  all  were  its  assailants. 
After  a few  years  of  tribulation  the  new  idea  began  to  spread, 
for  fanaticism  is  contagious.  In  1840  there  were  already  in 
the  north  2,000  abolition  -societies  with  a membership  of  200,000, 
all  advocating  the  immediate  emancipation,  through  the  power 
of  the  General  Government,  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States, 
without  compensation  to  owners. 

In  1844  Texas,  an  empire  in  extent  and  resources,  invaluable 
to  us  because  of  her  contiguity  and  her  position  on  the  Gulf, 
and  for  which  we  were  not  to  pay  a single  dollar,  applied  to 
come  into  the  Union,  and  her  application  was  denied  because 
her  constitution  allowed  slavery;  and  this  although  most  of  her 
domain  lay  South  of  36  degrees,  30  minutes.  And  for  two 
years  longer  this  same  anti-slavery  sentiment,  now  widespread 
at  the  North,  having  no  regard  for  the  spirit  of  the  great  com- 
promise, kept  Texas  out.  In  1848  a bill  was  before  Congress 
appropriating  money  to  aid  the  United  States  in  negotiating 
a peace  treaty  with  Mexico,  by  which  we  were  to  acquire  valuable 
territory  and  round  out  our  possessions  to  the  Pacific  ocean. 
Much  of  this  territory  lay  South  of  36  degrees,  30  minutes. 
True,  this  was  not  technically  within  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
but  this  was  only  because  the  territory  lay  further  west  than 


26 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


our  possessions  had  extended  in  1820.  Now  again,  in  disregard 
of  the  spirit  and  intent  of  the  famous  compromise,  David 
Wilmot,  a Democrat  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  as  a proviso  that 
slavery  be  excluded  from  all  the  territory  to  be  acquired  by  the 
treaty  with  Mexico,  and  the  proviso  was  carried  in  the  House 
by  nineteen  majority. 

In  1844  the  Abolitionist  carried  enough  votes  for  their  can- 
didates to  turn  the  scales  in  the  presidential  election. 

In  1848  the  Presidential  election  was  again  decided  by  anti- 
slavery votes,  anti-slavery  Democrats  voting  against  their  party 
nominee  in  New  York  State  and  thus  electing  (Zachary)  Taylor. 
The  Tide  was  becoming  a tidal  wave,  and  the  Abolitionists  had 
well  nigh  accomplished  their  purpose  of  arraying  the  North 
against  the  South.  Northern  churches  instead  of  defending 
•slaveholders  as  formerly,  were  now  bitterly  denouncing  and  dis- 
solving connection  with  their  Southern  brethren.  Northern 
mobs,  instead  of  assailing  abolitionists  as  formerly,  were  now 
attacking  “slave  catchers,”  the  owners  who  sought  to  reclaim 
their  property  under  a law  of  Congress  passed  in  pursuance  of 
the  constitution.  And  Northern  States  were  aiding  in  the  ob- 
struction of  this  law,  fourteen  out  of  nineteen  having  already 
passed  for  this  purpose  “personal  liberty’’  laws.  In  1848,  Rhodes 
says,  “every  one  of  the  free  States,  except  Iowa,  had  passed 
resolutions  endorsing  the  Wilmot  proviso  and  declaring  that 
Congress  had  the  power,  and  it  was  its  duty,  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  the  territories,”  whether  they  were  North  or  South  of  86 
degrees,  30  minutes.  The  Missouri  Compromise  was  a dead 
letter.  Its  intent  had  been  to  secure  peace  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion, not  only  as  to  our  territories,  but  everywhere.  Now  it 
was  plain  there  was  to  be  no  peace.  And  “personal  liberty” 
laws,  the  “Wilmot  proviso”  in  the  House,  and  the  votes  of  every 
free  State  Legislature  except  one,  showed  that  there  never  was 
to  be  another  slave  State  admitted.  It  is  strange  that  Southern 
statesmen  did  not  see  it.  They  had  been  swept  off  their  feet. 

Put  on  the  defensive  twenty  years  before,  Southern  leaders 
undoubtedly  did  make  an  aggressive  campaign  to  secure  from 
our  territories  new  slave  states  whose  votes  in  the  Senate  would 
protect  the  rights  of  the  South.  Nevertheless  the  charge, 
gravely  made,  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  Springfield  speech  in 


19  7 7 


27 


June,  1858,  that  the  advocates  of  slavery  meant  to  “push  it 
forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as 
well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South,”  was  purely  imaginary, 
unsupported  at  any  time  by  any  credible  evidence;  but  such 
was  the  madness  of  the  times  that  no  utterance  now  was  too 
absurd  for  belief,  and  that  speech  was  to  make  Mr.  Lincoln 
President. 

Southern  leaders,  however,  had  begun  to  see,  in  the  late 
forties,  that  ultimately  the  constitution  alone  would  be  no  bar- 
rier against  the  tide  Abolitionism  had  put  in  motion.  The  con- 
test, therefore,  over  rights  in  the  territories,  had  waxed  hotter 
year  by  year  for  the  South  wanted  more  votes  in  the  Senate 
as  a barrier.  When  in  1850  California  applied  for  admission, 
with  a free  State  constitution  suddenly  improvised  under  a 
military  government  by  about  50,000  people,  which  was  less 
than  the  usual  number,  and  proposed  to  bring  in  a State  that 
reached  734  miles  from  North  to  South,  the  Southerners  in 
Congress  insisted  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  be  extended 
through  that  territory  to  the  Pacific  Ocean;  and  here  was  a 
deadlock.  Mr.  (Henry)  Clay  once  more  came  forward  as  a 
compromiser.  These  words  were  the  key  to  his  great  speech: 

In  my  opinion,  the  body  politic  cannot  be  preserved 
unless  this  agitation,  this  distraction,  this  exaspera- 
tion which  is  going  on  between  the  two  sections  of  the 
country,  shall  cease. 

Again  there  was  a compromise,  California  wasi  admitted 
with  all  her  long  strip  of  territory,  and  the  South  got  a new 
fugitive  slave  law.  That  is  to  say,  that  bare  majorities  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress  enacted  a law  that  was  intended  to  compel 
the  people  of  the  North  thereafter  to  obey  the  constitution  and 
surrender  fugitives.  A fugitive  slave  law  had  existed  for  sixty 
years,  and  that  law  was  good  enough  so  long  as  it  was  possible, 
as  it  had  been  before  the  days  of  the  abolitionists,  to  execute  it. 

The  presidential  elections  of  1844  and  1848,  the  vote  in 
the  House  on  the  Wilmot  proviso,  “personal  liberty  laws”  passed 
to  nullify  the  fugitive  slave  law,  the  present  attitude  of  the 
northern  press  and  northern  churches,  the  hot  debate  over 
California,  and  above  all,  the  resolutions  of  every  free  State 


28 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


except  Iowa  maintaining  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress!  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  all  territories  without  regard  to  the  line  of 
36  degrees,  30  minutes  named  in  the  Missouri  Compromise,  all 
these  showed  that  the  Abolitionists  had  already  killed  that 
compromise.  They  had  destroyed  the  peace  it  brought  about 
and  they  had  created  a sentiment  that  nullified  “the  geographi- 
cal line  upon  which  it  was  based.”  These  same  considerations 
now  in  1851  made  it  perfectly  clear  to  “astute  politicians,”  as 
Mr.  Rhodes  says,  “that  a dissolution  of  parties  was  imminent, 
that,  to  oppose  the  extension  of  slavery,  the  different  elements 
must  be  fused  into  an  organized  whole,  it  might  be  called  Whig, 
or  some  other  name,  but  it  would  be  based  on  the  principle  of 
the  Wilmot  proviso,”  which  proviso  was  a defiance  of  the  great 
compromise. 

Condensing  Mr.  Rhode's  idea,  the  new  party  was  already 
in  the  womb;  and  it  may  be  added,  that  as  the  electoral  vote 
of  the  North  was  now  over  150  and  that  of  the  South  105, 
and  as  the  North  had  majorities  in  the  House  and  Senate,  those 
“astute  politicians”  were  only  waiting  the  call  to  act  as  ac- 
coucheurs. The  new  party  was  soon  to  appear  and  the  “some 
other  name”  than  Whig  by  which  it  was  to  be  baptized  was 
“Republican.”  It  is  strange  that  this  eminent  and  conscientious 
historian,  after  making  the  above  statement,  should  later  at- 
tempt to  prove  that  the  “raison  d'etre”  of  the  Republican 
party,  whose  pre-natal  existence  he  has  thus  pointed  out,  was 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  passed  some  three  years  later,  but 
in  this  he  is  following  the  generally  accepted  northern  theory, 
that  the  Southerners  were  the  first  to  disregard  the  sacred 
compromise  and  that  they,  by  their  own  folly  in  voting  for  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  act  of  1854,  called  into  existence  the  party 
that  subsequently  overwhelmed  them. 

The  truth  is  that  nothing  was  needed,  after  1851,  to  bring 
about  the  prompt  appearance  of  the  new  party  but  the  signal 
defeat  of  that  one  of  the  two  great  parties  which  in  the  North 
might  prove  to  be  most  thoroughly  imbued  with  anti-slavery 
ideas,  and  this  occurred  in  the  presidential  election  of  1852. 
The  Whigs  had  in  1848  achieved  their  only  victory  in  frnany 
years,  and  that  was  the  result  of  anti-slavery  defections  among 
their  opponents.  The  election  in  1852  was  the  Whig  Waterloo. 
They  could  thereafter  have  no  hope  of  success  except  in  fusion 


19  7 7 


29 


with  anti-slavery  Democrats.  To  help  the  desponding  Whigs 
in  deciding  where  to  go,  “Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin”  came  out  that 
same  year,  and  this  book  as  a leading  emancipationist  said  did 
“more  for  humanity  (anti-slavery)  than  ever  before  was  ac- 
complished by  any  single  book  of  fiction.” 

It  is  perfectly  true  that  the  infant  party,  long  before  stir- 
ring in  the  womb,  first  saw  the  light  of  day  and  was  christened 
“Republican”  shortly  after  the  passage,  May  26,  1854,  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  act,  formally  repealing  the  already  dead  Mis- 
souri Compromise  and  allowing  new  states  thereafter  to  come 
in  with  or  without  slavery  as  their  people  might  decide.  But 
equally  as  effective  as  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act  would,  have 
been  an  application  of^  a territory  to  come  into  the  Union  as  a 
new  state  with  slavery,  South  of  36  degrees,  30  minutes. 

No  doubt  the  birth  of  the  new  party  would  have  followed 
even  a dramatic  episode  attending  an  attempt  to  capture  a 
fugitive  slave.  Indeed  nothing  except  abject  surrender  by  the 
South  could  now  have  prevented  the  formation  of  a new  anti- 
slavery party,  based  on  the  Wilmot  proviso.  This  proviso  rep- 
resented a majority  sentiment  at  the  North.  The  voters  who 
held  to  this  sentiment  would  naturally  come  together  and  quite 
as  naturally  politicians  would  see  to  it  that  there  should  be 
no  unnecessary  delay  in  organizing.  (John  G.)  Nicolay  and 
(John)  Hay  (Life  of  Lincoln,  chap,  xx),  tell  us  of  a meeting  in 
Fond  du  Lac,  Wise.,  in  the  early  months  of  1854,  which  was 
before  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  at  which  fusion 
of  town  leaders  took  place  and  the  name  “Republican”  was 
suggested;  and  these  authors  say  this  was  “only  one  of  many 
similar  demonstrations.” 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  reiterated 
assertions  of  partisan  historians  have  created  a widespread  be- 
lief that  it  was  monstrous,  within  itself  embodied  no  unrea- 
sonable contention.  Its  claim  was  that  United  States  territories 
were  the  common  property  of  all  the  States,  and  that  the  citi- 
zens of  the  several  States  all  had  an  equal  right  to  take  their 
property  there.  This  claim  was  afterwards  fully  sustained  by 
the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States  in  the  Dred  Scott  case. 
Chief  Justice  Taney,  next  to  Marshall  in  ability  and  equal  to 
him  in  purity  of  character,  delivered  the  opinion.  But  so  rabid 


30 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


was  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  North  that  the  decision  was 
spurned,  trampled  under  foot,  and  finally  buried  at  the  Presi- 
dential election  in  1860  under  the  ballots  of  people,  many  of 
whom  had  never  read,  and  others  of  whom  were  unable  to 
read,  the  Constitution  of  their  country,  which  wns  the  basis 
of  the  decision.  The  plain  truth  is  that  with  the  year  1854 
had  come  to  the  fullness  of  time  when,  as  Mr.  Rhodes  says,  “the 
moral  agitation  had  accomplished  its  work,  and  when  the  cause 
(of  anti-slavery)  was  to  be  consigned  to  a political  party  that 
brought  to  a successful  conclusion  the  movement  begun  by  the 
moral  sentiment  of  the  community.”  (Rhodes,  Vol.  I,  p.  66). 
The  “movement  begun  by  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  com- 
munity” (abolitionism)  was  for  the  freeing  of  the  slaves;  in 
the  Southern  States  “unconditionally,”  and  the  “successful  con- 
clusion” of  this  movement  was  accomplished  by  successful  war. 
The  Abolition  party  had  sowed  the  seed.  The  Republican  party 
was  the  flower.  The  fruits  were  secession,  civil  war,  and 
emancipation.  The  aftermath  was  reconstruction  and  universal 
suffrage  for  the  recently  enfranchised  slave. 

The  conservative  force  in  the  North  upon  which  the  South 
relied  to  stay  the  tide  of  anti-slavery  was  the  Democratic  party. 
By  its  aid,  one  more  victory  was  achieved  in  1856,  but  that  was 
simply  delaying  the  inevitable.  Nothing  could  have  turned  back 
the  tide  that  had  set  in. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  Republican  party  existed  only 
in  embryo  when  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  was  passed;  it  is 
admitted  also  that  that  futile  act  hastened  the  birth  and  greatly 
forwarded  the  growth  of  the  new  party,  but  in  view  of  what 
we  have  seen,  it  is  absolutely  marvelous  that  a usually  well- 
informed  public  should  now  accept  the  partisan  statement,  be- 
cause it  has  been  often  repeated,  that  the  country  was  in  1854 
at  peace  on  the  slavery  question,  and  that  that  peace  was 
disturbed  by  the  passage  of  that  law.  The  Act  was  itself  but 
an  ill-advised  attempt  to  devise  a shelter  from  the  storm  that 
was  raging. 

Quite  fortunate  it  was  for  the  Republican  Party,  -which 
could  only  expect  to  live  by  a continuance  of  the  strife  out  of 
which  it  was  born,  that  another  exciting  incident  soon  oc- 
curred — “border  warfare”  in  Kansas.  The  exasperated  South 


19  7 7 


31 


had  lost  its  head  and  tried  to  make  of  that  territory  a slave 
State.  The  Abolitionists  and  Republicans  were  determined  to 
make  it  a free  State.  Armed  men  from  both  sections  poured 
into  the  territory,  Missouri  slave  State  men  being  first  on  the 
ground.  But  the  South  was  no  match  for  the  “Sharpe’s  rifles 
and  Bibles”  that  were  mustered  in  by  the  organized  abolition 
societies  in  the  North.  There  was  ruffianism  on  both  sides 
in  Kansas,  and  there  the  first  blood  was  shed  in  war  between 
the  North  and  South.  The  North  won.  “Bleeding  Kansas” 
had  added  to  the  excitement,  North  and  South,  and  the  Re- 
publican Party  prospered.  When,  in  1856,  this  party  had  put 
its  sectional  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  in  the 
field,  upon  a sectional  platform,  Rufus  Choate,  the  great 
Massachusetts  lawyer,  therefore  a Whig,  voiced  the  sentiment 
of  conservative  people  by  declaring  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every 
one  “to  prevent  the  madness  of  the  times  from  working  its 
maddest  act  — the  permanent  formation  and  the  actual  present 
triumph  of  a party,  which  knows  one-half  of  America  only  to 
hate  it,”  etc. 

The  Republican  ticket  in  the  election  of  1856  carried  a ma- 
jority of  the  Northern  electoral  votes,  but  failed  of  election. 

About  two  years  after  the  formation  of  the  Republican 
Party,  June  16,  1856,  its  future  leader,  Abraham  Lincoln,  was 
declaring,  at  Springfield,  111.,  “this  government  cannot  endure 
permanently,  half  slave  and  half  free.”  And,  seven  months 
later  at  Rochester,  Mr.  (William  H.)  Seward,  another  leader, 
took  up  the  thought  and  said,  “It  is  an  irrepressible  conflict 
between  opposing  and  enduring  forces.” 

In  the  crusade  of  hate  and  passion  that  was  being  carried 
on,  nothing  was  to  extravagant  for  belief.  Uncle  Tom’s  Cabin 
was  then  looked  upon,  and,  in  spite  of  irrefutable  proof  furnished 
by  the  civil  war  of  the  kindly  relations  generally  prevailing  be- 
tween master  and  slave,  it  is  by  many  persons  at  the  North  still 
looked  upon  as  a fair  picture  of  slavery  at  the  South. 

Here  was  the  situation.  The  “underground  railroad”  was 
now  in  full  operation.  Rhodes  estimates  that  1,000  negroes 
per  annum  were  annually  being  successfully  carried  away  from 
their  masters  by  two  well  known  routes,  one  leading  from  Ken- 


32 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


tucky  into  Ohio  and  one  from  Maryland  into  Pennsylvania. 
“Personal  liberty”  laws  were  more  completely  than  ever  nullify- 
ing the  law  of  Congress  for  the  delivery  of  fugitives.  A court 
of  Wisconsin,  with  the  sanction  of  its  Legislature,  took  away 
a fugitive  from  a United  States  marshall,  and  then  refused 
obedience  to  a writ  of  error  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  All  this  the  Republican  press  and  Republican 
orators,  some  of  them  winked  at,  and  most  of  them  applauded. 

The  South  of  course  retorted.  Passion  was  at  a white  heat. 
Northerners  were  accused  of  “stealing”  the  slaves  they  had 
sold  to  us  to  anticipate  emancipation.  Northerners  were  de- 
risively called  dollar-hunters,  devoid  of  honor  and  of  courage. 
And  now  came  from  the  Supreme  Court  the  Dred  Scott  deci- 
sion that  the  territories  were  the  common  property  of  all  the 
people  and  that  slave  owners  had  the  right  to  take  their  prop- 
erty there.  Instead  of  settling  the  main  question  in  dispute 
and  giving  peace,  it  was  met  with  a storm  of  indignation,  the 
echoes  of  which  rang  out  for  a generation. 

“Make  the  slave  holder  odious”  was  the  slogan  of  1831; 
and  it  was  still  the  slogan  when  in  1858  Charles  Sumner  de- 
livered in  the  United  States  Senate  a two  days’  speech,  modeled 
after  the  oration  of  Demosthenes,  when  the  Greek  orator  was 
arousing  the  Athenians  to  fury  against  the  enemies  of  their 
country,  the  Macedonians.  It  was  to  be,  as  Sumner  himself 
declared,  “the  most  thorough  phillipic  ever  delivered  in  a legis- 
lative body,”  and  no  doubt  it  was.  The  veteran  Senator  (Lewis) 
Cass,  of  Michigan,  arose  at  its  conclusion  and  pronounced  it 
“the  most  un-American  and  unpatriotic  that  ever  grated  on  the 
ears  of  this  body.” 

Sumner  had  virulently  attacked  the  veteran  Senator  (An- 
drew Pickens)  Butler  of  South  Carolina,  (then  absent),  charg- 
ing him  with  falsehood,  and  this  without  warrant.  (Rhodes, 
Vol.  II,  p.  136.)  Preston  Brooks,  a member  of  Congress  from 
South  Carolina,  and  a nephew  of  Butler,  knowing,  as  he  said, 
that  the  New  Englander  did  not  recognize  the  “code  of  honor,” 
caned  Sumner  unmercifully,  knocking  him  down  and  giving 
him  no  chance.  The  act  cannot  be  justified.  The  North  glori- 
fied Sumner  as  a martyr  to  free  speech  and  the  victim  of  a 
Southern  bully,  and  the  South  wildly  applauded  Brooks. 


19  7 7 


33 


On  March  3,  1858,  Senator  Seward,  of  New  York,  who 
was  the  real  leader  of  the  Republican  party  in  that  body,  an- 
nounced the  following  as  his  program: 

Free  labor  has  at  last  apprehended  its  rights,  its  in- 
terests, its  power,  and  its  destiny,  and  is  organizing 
itself  to  assume  the  government  of  the  republic.  It 
will  henceforth  meet  you  boldly  and  resolutely  here; 
it  will  meet  you  everywhere  — in  the  territories  or  out 
of  them  — wherever  you  may  go  to  extend  slavery. 

It  has  driven  you  back  in  California  and  in  Kansas ; it 
will  invade  you  soon  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
Missouri,  and  Texas. 

Garrison's  program  was  being  carried  out  to  the  letter. 

I remember  about  this  time  to  have  seen  an  extract  from 
some  northern  paper,  that  of  course  had  wide  circulation  at 
the  South,  to  the  effect  that  the  Southern  people  had  become 
so  effeminate,  under  the  malign  influences  of  slavery,  that 
nothing  could  regenerate  them  but  amalgamation  — an  infusion 
into  their  veins  of  the  “warm,  generous  blood  of  the  negro." 

In  October,  1859,  came  the  John  Brown  raid  in  Virginia. 
“Brown  knew  the  history  of  San  Domingo  and  in  the  career 
of  Tousaint  he  took  delight."  (Rhodes,  Vcl.  II,  p.  400.)  With 
him  for  a model,  Brown  thought  by  exciting  slave  insurrections 
to  devastate  the  whole  South  and  massacre  all  the  white  in- 
habitants, but  he  was  captured,  tried,  and  finally  hanged  ac- 
cording to  law. 

The  horror  of  the  South  when  the  news  of  John  Brown's 
invasion  was  flashed  over  it,  can  only  be  imagined;  it  cannot 
be  portrayed.  At  the  North  conservative  people  strongly  de- 
nounced this  deliberate  effort  to  destroy  Southern  homes  and 
Southern  civilization,  but  many  church  bells  in  that  section 
tolled  in  mourning,  and  extravagant  eulogies  were  pronounced 
on  this  new  martyr  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Thoreau  said  on 
the  day  of  the  hanging: 

Some  1,800  years  ago  Christ  was  crucified.  This  morn- 
ing, perchance,  Captain  Brown  was  hung.  There  are 


34 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


the  two  ends  of  a chain  which  is  not  without  links.  He 

is  not  Old  Brown  any  longer;  he  is  an  angel  of  light. 
(Rhodes,  Vol.  II,  p.  414.)  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  had  previous 
to  the  execution  spoken  of  John  Brown  as  “the  new  saint 
awaiting  his  martyrdom/’  (Rhodes,  Vol.  II,  p.  413.)  and  the 
same  great  author  later,  summing  up  his  estimate  of  Northern 
opinion  among  non-professional  politicians,  said,,  in  a public 
speech  at  Salem,  January  16,  1860  (Miscellanies,  p.  262.) : “All 
women  are  drawn  to  him  by  their  predominence  of  sentiment. 
All  gentlemen  are  of  course  on  his  side.”  What  a revolution 
since  1831 ! 

Republican  politicians  in  public  generally,  though  not  uni- 
versally, deprecated  the  whole  affair;  but  Horace  Greeley  was 
then  writing  privately,  as  Mr.  Rhodes  shows,  to  (Schuyler) 
Colfax : 

Do  not  be  down-hearted  about  this  old  Brown  business. 

Its  present  effect  is  bad  and  throws  a heavy  load  on  us 
in  this  State  — but  its  ultimate  effect  is  to  be  good  — * 
it  will  drive  the  slave  power  to  new  outrages  — It 
presses  on  the  irrepressible  conflict. 

Soon  afterwards  an  attempt  was  made  by  individuals  at 
the  South,  defying  Northern  sentiment  and  defying  the  statutes 
of  the  United  States,  to  re-open  the  African  slave  trade.  The 
Wanderer  and  one  or  two  other  vessels  illegally  smuggled  in 
slaves  from  Africa.  The  slaves  found  ready  buyers  in  men 
who  wished  to  flout  Abolitionists;  and  worse  still,  Georgia 
juries  refused  to  convict  the  violators  of  the  law  on  what  was 
believe  to  be  sufficient  evidence. 

North  and  South,  “Oh,  judgment!  thou  wert  fled  to  brutish 
beast  — And  men  had  lost  their  reason.” 

That  these  slave  traders  did  not  represent  Southern  senti- 
ment was  soon  to  be  proved  by  the  Confederate  constitution 
which  forbade  the  African  slave  trade. 

“The  old  Brown  business”  did  not  materially  affect  the 
elections  then  pending.  In  1860,  the  very  next  year,  the  tidal 


19  7 7 


35 


wave  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  that  had  been  started  by  “The 
Liberator”  in  Boston  in  1831,  swept  the  Republican  Party  into 
the  White  House  at  Washington.  The  Southern  States  seceded. 
They  meant  to  free  themselves  from  this  crusade  and  these 
crusaders.  Who  can  wonder  at  the  exultation  with  which  the 
South  greeted  the  Confederate  flag? 


By  the  election  of  Lincoln  the  North  had,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  South,  openly  avowed  its  intention  to  carry  out  its  own 
views  -simply  because  it  had  the  voting  strength.  These  hap- 
pened just  then  to  be  certain  views  on  slavery.  But  if  a ma- 
jority section  could,  to  further  its  own  desire,  violate  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws  sanctioned  by  it  through  its  mobs  and  its 
courts  and  its  legislatures,  then  that  Constitution  was  no  longer 
sacred,  local  self-government  was  no  longer  safe.  Every  speech 
for  State-Eights  made  in  the  South  after  the  birth  of  the  sec- 
tional Republican  Party,  had  this  for  its  keynote.  The  cause 
of  the  excitement  that  had  brought  about  at  the  North  these 
violations  of  the  Constitution  and  the  destruction  of  “public 
tranquility”  was  undoubtedly  slavery,  but  the  plea  of  the  South- 
erner to  the  Southerner  when  advocating  secession  at  the  hust- 
ings in  1860-1  was  not  for  slavery  — it  was  for  something 
higher  and  holier  ; it  was  for  liberty  regulated  by  law,  for  the 
Constitution  of  the  fathers,  which  our  people  had  been  taught 
to  regard  as  the  noblest  work  of  man,  the  very  “palladium” 
of  their  rights.  If  this  Constitution  was  now  to  be  preserved 
at  all  it  was  urged,  it  could  be  only  by  seceding  and  setting  it 
up  over  ourselves,  that  we  and  our  posterity  might  guard  it 
forever.  Therefore  we  -seceded  and  set  up  the  Confederacy. 


So  the  Confederates,  in  the  war  that  followed  secession, 
were  not  fighting  for  slavery  but  for  the  preservation  of  local 
self-government  under  the  Constitution  of  their  fathers,  which 
in  substance  they  had  ordained  as  the  foundation  of  their  new 
government.  Fully  three-fourths  of  their  armies  were  non 
slaveholders.  And  the  North  did  not  enter  into  that  fight  for 
the  freedom  of  the  slaves,  but  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 
Slavery  was  not  what  the  Northern  armies  were  fighting 
against,  nor  was  it  what  the  Southern  armies  were  fighting  for. 
This  fact  the  country  ought  to  recognize  fully,  and  it  ought  to 
be  written  in  large  letters. 


36 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Slavery  fell  as  an  incident  of  the  war  between  sister  states 
that  had  been  provoked  by  the  Abolition  crusade.  Fanaticism 
at  the  North  had  engendered  fanaticism  at  the  South. 

Fanaticism,  made  us  forget  that  we  were  brothers,  and 
we  did  not  call  our  kinship  to  mind  until  rivers  of  blood  had 
flowed. 

Now,  however,  the  scales  have  fallen  from  our  eyes  and 
we  see  each  other  as  we  are.  Mutual  respect  has  been  restored. 
Courage,  devotion,  and  patriotic  self-sacrifice,  North  and  South, 
have  done  their  perfect  work,  and  it  is  plain  that  the  blood  that 
was  poured  out  like  water  on  both  sides  of  the  lines  of  battle 
was  not  shed  in  vain. 


19  7 7 


37 


CHAPTER  I 

Organization,  Ideas  of  Discipline 

The  first  seven  regiments  from  Alabama  had  volunteered 
to  serve  for  twelve  months.  The  Confederate  Congress  having 
enacted  that  no  troops  should  thereafter  be  received  except  for 
“three  years  or  the  war,”  and  the  8th,  mustered  in  under  this 
law,  therefore  claimed  that  it  was  the  first  regiment  to  volun- 
teer “for  the  war.”  The  war  however  was  not  to  be  ended 
within  three  years,  and  when  it  became  necessary  to  reenlist 
for  the  war  without  any  three  years  limit,  the  regiment  was 
again  one  of  the  first  to  come  forward  and  for  this  was  com- 
plimented in  a special  order  by  General  Robert  E.  Lee. 

Men  and  officers,  their  antecedents,  and  the  motives  that 
brought  them  together,  all  considered  the  8th  Alabama  was  a 
typical  Confederate  regiment,  and  if  any  lessons  of  value  are 
to  be  learned  from  the  military  history  of  Alabama  troops  dur- 
ing the  civil  war  they  ought  to  be  exemplified  in  the  experience 
of  the  organization  of  which  this  is  to  be,  as  far  as  the  writer 
can  make  it,  an  unvarnished  account. 

The  regiment  represented  city  and  country;  five  companies 
were  from  Mobile,  then  Alabama's  emporium,  two  from  Perry 
County,  one  from  Coosa,  one  from  Butler,  and  one  from  the  town 
of  Selma.  One  of  the  Mobile  cmpanies  was  Irish  — < The  Emerald 
Guards  (C.  I),  Captain  (Patrick)  Loughry;  another  (Co.  G.),  the 
German  Fusiliers,  Captain  (John  P.)  Emrich;  was  — except  a 
Second  Lieutenant,  Drury  W.  Thompson  — entirely  German.  In 
this  regard  the  regiment  was  not  an  exact  type  of  the  Confeder- 
ate armies,  for  when  the  few  foreign  born  scattered  here  and 
there  in  the  other  companies  of  the  8th  are  taken  into  account,  it 
contained  more  than  twenty  percent  of  foreigners,  which  was 
very  much  greater  than  the  average  proportion  of  foreign  ele- 
ment in  the  Southern  ranks.  But  none  of  our  companies  were 
more  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  then  animating  the 
South,  than  were  the  Emerald  Guards  or  the  German  Fusiliers. 

One  company,  that  from  Selma,  the  Independent  Blues 
(Co.  D.),  was  largely  composed  of  the  sons  of  rich  men,  but 
taken  as  a whole  the  slave  owners  and  sons  of  slave  owners 


38 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


did  not  constitute  more  than  20,  cr  at  the  most  25  percent  of 
the  regiment.  Certainly  the  men  of  this  regiment  had  not 
volunteered  to  fight  for  slavery.  The  ten  companies  went  on 
separately  to  Richmond  during  the  latter  part  of  May  and  the 
first  days  of  June  1861,  and  were  on  the  10th  of  June  formed 
into  the  8th  Alabama  Regiment. 

For  each  of  these  companies  the  way  by  rail  from  Alabama 
to  the  new  Capital  of  the  Confederacy  was  like  a triumphal 
procession.  The  country  was  ablaze  with  enthusiasm.  From 
houses  by  the  wayside  flags  and  handkerchiefs  waved,  and  at 
every  station  multitudes  greeted  the  soldiers  with  cheers  and 
flowers  and  every  manifestation  of  love  and  admiration.  Ah, 
how  little  we  then  knew  of  the  hardships,  the  perils  and  the 
sad  realities  of  the  future!  No  one  of  us,  except  (T.  W.  W.) 
Davie-s,  Captain  of  Co.  B,  had  been  trained  in  the  art  of  war. 
A few  of  the  companies  as  holiday  soldiers  had  acquired  at 
home  a slight  proficiency  in  drill.  Of  discipline  we  had  no 
conception,  and  Southerners  were  perhaps  at  that  time,  of  all 
peoples,  the  most  unfit  for  it.  As  Edmund  Burke,  in  the  British 
Parliament  during  the  Revolutionary  war  declared  it  to  be  then, 
so  it  was  now;  the  institution  of  slavery  had  created  where  it 
then  existed  in  the  United  States  a spirit  of  caste  and  race 
pride,  that  made  of  every  white  man  in  some  sort  an  aristocrat 
no  matter  whether  educated  or  uneducated.  Obedience  to  the 
commands  of  another — that  was  for  the  inferior  race,  the  slave. 
Individual  liberty,  the  right  to  do  as  he  pleased,  was  the  birth- 
right of  every  white  man  born  or  living  in  the  atmosphere  of 
the  South.  Of  course  soldiering  we  all  knew  implied  some 
sort  of  obedience  to  orders,  but  there  was  a feeling  among  our 
boys  all,  that  every  military  order  should  be  “proper,”  and 
that  it  was  always  theirs  to  know  the  “reason  why.”  I shall 
never  forget  the  indignation  of  my  friend  Morgan  S.  Cleveland, 
then  a private  in  Co.  D,  at  Yorktown,  when  Colonel  (John  A.) 
Winston  refused  to  allow  him,  he  having  the  money  and  being 
ready  to  pay  for  it,  to  hire  a buggy  to  ride  in  when  his  company 
had  been  ordered  to  march  to  Williamsburg.  What  made  the 
matter  worse  was  the  Colonel  did  not  even  give  a reason  for 
his  refusal.  Morgan  of  course  learned  better,  and  in  time  he 
not  only  showed  himself  a gallant  soldier,  but  became  one  of  the 
most  efficient  Adjutants  the  regiment  ever  had.  Discipline  was 
to  come  to  us  through  manifold  tribulations. 


19  7 7 


39 


Democratic  in  our  ideas,  we  had  elected,  before  coming  to 
Richmond,  all  our  company  officers,  and  there  were  those  among 
us  who  believed  themselves  competent  to  fill  all  the  offices  in 
the  regiment;  and  so  when  notified  that  with  Captain  (Young 
L.)  Royston’s  and  Captain  Davies’  companies,  already  at  York- 
town,  we  were  to  form  a regiment,  the  captains  of  the  eight 
companies  then  at  Richmond  met  to  consider  of  field  officers. 
Our  task  was  easy,  because  there  was  not  much  competition. 
Captain  (James)  Kent,  of  the  Independent  Blues,  was  conceded 
to  be  a good  drill  officer.  He  was  a tall,  handsome  and  bright 
Doctor  from  Selma,  and  he  was  to  be  Colonel.  Captain  Charles 
T.  Ketchum  of  Co.  C.  also  knew  something  of  drill,  and  he  was 
chosen  for  Lieutenant  Colonel.  Captain  William  T.  Smith  of 
Co.  G.  had  been  a volunteer  in  the  Mexican  war.  How  much 
service  he  had  seen  is  not  remembered;  but  his  experience  in 
the  Mexican  war  caused  his  election  as  Major,  although  I believe 
the  regiment  in  which  he  had  been  a volunteer  had  not  gotten 
to  the  front. 

The  following  order  is  my  warrant  for  saying  that  we 
left  out  of  this  conference  to  select  officers  not  only  Captain 
Royston  of  Co.  A.,  but  also  Captain  Davies  of  Co.  B. : 

Special  Orders  No.  68,  A.  & I.  G.  O.  Richmond,  June  10, 
1861.  Eight  companies  of  the  volunteers  from  Alabama 
will  also  proceed  to  Yorktown  and  with  the  two  companies 
from  that  state  now  at  Gloucester  Point  will  constitute  a 
regiment  to  be  commanded  by  Col.  John  A.  Winston. 

By  command  etc. 

Captain  T.  W.  W.  Davies  w\as  a graduate  of  the  Naval 
Academy  at  Annapolis. 

The  Election  conclused,  a committee  of  which  the  writer 
was  Chairman  was  now  sent  to  ask  President  (Jefferson)  Davis 
to  appoint  the  gentlemen  we  had  selected.  Mr.  Davis  gave  the 
committee  an  attentive  hearing,  and  then  courteously  informed 
us  that  he  had  his  own  plans  in  view  and  that  we  should  hear 
from  him  soon.  We  now  began  to  see  that  a regiment  in  the 
Confederate  army  was  not  to  be,  even  in  its  formation,  a purely 
Democratic  institution. 


40 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Field  Officers. 

John  A.  Winston  was  appointed  Colonel,  John  W.  Frazier 
Lieutenant  Colonel,  and  Thomas  E.  Irby  Major.  Colonel 
Winston  was  a man  of  uncommon  abilities  and  of  extraordinary 
force  of  character.  He  had  been,  prior  to  the  war  and  con- 
tinued afterwards  until  his  death,  which  occurred  about  1875, 
to  be  a man  of  mark  in  the  politics  of  our  State.  After  the 
war  he  was  chosen  as  one  of  the  first  two  U.  S.  Senators  from 
Alabama,  but  neither  he  nor  his  Colleague  was  allowed  to  take 
his  seat. 

As  Governor  our  Colonel  had  acquired  the  soubriquet  of 
John  Anthony  Veto  Winston,  by  his  many  vetoes.  He  had  been 
a member  of  the  Alabama  State  Convention  that  in  1860  had 
sent  its  delegation  to  the  celebrated  National  Democratic  Con- 
vention at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  where  occurred  the  noted  rupture 
that  resulted  in  two  Democratic  nominations  and  the  election 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  which  wras  followed  by  the  (secession  of  the 
Southern  States.  In  the  State  Convention  at  Montgomery 
which  had  sent  him  to  Charleston,  Governor  Winston  had  bit- 
terly opposed  the  resolution  there  adopted,  instructing  the  Ala- 
bama delegation  to  retire  from  the  National  Convention  in  case 
it  should  refuse  to  adopt  the  extreme  views  set  forth  in  the 
resolution  in  question.  But  these  resolutions,  championed  by 
(William  Lowndes)  Yancey  and  opposed  by  Winston,  were 
adopted  and  Yancey  and  Winston  were  both  made  delegates  to 
the  National  Convention  where  the  excitement  created  by  the 
position  taken  by  the  Alabama  and  other  Southern  delegations 
following  Alabama’s  lead  was  intense.  The  destruction  of  the 
Democratic  party  was  imminent.  The  Union  of  the  States  was 
in  peril.  It  is  now  said  that  at  one  time  during  the  Convention 
Mr.  Yancey  was  willing,  in  violation  of  the  instructions  he  had 
procured,  to  accept  a compromise  that  had  been  offered  and  not 
retire,  but  that  Governor  Winston  put  his  veto  upon  the  com- 
promise, insisting  that  the  instructions  should  be  carried  out 
to  the  letter. 

If  the  statement  is  true,  the  incident  is  characteristic.  Not 
even  Andrew  Jackson  had  a more  inflexible  will  than  John  A. 
Winston. 

He  was  now  a Colonel  who,  like  most  of  our  regimental 
commanders,  had  never  “set  a squadron  in  the  field.”  Nor  did 


19  7 7 


41 


our  Colonel  ever  learn  tactics.  He  had  no  taste  for  drill  and 
never  applied  himself  to  “Hardee/’  He  was,  however,  a -strict 
disciplinarian,  requiring  implicit  obedience  to  orders,  and  this, 
coupled  with  the  fact  that  his  language  was  often  harsh,  with 
his  ignorance  of  drill,  naturally  rendered  him  unpopular  with 
officers  and  men,  whose  aversion  to  discipline  inclined  them 
nearly  all  to  be  fault-finders.  This  unpopularity  however  was 
by  no  means  singular.  It  is  probable  that  every  commander  of 
a Confederate  regiment,  who  sought  from  the  outset  to  enforce 
discipline  rigidly,  had  at  first  the  same  experience.  No  colonel 
was  ever  more  disliked  than  Stonewall  Jackson,  until  results 
achieved  in  battle  -showed  the  men  under  him  his  real  value. 
Colonel  Winston  was,  at  Seven  Pines,  the  only  battle  his  health 
ever  permitted  him  to  engage  in,  as  brave  as  Stonewall  Jackson ; 
and  certainly  a man  of  his  courage  and  with  his  splendid  abili- 
ties, might  well  have  been  expected  to  become  a distinguished 
officer,  if  only  he  had  studied  drill  and  his  health  and  the 
casualties  of  battle  had  permitted. 

Within  a month  or  two  after  Colonel  Winston  took  com- 
mand, a petition  was  circulated  in  the  regiment  asking  his 
resignation.  Nearly,  if  not  every  Captain  had  signed  it  when 
the  matter  came  to  the  Colonel’s  ears.  He  sent  at  once  for  all 
the  Captains  to  come  up  to  his  tent. 

“Gentlemen,”  he  said,  “I  understand  there  is  a seditious 
petition  in  circulation  in  this  regiment.  If  I hear  anything 
more  of  it,  I will  courtmartial  the  last  one  of  you.” 

Nothing  more  was  heard  of  that  petition. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Frazier,  a Tennesseean  and  a graduate 
of  the  U.  S.  Military  Academy,  had  resigned  from  the  old  army 
to  offer  his  sword  to  the  Confederacy.  He  was  expected  of 
course  to  teach  the  art  of  war  to  the  regiment,  the  Major  and 
Colonel  included;  but  the  Colonel  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  did 
not  “mix”  well.  Colonel  Winston  was  quite  willing  to  turn 
over  to  the  West  Pointer  the  matter  of  drill,  and  proceeded  at 
once  to  do  it.  But  it  wa-s  soon  evident  that  the  two  first  officers 
of  the  regiment  were  at  daggers’  points.  One  of  the  first  symp- 
toms of  this  was  an  order  given  one  night  just  after  10  o’clock 
to  the  Captain,  who  was  acting  officer  of  the  day,  to  arrest 


42 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


all  officers  in  whose  tents  lights  should  be  found.  Taps  had 
sounded  and  the  standing  general  order  was  that  thereafter 
all  lights  should  be  out.  The  Captain,  when  he  got  the  special 
order,  looked  around  and  found  a light  burning  only  in 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Frazier’s  tent,  where  a game  of  cards  was 
on.  The  Lt-Col.  was  notified  that  he  was  under  arrest  and  his 
wrath  exploded — but  only  in  his  own  tent. 

The  “on  lit”  in  camp  was  that  the  Lieutenant  Colonel,  who 
was  a “youngster”  when  compared  to  his  Colonel,  had  been 
volunteering  suggestions  about  matters  other  than  drill,  or  at 
least  giving  advice  not  asked  for.  However  this  was,  certain 
it  is  that  the  8th  Alabama  regiment  was  not  then,  in  naval 
parlance,  “a  happy  ship.” 

Our  Colonel  had  a temper  and  was  often  given  to  profane 
parts  of  speech.  It  was  not  according  to  regulations  to  curse 
an  officer,  even  though  an  inferior.  The  old  gentleman  was, 
in  his  genial  moods,  a perfectly  delightful  companion,  and  he 
upheld  always  what  he  considered  the  rights  of  his  officers  to 
the  utmost;  but  when  angry  his  vigorous  expletives  often  had 
a most  unpleasant  flavor.  The  writer  remembers  Captain 
Royston’s  coming  to  his  tent  one  night  after  a volley  of  oaths 
from  Colonel  Winston  had  been  flying  uncomfortably  close 
around  his  head,  with: 

“Herbert,  do  you  know  what  the  difference  is  between  the 
people  in  this  regiment?  It  is  this:  A Colonel  can  curse  a 

Captain,  a Captain  can  curse  a Lieutenant,  a Lieutenant  can 
curse  a corporal,  and  a corporal  can  curse  a d - - - - d dog.” 

Ah,  the  friction  and  the  heart-burnings  that  occurred  in 
our  regiment,  and  of  course  elsewhere,  in  the  efforts  to  discipline 
an  army  of  free  men,  such  as  the  Confederates  were! 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Frazier  also  had  a temper,  and  it  was 
often  sorely  tried  by  the  crass  ignorance  of  some  at  least  of 
his  Captains.  The  following  amusing  incident  will  serve  to 
show  that  Frazier  too  occasionally  indulged  in  language  not 
fitted  for  the  parlor : 

We  were  on  the  battalion  drill.  Colonel  Frazier,  on  his 


19  7 7 


43 


horse,  was  forming  the  regiment  into  a hollow  -square  around 
him.  The  Captain  of  Co.  F.  was  derelict  and  Lt.  Col.  Frazier, 
out  of  patience,  called  aloud: 

“Captain  Herbert,  why  in  the  Hell  don’t  you  dress  your 
company  on  the  left?” 

And  then  the  Lieutenant  Colonel,  supposing  in  his  wrath- 
ful impatience  that  he  would  of  course  find  Co.  G.  also  failing, 
wheeled  his  horse  suddenly  and  exclaimed:  “Captain  Emrich, 

why  in  the  Hell  don’t  you  dre-ss  your  company  to  the  right?” 
Captain  Emrich  who  prided  himself  on  his  knowledge  of  drill, 
and  really  knew  more  about  it  than  he  did  about  English, 
replied,  to  the  amusement  of  the  Regiment  and  the  discomfiture 
of  the  Lieutenant  Colonel:  “I  did  done  it,  sir,  by  dam,  I did 

done  it!” 

Lt.  Col.  Frazier  was  of  course  an  accomplished  drill  officer, 
and  nearly  always  conducted  battalion  drill,  only  occasionally 
turning  the  regiment  over  to  Major  Irby;  but  the  Lieutenant 
Colonel  paid  little  attention  to  the  details  of  company  drill. 
Company  officers  were  left  to  dig  for  knowledge  in  “Hardee’s 
Tactics,”  and  ah,  how  hard  that  was,  and  how  slowly  the 
knowledge  came! 

Major  Irby  had  served,  according  to  the  writer’s  recol- 
lection, with  Alabama  troops  that  went  to  Mexico.  He  was  a 
planter  in  Dallas  County  and  had  been  in  the  State  Senate.  He 
was  an  enthusiastic  soldier  and  soon  acquired  a fair  proficiency 
in  battalion  drill.  The  Major  apparently  never  took  any  part 
in  the  differences  that  so  plainly  existed  between  his  two 
superiors. 


44  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

CHAPTER  II 
Yorktown.  Being  Trained. 

The  battle  of  Big  Bethel  having  occurred  on  the  Peninsula, 
we  were  suddenly  ordered  from  Richmond  to  Yorktown,  which 
we  reached  on  Wednesday,  12th  day  of  June,  1861.  Upon  our 
arrival,  an  incident  occurred  that  well  illustrates  not  only  the 
Democratic  ideas  that  prevailed  among  some  at  least  of  the 
company  officers,  but  also  our  Colonel’s  notions  of  discipline 
and  how  it  should  be  enforced.  The  writer,  then  Captain  of 
Co.  F.,  was  superintending  the  landing  of  the  baggage  of  his 
company  and  called  out  to  one  of  his  men,  who  was  a lawyer 
in  the  same  town  with  the  Captain,  and  twenty  years  his  senior : 
“Mr.  Ross,  move  that  box  over  here.” 

Colonel  Winston,  attracted  by  this  polite  speech,  cried  out 
sharply:  “Captain  Herbert,  what  was  it  you  called  that  man?” 
“Mr.  Ross,”  was  the  reply.  “Don’t  call  him  that,  sir,”  said  the 
Colonel.  “There  are  no  Misters  in  this  regiment.  They  are 
all  officers,  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates.  Call  him 
Private  Ross” — a very  pointed  lesson  as  to  the  new  relations 
these  Democratic  soldiers  had  assumed  towards  each  other. 

We  pitched  our  tents  on  a beautiful  beach  whose  green 
sward  sloped  gently  down  to  the  York  River  from  under  a high 
bluff  just  below  Yorktown,  and  here  we  remained  for  months. 
To  lovely  women,  whose  cheers  were  still  ringing  in  our  ears, 
we  had  bidden  a long  farewell.  Yorktown,  never  more  than 
a little  hamlet,  was  now  practically  deserted,  and  the  writer 
cannot  remember  that  there  was  ever  the  footfall  of  a woman 
in  the  regimental  hospital  that  was  promptly  established  and 
soon  full  of  sick  soldiers,  many  of  them  dying  with  diarrhoea, 
measles  and  their  sequelae.  In  withstanding  at  the  outset  the 
hardships  of  camp  life,  the  country  boy,  commonly  supposed  to 
be  hardy  by  reason  of  his  healthful  occupation,  was  soon  found 
to  be  no  match  for  his  comrade  from  the  town.  The  latter  who 
usually  had  gone  through  with  the  measles,  whooping-cough, 
etc.,  had  often  kept  irregular  hours.  He  had  never  been  in  the 
habit  of  going  to  bed,  like  a farmer  boy,  with  the  chickens, 
and  sleeping  till  morning.  The  farmer  boys  were  now  exposed 
to  entirely  new  conditions,  and  standing  guard  at  night,  con- 


1 9 7 7 


45 


tagious  diseases,  unsanitary  conditions,  and  bad  cooking,  soon 
filled  our  hospital.  Death  began  rapidly  to  thin  our  ranks  long 
before  we  heard  the  whistle  of  an  enemy’s  bullet.  Such  cook- 
ing! “Flapjack!  was  the  favorite  bread — flour  mixed  with 
water  poured  into  the  frying  pan,  fried  on  one  side  till  it  was 
brown,  and  then  thrown  into  the  air  so  as  to  flap  over  and 
be  deftly  caught  in  the  spattering  grease  of  the  pan,  when  it 
was  fried  to  a crisp  brown  on  the  other — this  wTas  the  “flap- 
jack.” 


Our  Surgeon,  Dr.  Robert  Royston,  and  Dr.  Daniel  Parker, 
the  latter  first  detailed  to  duty  from  the  ranks  and  afterwards 
commissioned  as  Assistant  Surgeon,  were  physicians  fully,  up 
to  the  standard  of  that  day.  They  were  both  assidious  and 
faithful,  but  war  was  not  the  science  it  has  since  become  at 
the  hands  of  the  Germans  and  the  Japanese.  If  ever  in  the 
future  in  an  Alabama  regiment  in  a permanent  camp  where 
convenience  for  cooking  can  be  had,  soldiers  shall  be  allowed 
to  feed  on  flapjacks,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment 
will  be,  or  at  least  ought  to  be,  court-martialed  and  shot. 

But  sorrow  and  suffering,  these  were  not  the  only  expe- 
riences in  the  camp  of  the  8th  Alabama  on  that  beautiful  beach 
at  Yorktown.  The  soldier  soon  learns  to  turn  with  avidity, 
when  he  has  fired  his  last  shot  and  shed  his  last  tear  over  the 
grave  of  a comrade,  to  the  bright  scenes  around  the  camp- 
fire. There  he  enjoys  the  jokes  and  quips  and  songs  of  his 
fellows.  The  present  and  the  present  alone  is  his  to  count  on. 
As  to  the  future,  who  knows?  Many  an  hour  sped  away  delight- 
fully while  we  listened  to  bright  anecdotes  by  Lieutenant 
(C.  P.  B.)  Branagan,  who  was  to  fall  at  Gettysburg;  (Captain 
Leonard  F.)  Summers,  who  died  at  Seven  Pines,  and  especially 
by  Lieutenant  Joshua  Kennedy,  who  fell  by  the  same  volley 
that  killed  Summers.  Indeed  there  were  few  of  the  officers  who 
did  not  contribute  something  to  our  merriment  and  the  witty 
remarks  of  Colonel  Winston  were  always  circulating  through 
the  camp. 

In  front  of  our  camp  was  the  York  river,  and  the  bathing 
was  superb.  In  its  salt  water  at  night  the  phosphorescent  light 
sparkled  like  myriads  of  diamonds  around  the  strong  arms  of 
the  swimmers.  In  nearly  every  company  there  were  musicians. 


46 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


In  Co.  D.  was  a delightful  quartet,  the  music  of  whose  charm- 
ing serenades  is  still  ringing  in  my  ears  over  the  waste  of 
nearly  half  a century.  One  of  the  four,  (Charles  B.)  Woods, 
was  soon  transferred  to  another  command  to  be  an  officer; 
another  George  Shortridge,  son  of  one  of  our  noted  politicians, 
and  as  handsome  and  attractive  as  any  soldier  in  the  regiment, 
fell  in  one  of  the  first  battles,  with  his  face  to  the  foe. 

The  high  bluff  immediately  in  rear  of  our  camp  was  steep 
and  difficult  to  climb.  This  was  the  identical  bluff  behind 
which  British  non-combatants  and  magazines  were  sheltered 
when  Washington,  the  great  American  rebel,  lay  in  front  of 
Cornwallis.  Very  soon  upon  its  top  our  fortifications  were 
begun.  Army  engineers  laid  them  off,  and  now  soldiers  found 
themselves  digging  dirt.  To  many  who  prided  themselves  on 
never  having  stuck  a spade  in  the  bosom  of  mother  earth,  this 
seemed  an  ignominious  task,  and  indeed,  to  all  it  was  more  or 
less  irksome  to  find  themselves  engaged  in  handling  pick  and 
shovel  under  “overseers”  whom  they  had  chosen  to  command 
them,  not  in  such  menial  tasks  as  this  but  in  battle  against  the 
enemy.  To  show  that  our  Colonel  shared,  at  least  for  a time, 
in  this  feeling  the  following  incident  is  taken  from  Captain 
Fagan.  The  dirt  in  which  the  men  were  required  to  dig  was 
hard,  and  one  day  when  shovels  instead  of  spades  were  furnished, 
a detail  under  Captain,  then  Lieutenant  Fagan,  demurred  and 
Colonel  Winston  sustained  them,  sending  word  to  General 
(Daniel  Harvey)  Hill,  then  commanding  the  post,  that  if  he 
wanted  digging  done  with  such  tools  he  must  send  down  “some 
of  his  North  Carolinians.”  The  work  progressed,  of  course, 
but  it  was  a slow  business,  and  many  were  the  complaints  of 
men  who  had  “never  volunteered  to  make  ditchers”  of  them- 
selves. The  time  was  to  come  later  when  these  same  men 
could,  to  meet  an  expected  enemy,  throw  up  more  dirt  with 
bayonnets  and  tin  plates  only,  in  half  an  hour,  than  they  moved 
with  pick  and  shovel  in  twice  that  time.  Digging  dirt,  drilling 
in  the  “school  of  the  soldier”,  by  company  and  by  battalion, 
cooking,  and  policing  camp,  kept  the  regiment  busy.  But  this 
was  not  all  we  did.  The  enemy  were  only  some  forty  miles 
away  down  the  Peninsula,  with  headquarters  near  Old  Point 
Comfort,  and  cavalry.  Federal  and  Confederate,  were  roaming 
down  between  us  and  “the  Yanks”  day  and  night.  One  Con- 
federate cavalry  troop  appeared  to  be  charged  with  the  especial 


19  7 7 


47 


duty  of  bringing  in  messages  for  the  benefit  of  the  8th  Ala- 
bama. It  was  the  “Old  Dominion  Dragoons,”  a name  that  is 
remembered  to  this  day  by  every  survivor  of  the  regiment  then 
in  our  camp  at  Yorktown.  The  indefatigable  (Major)  General 
John  B.  Magruder  was  in  command  of  our  forces  on  the  Pen- 
insula, and  he  had  all  his  “people,”  as  West  Pointers  called  their 
soldiers,  continually  on  the  alert.  It  was  one  o'clock  at  night 
on  about,  say,  the  20th  of  June.  Except  for  the  guards  pacing 
their  rounds  and  those  who  were  sitting  about  the  “Head- 
quarters of  the  Guard,”  the  camp  was  asleep,  many  no  doubt 
dreaming  of  the  homes  they  had  left  behind  them  when  sud- 
denly came  the  startling  sound  of  the  long  roll.  How  it  did 
rattle  out  upon  the  stillness  of  the  night,  for  nobody  could  get 
more  out  of  a kettle  drum  than  our  little  bare-footed  drummer 
(William  Wanicker).  Instantly  the  camp  resounded  with  “Fall 
in,  fall  in  here  men!”  and  many  a devout  prayer  was  no  doubt 
uttered,  and  perhaps  some  curses  came  from  those  who  felt 
themselves  unduly  hurried,  as  we  scrambled  puffing  and  blow- 
ing up  the  bluff  to  the  fortifications.  These  we  manned  at 
once  and  got  ready  for  the  enemy.  We  waited,  but  the  foe  did 
not  come.  A little  after  daylight  Colonel  Winston  concluded 
to  go  out  in  front  and  see  what  had  become  of  him.  Several 
miles  down  the  Peninsula  we  met  an  “Old  Dominion  Dragoon” 
with  the  news  that  the  enemy  had  thought  better  of  it  and 
retired.  We  reached  camp  again  in  time  to  enjoy  a dinner  all 
the  more  heartily  because  we  had  had  no  breakfast. 

This  was  the  first  of  “war's  alarms”  that  came  to  us  at 
Yorktown,  but  time  and  again  afterwards  the  Old  Dominion 
Dragoon  was  at  hand  with  the  news,  “enemy  coming.”  During 
all  that  long  summer  of  1861  there  was  no  hour  of  the  day 
or  night  when  the  long  roll  might  not,  and  indeed  it  would  be 
hard  to  name  any  particular  hour  of  day  or  night  when  it  did 
not  now  and  then,  beat.  One  purpose  of  these  frequent  alarms 
was  to  keep  men  and  officers  from  straying  from  camp  with- 
out leave.  They  might  be  missed  at  roll  call.  The  result  was 
many  a malediction  from  the  members  of  the  8th  Alabama  upon 
the  heads  of  the  Old  Dominion  Dragoons  — a “cowardly  set 
of  buttermilk  rangers,  who  would  see  a Yankee  in  every  bush 
that  was  shaken  by  the  wind.” 

Singularly  slow  we  were  in  seeing  that  the  “Old  Dominion 


48 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Dragoon”  was  doing  his  duty  faithfully,  and  that  this  was  only 
a part  of  the  drill  to  which  our  foxy  old  General  was  subjecting 
us. 


Many  a march  did  we  make  down  the  Peninsula  without 
meeting  the  enemy,  and  nobody  can  tell  to  this  day  how  often 
‘‘the  Yanks”  had  really  been  seen  prowling*  around,  or  how 
often  we  were  simply  being  drilled.  What  we  all  do  remember, 
however,  is  that  on  these  marches  Major  Irby  was  in  the  habit 
of  riding  along  the  lines  crying  out  “Close  up,  men,  close  up!” 
in  a voice  as  stentorian  as  if  he  were  trying  to  frighten  the 
enemy  away;  and  he  got  the  name  of  “Old  Closeup.” 

Portions  of  the  regiment,  however,  did  in  the  fall  and 
winter  have  three  slight,  but  creditable  skirmishes  with  the 
enemy,  on  the  lower  part  of  the  Peninsula,  near  Hampton.  In 
one  of  these  Captain  Cleveland  of  Co.  H.,  acting  as  Major  of 
the  Battalion,  had  his  horse  killed  under  him.  In  another, 
December  22,  1861,  Private  John  Case  of  Co.  I.,  was  killed,  the 
first  of  the  Regiment  to  meet  his  fate  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

During  our  long  encampment  at  Yorktown  not  only  did 
officers  cease  to  call  privates  “Mr.,”  but  under  the  stern  dis- 
cipline of  our  gallant  old  Colonel  we  learned  many  other  things 
about  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  soldiers  and  officers. 
And  now  on  the day  of we  moved  down  the  Penin- 

sula and  encamped  near  Bethel.  The  move  to  the  front  was 
to  our  Colonel's  liking,  for  he  always  longed  to  be  near  the 
enemy.  General  Magruder  however  thought  the  position  se- 
lected for  our  camp  too  exposed,  and  ordered  us  back  to  Har- 
wood’s Mill,  about  four  miles  below  Yorktown,  where  we  built 
comfortable  winter  quarters.  This  Colonel  Winston  charac- 
teristically named  “Camp  Prudence.”  While  here  the  Colonel 
was  several  times  called  on  to  enforce  the  policy  he  had  rigidly 
adhered  to,  that  while  officers  might  drink  in  moderation,  all 
intoxicating  liquors  were  absolutely  forbidden  to  non-commis- 
sioned officers  and  privates.  An  old  citizen  named  Thompson 
came  one  day  into  camp  with  a $50.00  counterfeit  bill  which 
he  complained  that  a private  named  (George  N.)  Cady  had  given 
him  in  exchange  for  a gallon  of  whiskey  and  $47.50  good  money. 
Thompson  had  previously  been  punished  by  the  Colonel  for  the 
offense  of  whiskey  selling  and  he  was  now  told  that  Cady  had 


19  7 7 


49 


served  him  right,  and  further,  that  if  he  ever  came  back  to 
the  camp  again  he  would  be  hanged  “as  high  as  Haman.” 

On  another  occasion  the  Colonel  having  -seized  from  a 
neighboring  house  where  spirits  were  being  sold  to  his  soldiers, 
two  barrels  of  whiskey  which  was  to  be  used  for  hospital  pur- 
poses, placed  it  for  safekeeping  in  a tent  with  a guard  in  front. 
Two  soldiers  slit  the  back  of  the  tent,  bored  into  a barrel  and 
drew  out  a bucketful.  John  Barleycorn  overcame  them,  they 
were  detected,  and  for  punishment,  each  of  them  facing  the 
other,  the  culprits  were  compelled  in  front  of  Headquarters  to 
mark  time,  repeating  the  following: 

“A.  I’m  the  man  that  stole  Colonel  Winston’s  whis- 
key.” 

“B.  You’re  a d — d liar  — I stole  it  myself!” 

And  now  the  writer  was  one  day  sent  with  a squad  of  men 
to  make  a thorough  search  of  the  neighboring  house  of  a Mrs. 
Forname,  charged  with  selling  whiskey  to  the  regiment.  The 
old  lady  indignantly  denied  the  charge,  handed  up  her  keys 
and  said  “search,”  Finally,  somewhat  mollified  by  my  heart- 
felt apology  for  the  unpleasant  duty  I was  executing  under 
orders  she  consented  to  accompany  the  writer  and  a file  of 
men  in  their  search.  At  last,  the  unsuccessful  quest  being  over 
and  the  old  lady  having  been  warmly  congratulated  on  the  re- 
sult, her  wrath,  which  had  been  pent  up  as  she  followed  us 
through  the  house  and  hothouses,  broke  loose,  and  never  while 
life  lasts  can  the  scene  that  followed  be  forgotten. 

“I  do  not  blame  you,  sir,”  she  said:  “You  have  apologized 
for  what  you  have  been  ordered  to.  But  I know  who  it  is  that 
has  brought  this  indignity  upon  me.  It  is  that  scoundred 

of  your  provost  guard.  He  came  to  me  saying 

he  was  sick  and  needed  some  whiskey.  Because  he  was  sick, 
and  because  he  was  a Confederate  soldier,  I let  him  have,  at 
the  price  I gave  for  it,  the  only  bottle  of  whiskey  I had.”  “And 
now,”  she  said  — and  as  she  raised  her  thin  hands  and  glit- 
tering eyes  toward  Heaven,  she  reminded  me  of  Charlotte 
Cushman  in  the  scene  where  as  the  “Witch  of  Endor”  she  ut- 
tered that  terrible  imprecation  against  her  enemies,  “I  pray  to 


50 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


God  that  in  the  very  first  battle  in  which  that  man  is  engaged 
his  head  may  be  blown  off  by  a cannon  ball  !;> 

At  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  his  first  battle,  less  than  four 

months  afterwards, ’s  head  was  blown  off  by  a 

cannon  ball. 

While  at  Camp  Prudence,  the  8th  Alabama  furnished, 
March  20,  1862,  to  the  newly  organized  28th  Alabama  all  its 
field  officers,  viz : Lieutenant  Colonel  Frazier  as  Colonel,  First 
Lieutenant  John  C.  Reid  of  Co.  A.  as  Lieutenant  Colonel,  and 
Captain  T.  W.  W.  Davies  of  Co.  B.  as  Major  of  the  new  regi- 
ment. Indeed,  quite  a number  of  our  men,  as  well  as  officers 
were  during  the  first  year  transferred,  receiving  commands  in 
other  regiments. 

Davies  and  Kautz 

Captain  Davies,  who  now  left  us,  had  graduated  at  the 
U.  S.  Naval  Academy  in  1856,  with  Albert  Kautz  of  Ohio. 
They  had  been  room-mates  for  four  years.  Davies  when  last 
heard  from  was  in  California,  Kautz  I came  to  know  well,  when 
I was  in  the  U.  S.  Navy  Department.  He  is  an  officer  of  the 
highest  character,  now  Rear  Admiral,  retired,  and  from  his 
lips  I recently  had  this  story: 

In  1861  Kautz,  still  in  the  U.  S.  Navy,  off  the  coast  of 
North  Carolina,  was  put  by  his  Captain  in  charge  of  a small 
captured  vessel  to  take  into  New  York  as  prize.  The  prize  was 
recaptured  by  a vessel  that  had  been  armed  and  set  afloat  as  a 
man-of-war  by  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina,  that  state  not 
having  yet  entered  the  Confederacy.  Kautz  was  paroled  by  the 
Governor,  and  the  young  navai  officer  was  being  the  recipient 
in  North  Carolina  of  many  hospitalities  when,  the  Confederacy 
having  been  formed  and  the  seat  of  government  removed  to 
Richmond,  Kautz  found  himself  suddenly  immured  in  “Castle 
Thunder”  in  Richmond.  The  Governor  of  North  Carolina  pro- 
tested that  this  was  in  violation  of  the  parole  he  had  taken 
from  Lieutenant  Kautz,  but  President  Davis  replied  that  he 
no v/  had  jurisdiction  and  that  the  parole  could  not  be  recognized 
by  the  Confederacy.  The  Albemarle,  a Confederate  privateer, 
had  been  captured  by  the  U.  S.  Navy,  its  officers  were  now 


19  7 7 


51 


prisoners  in  New  York,  and  the  U.  S.  Government  had  published 
its  intentions  to  hang  them  as  pirates.  Mr.  Davis  had  retaliated 
with  the  threat  to  hang  Kautz.  So  matter  stood  when  Davies, 
now  Captain  of  the  8th  Alabama,  visited  his  former  chum  in 
prison  at  Richmond,  and  avowed  his  intention  to  have  him 
released.  Kautz  replied  that  the  effort  would  be  futile,  citing 
the  failure  of  North  Carolina’s  Governor,  who  had  paroled  him ; 
but  Davies  persisted  and  at  once  interviewed  the  President. 
Mr.  Davis  was  firm.  Davies  urged  that  if  Kautz  were  sent 
to  Washington  he  could  effect  an  exchange  of  himself  for  the 
Captain  of  the  Albemarle.  Mr.  Davis  said  laughingly,  that  to 
make  a commissioner  of  exchange  of  prisoner  of  war  would  be  a 
curious  proceeding,  and  further,  that  the  powers  at  Washington 
would  not  recognize  Kautz’s  parole,  but  instead  would  keep  him, 
and  the  Confederacy  would  then  have  no  naval  prisoner  to  hang 
in  retaliation.  Davies  replied: 

“Mr.  President,  I will  stake  my  life  on  Kautz.  If  he  doesn’t 
return,  you  may  hang  me  in  his  place.” 

Mr.  Davis,  saying  that  this  was  Damon  and  Pythias  over 
again,  finally  consented.  Kautz  went  to  Washington  and  im- 
mediately to  President  Lincoln,  whom  he  found  alone.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln was  much  impressed  with  Kautz’  story,  and  eventually  said, 
“Well,  Seward  claims  that  he  ought  to  be  the  mother  of  all 
the  chickens  that  are  hatched  about  here,”  and  immediately  sent 
for  the  Secretary  of  State.  When  Seward  heard  the  proposi- 
tion he  flew  into  a great  rage,  saying  that  the  officers  of  the 
Albemarle  were  pirates  and  should  hang.  Kautz  replied : “Mr. 
Secretary,  I was  taught  international  law  at  the  Naval  Academy. 
A part  of  our  course  was  the  great  letter  of  Secretary  (William 
L.)  Marcy,  in  which  he  justified  the  refusal  of  the  United  States 
to  sign  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  on  the  ground  that  privateering  was 
legitimate  warfare.” 

Seward  said,  “Young  man,  you  know  nothing  about  this 
question.”  But  Lincoln  told  Kautz  to  come  back  next  morning. 
At  a cabinet  meeting  held  that  night  all  the  Cabinet  except 
Seward  voted  for  the  exchange,  and  so  exchanges  began. 


52 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CHAPTER  III 
The  Siege  of  Yorktown. 

“Camp  Prudence,”  that  had  been  further  to  the  rear  than 
our  fighting  Colonel  thought  necessary,  had  nevertheless  been 
one  of  Magruder’s  outposts,  and  our  many  marches,  though  to 
ps  they  had  appeared  useless,  had,  with  no  doubt  like  ma- 
noeuvers  made  by  others,  created  the  impression  at  Fortress 
Monroe  that  Magruder’s  command  was  far  more  formidable  than 
it  really  was;  and  now  the  belief  thus  generated  was  to  exert 
an  influence  over  the  campaign  for  the  capture  of  Richmond 
which,  with  the  lights  at  present  before  us,  it  is  difficult  to 
overestimate.  Had  he  only  known  that  Magruder,  instead  of 
the  large  army  he  was  believed  to  command,  had  less  than 
13,000  men  with  which  to  defend  the  stretch  of  ten  miles  be- 
tween the  York  and  the  James,  (General  George  B.)  McClellan, 
with  the  100,000'  troops  he  commanded  at  Old  Point  (Com- 
fort), and  his  gun  boats  to  flank  Magruder  by  going  up  the 
York  River,  could  with  ease  have  driven  back,  even  if  he  had 
not  destroyed  or  captured,  our  little  army  long  before  Gen- 
eral (Joseph  E.)  Johnston  could  have  come  to  its  relief.  In 
that  case  there  would  have  been  no  time  within  which  to  make 
the  combinations  that  preceded  the  seven  days  battle  in  which 
the  Federals  were  hurled  back  from  Richmond.  War  is  a deep 
game.  To  the  rank  and  file  it  is  simply  blind  man’s  buff. 
Curious  now  it  is  for  us  of  the  old  8th  Alabama  to  look  back 
and  recall  how  slowly  and  unwillingly  we  learned  this  lesson. 
As  an  illustration  of  the  way  in  which  we  gradually  took  it 
in.  Ope  day,  as  the  regiment  was  making  one  of  its  moves 
from  our  camp  at  Yorktown,  a private  of  Co.  A.  who  had 
always  been  on  intimate  terms  with  his  Captain,  Royston,  said 
in  a confidential  tone:  “Captain,  you  know  you  can  trust  me — 
Where  are  we  going?”  The  tall  Captain  bent  down  and  whis- 
pered: “You  promise  me  sacredly  that  you  will  never  say  any- 
thing about  what  I tell  you?”  “Yes,”  was  the  eager  and 
and  expectant  reply.  “Well,”  said  Royston,  “I  don’t  know  a 
d thing  about  it  more  than  you  do !” 

When  McClellan  began  his  advance  up  the  Peninsula  we 
left  Harwood’s  Mill,  April  3,  1862,  and  took  position  at  Wynne’s 


1 9 7 7 


53 


Mill,  which  was  on  the  line  between  the  two  rivers,  that, 
Magruder  had  determined  to  hold,  as  best  he  might,  when 
McClellan  should  advance.  Along  this  line  our  wily  General  had 
already  constructed  fortifications.  These  consisted  of  earthen 
breastworks,  more  or  less  efficient,  and  in  front  of  them 
entrenchments,  at  some  places,  ponds  had  been  made  by  dam- 
ming a little  stream  while  in  front  at  other  points  there  were 
such  cheveaux-des-frizes  as  could  be  conveniently  constructed. 
Some  of  our  little  army,  we  now  discovered  had  been  digging 
while  we  were  out  in  front,  at  Bethel,  or  “Camp  Prudence,” 
or  marching  around  over  the  Peninsula. 

The  right  of  the  8th  during  the  siege  rested  at  Wynnes 
Mill,  and  the  mill  pond  was  in  our  front.  Here  on  the  5th  of 
April,  we  first  heard  the  whistle  of  a bomb  shell,  McClellan's 
forces  having  begun  a vigorous  shelling,  which  was  briskly 
replied  to  from  our  side.  In  a day  or  two  sharpshooters  began 
to  appear  along  our  line;  a body  of  these  having  taken  position 
in  a wood  and  in  a small  house  in  front  of  the  right  of  the 
8th.  Captain  Royston  of  Co.  A.  was  ordered  to  cross  the  dam 
and  dislodge  them.  Deployed  as  skirmishers,  Co.  A advanced. 
As  the  tall  form  of  the  gallant  Captain  (he  was  6 feet,  7 
inches  high)  loomed  up  in  the  open  field  in  front  of  us,  we 
expected  momentarily  to  see  him  fall,  so  conspicuous  was  he 
as  a mark  for  sharpshooters;  but  he  performed  his  task  with- 
out the  loss  of  a man. 

Shelling  and  sharpshooting  continued  on  both  sides  by  day 
and  often  at  night.  No  serious  attempt  to  break  our  lines  was 
made  until  the  15th  of  April,  when  the  enemy,  after  at  first 
a partial  success,  were  repulsed  with  very  considerable  loss 
at  Dam  No.  2,  some  two  or  three  miles  to  our  right. 

Our  little  army  had  been  keeping  at  bay  nearly  ten  times 
its  numbers  till  General  Johnston's  army  began,  on  the  10th 
of  April,  to  arrive.  General  McClellan’s  assaults  on  the  lines 
we  occupied,  from  April  5th  to  May  3rd,  now  constitute  in 
history  the  “Siege  of  Yorktown,”  just  as  if  we,  who  were 
stretched  in  a thin  line  behind  the  temporary  breastworks 
extending  over  ten  miles  in  a comparatively  open  country,  with 
a river  navigable  by  the  enemy's  gun  boats  on  either  flank, 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


54 

had.  been  beleagured  in  a fort.  It  was  against  these  that  opera- 
tions were  conducted  as  a siege.  The  Federal  General  had 
concluded  after  his  repulse  at  Dam.  No.  2 not  to  risk  another 
assault,  and  sent  for  siege-guns  that  would  make  our  little 
earthworks  absolutely  untenable.  It  took  time  to  get  and  have 
these  mounted  behind  fortifications,  constructed  out  of  reach 
of  our  little  field  pieces. 

During  the  siege  the  8th  Alabama  lost  four  men  killed  and 
wounded.  McClellan  was  a month  making  ready  for  his  final 
assault,  and  to  us  it  was  a month  of  trial  and  hardships.  Cold 
wintry  rains  were  almost  as  incessant  as  the  shelling  by  the 
enemy.  Little  shelter  did  we:  get  from  the  drenching  rains, 
and  when  we  slept  it  was  always  within  reach  of  our  arms. 
One-third  of  each  regiment  was  required  to  be  in  the  trenches 
all  through  every  night.  We  dug  incessantly,  to  strengthen  our 
works  and  to  construct  ditches  or  covered  ways  through  which 
to  communicate  with  the  wagons  in  our  rear.  The  enemy  soon 
learned  our  range,  and  the  shells  from  their  splendid  guns  burst 
over  our  heads  with  remarkable  accuracy.  But  against  their 
field  pieces,  the  siege  guns  not  having  arrived,  our  rapidly 
improving  embankments  furnished  great  protection.  We  soon 
learned  that  it  took  some  seconds  for  a projectile  to  travel 
1,200  or  1,500  yards  after  leaving  the  mouth  of  a gun,  and 
whenever  guns  were  opening  upon  us  only  at  intervals  the 
cry  of  “look  out/’  was  a signal  for  everybody  to  get  below 
the  breastworks.  Many  were  the  laughs  indulged  in  about  the 
manner  in  which  this  or  that  man  ducked  or  dodged.  Two  boy 
soldiers  of  Co.  F from  Butler  County,  Clem  Gore  and  Charley 
Tisdale,  were  playing  “seven  up”  one  day  behind  the  breast- 
works, and  just  as  Charley,  who  was  a wag  as  well  as  a dare- 
devil, had  begun  to  deal  the  cards  the  cry  came  “look  out!” 
Charley,  calculating  on  the  coming  dodge,  hurried  along  with 
the  deal  and  at  the  moment  when  the  shell  burst  over  them 
and  Clem  “ducked  his  head,”  Charley  slipped  a jack  to  the 
top  and  exclaimed,  “There,  Clem.  Fve  turned  jack!” 

The  writer  will  never  forget  a shad  supper  he  lost  one 
night  during  that  siege.  He  was  in  charge  of  a fatigue  party 
digging  a “covered  way”  to  the  rear.  No  shells  had  been  falling 
near  the  working  party  and  much  to  my  delight  Captain 


19  7 7 


55 


(Julius  A.)  Robbins,  my  Quartermaster  friend,  invited  me  to 
a supper  of  fresh  shad  and  coffee  in  a cabin  just  at  hand.  No 
lights  had  been  allowed  to  diggers,  but  to  the  eating  of  a shad 
at  ten  o’clock  at  night  a light  was  essential.  As  the  door  of 
the  cabin  was  to  be  leeward  of  the  enemy’s  fire  and  was  shut 
and  there  was  no  window  on  the  side  towards  the  enemy, 
Captain  Robbins  thought  he  had  chosen  a safe  place  for  the 
supper;  but  the  light  of  our  candle  must  have  been  gleaming 
through  a chink.  The  Captain’s  cook,  John,  was  coming  towards 
me  with  a plate  of  shad  in  one  hand  and  a big  tin  cup  full  of 
smoking  coffee  in  the  other,  when  suddenly  a shell  burst  just 
over  the  cabin,  a fragment  of  it  tearing  away  some  of  the 
shingles  from  the  roof  with  a tremendous  crash.  In  a twinkling 
of  an  eye  coffee  and  shad  were  on  the  floor,  the  door  was  burst 
open,  and  up  the  road,  was  heard  the  horse  that  was  bearing 
John  away.  The  laugh  in  which  Captain  Robbins  indulged  I 
should  have  enjoyed  much  more  if  only  I had  first  had  my 
supper. 

The  writer  recently  visited  the  lines  occupied  during  the 
“Siege  of  Yorktown”  and  found  still  existing  some  of  McClellan’s 
emplacements  for  siege  guns  half  a mile  in  rear  of  his  breast- 
works in  front.  Wynne’s  Mill  and  the  dam  have  disappeared. 
The  place  is  grown  over  with  trees  and  could  only  be  located 
with  the  aid  of  a guide. 


56 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CHAPTER  IV 
Battle  of  Williamsburg 

On  the  night  of  the  third  of  May  we  left  our  trenches  at 
Yorktown  to  “ge t from  under”  the  siege  guns  of  McClellan,  who 
had  at  length  made  ready  for  the  work  before  him  and  proposed 
to  open  these  guns  upon  us  on  the  4th  of  May;  but  on  that 
day  our  army  had  disappeared  in  the  direction  of  Williamsburg. 

Colonel  Winston  had  been  taken  sick  during  the  siege,  was 
now  absent,  and  the  command  had  devolved  upon  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Irby,  who  had  been  promoted  upon  the  resignation  of 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Frazier.  Captain  Royston  had  becomei 
Major  and  the  regiment  part  of  a brigade  commanded  by  Briga- 
dier General  Roger  A.  Pryor. 

Having  toiled  along  over  the  muddy  roads  that  stretched 
between  our  trenches,  and  Williamsburg,  we  found  ourselves 
on  the  5th  of  May  confronting  General  McClellan’s  pursuing 
forces  at  Williamsburg.  General  Johnston  knew  of  course  that 
McClellan  could  not  have  already  brought  up  his  siege  guns. 
If  at  hand  they  certainly  would  have  been  useful,  as  along  this 
our  second  intended  line  of  defense,  a series  of  earthen  redoubts, 
although  only  at  rare  intervals,  had  already  been  constructed. 

It  was  not  General  Johnston’s  intention  to  make  other  than 
a temporary  stand  at  W’illiamsburg,  and  therefore  it  became 
necessary,  in  making  the  most  of  the  relatively  small  force 
ordered  to  stop  there,  to  divide  the  8th  Alabama  into  four  dif- 
ferent battalions,  detaching  these  to  guard  different  portions  of 
the  line.  Major  Royston  in  command  of  Companies  C,  E,  and 
H,  was  posted  to  the  left  of  our  line  to  support  some  artillery ; 
Captain  Herbert,  commanding  Companies  F,  G,  and  two  small 
pieces  of  artillery,  occupied  a redoubt  on  our  extreme  right; 
Captain  (Duke)  Nall,  in  charge  of  Companies  K,  and  B,  was 
in  Fort  Magruder,  where  he  exchanged  a few  shots  with  the 
enemy’s  skirmishers.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Irby,  with  Companies 
A,  D,  and  I,  at  about  seven  o’clock  in  the  morning  took  posi- 
tion near  the  center  of  our  line  in  support  of  the  14th  Louisiana 
Regiment. 


19  7 7 


57 


At  about  4 p.m.,  Colonel  Irby  was  ordered,  under  the  di- 
rection of  Captain  (P.  T.)  Manning,  Aide-de-Camp,  to  advance 
upon  the  enemy,  who  were  in  his  front  in  thick  woods.  A misty 
rain  had  been  falling  all  day,  and  this,  together  with  the  smoke 
of  battle,  rendered  objects  obscure  even  at  a few  rods  distance. 
A line  of  the  enemy  about  thirty  yards  in  our  front  was  mis- 
taken by  Captain  Manning  for  our  own  troops,  and  he  called 
out:  “Don’t  fire  Alabamians,  these  are  our  friends!”  They, 

hearing  him,  took  advantage  of  the  mistake  and  cried  out:  “Yes, 
we  are  your  friends,  Alabamians,”  and  almost  immediately 
poured  a volley  into  our  men.  The  gallant  Colonel  Irby  fell  dead, 
yet  the  battalion  though  staggered  did  not  break,  but  charging, 
routed  the  enemy  and  held  possession  of  the  ground.  Captain 
Loughry  took  command,  and  being  assigned  a position  by  Briga- 
dier General  R(obert)  H.  Anderson,  held  it  until  ordered  to  fall 
back  at  night. 

General  Pryor  in  his  report,  O.  R.  Series  I,  Vol.  XI,  Part  I, 
p.  588,  says  that  Colonel  Irby  “fell  at  the  first  volley,  that, 
imitating  his  heroic  example,  his  command  behaved  in  the  most 
admirable  manner,  and  that  they  maintained  their  ground  to 
the  end  of  the  battle.”  (See  also  same  volume,  General  (George 
Edward)  Pickett’s  report  giving  particulars,  as  related  here. 

The  loss  of  the  three  companies  was  twenty-eight  killed, 
wounded  or  missing. 

There  was  a general  order  in  our  command  which  was  of 
singular  military  value  in  our  army,  allowing  the  non-com- 
missioned officers  and  men  of  each  company,  after  a battle  to 
select  from  their  number  for  the  roll  of  honor  soldiers  who, 
during  the  engagement  had  most  distinguished  themselves.  This 
order  recognized  and  utilized  the  democratic  spirit  that  per- 
vaded our  troops.  It  gave  each  individual  soldier  a voice  in 
deciding  upon  and  awarding  among  his  fellows  the  prize  of 
“gallantry,”  and  the  spirit  of  justice  and  even  generosity  that 
prevailed  in  the  election  of  names,  contributed  much  towards 
the  splendid  morale  of  the  regiment.  The  decisions  reached 
were  always  implicitly  accepted.  This  order,  the  origin  of  which 
is  not  now  recalled,  seems  from  all  that  can  be  ascertained,  to 
have  nowhere  else  so  faithfully  been  observed  as  in  the  8th 
Alabama. 


53 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


The  roll  at  Wililamsburg  was  as  follows: 

Private  W(illiam)  II.  Duke,  Co.  A.,  killed 
Private  J(ohn)  R.  Phillips,  Co.  C. 

Corporal  W(illiam)  H.  Powell,  Co.  D.,  killed 
Private  James  Canavan,  Co.  I. 

The  battalion  that  fought  under  the  lamented  Colonel  Irby 
that  day  distinguished  itself  by  its  gallant  conduct.  It  was  a 
Jersey  regiment  of  (Major  General  Daniel  E.)  Sickles'  brigade 
that  was  in  their  front.  The  battle  of  Williamsburg  was  fought 
chiefly  by  (General  James)  Long-street’s  Division,  left  as  a rear 
guard  to  secure  the  safe  retreat  of  Johnston’s  army.  The  enemy 
in  Longstreet’s  front  were  repulsed  with  heavy  losses.  During 
the  day  D.  H.  Hill’s  Division  had  been  marched  back  and  four 
of  his  regiments  were  defeated  in  an  attack  on  entrenchments 
Hancock  had  seized  on  our  left.  Williamsburg  was  a Confed- 
erate success;  it  practically  put  an  end  to  the  Federal  pursuit. 
Their  losses  were  reported  at  2,289,  including  wounded  and 
missing;  our-s,  1,560.  The  Confederate  captured  about  400 
prisoners,  brought  away  five  cannons  and  capture  five  others 
which  were  destroyed. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  the  regiment  resumed  its  march 
towards  Richmond  and  the  enemy,  severely  checked  at  Williams- 
burg, followed  warily.  The  weather  was  bad,  the  mud  so  deep 
that  often  artillery  and  other  wagons  could  only  be  moved  by 
soldiers  helping  at  the  wheels.  To  complete  our  discomfort  we 
were  much  of  the  time  without  food.  Once,  on  this  march  of 
some  days  to  Long  Bridge  on  the  Chickahominy,  the  regiment 
had  nothing  to  eat  for  about  thirty  hours,  and  our  long  fast 
wafe  broken  by  the  slaughter  of  some  cattle,  which,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  our  cooking  utensils,  had  to  be  roasted  on  coals,  and 
eaten  without  salt  or  bread.  Tough  beef,  served  up  in  that  style, 
was  not  a palatable  dish,  even  to  men  as  hungry  as  we  were. 


19  7 7 


59 


CHAPTER  V 
Battle  of  Seven  Pines. 

The  Regiment  was  now  encamped  near  Richmond,  and 
while  here  Colonel  Winston  had  returned  and  was  in  command 
on  the  31st  of  May  at  the  battle  of  Seven  Pines.  On  that 
morning  the  Regiment  marched  towards  the  scene  of  action, 
but  we  were  in  reserve  and  did  not  take  part  in  the  fight  of 
this  day.  After  nightfall  we  were  moved  forward  and  occupied 
a portion  of  the  field  from  which  the  enemy,  (Brigadier  General 
Silas)  Casey’s  Division,  had  been  routed,  and  here  the  writer, 
now  Major,  was  ordered  with  a detail  of  300  men  to  look  after 
and  gather  up  the  wounded  on  both  sides.  Casey  had  been 
attacked  while  his  men  were  cooking  and  what  we  now  saw 
in  camp  indicated  clearly  how  complete  at  that  point  our  victory 
had  been.  Men  had  dropped  everything  where  it  was.  Pots 
were  still  swinging  over  fires  still  smouldering ; bacon,  crackers, 
sugar,  coffee,  clothing  and  other  paraphernalia  of  camp  were 
promiscuously  scattered;  still  standing,  here  and  there,  were 
'Sutlers’  tents  filled  with  canned  foods,  liquors  in  great  variety, 
and  knick-knacks,  such  as  Confederate  soldiers  had  of  late 
seen  only  in  their  dreams.  We  exulted  of  course  in  all  these 
evidences  of  success,  but  it  soon  became  painfully  evident  that 
our  victory,  that  afternoon  at  this  point,  had  not  been  won 
without  great  sacrifices.  The  Federal  wounded  were  more 
numerous  than  ours,  but  though  we  relieved  hundreds  of 
wounded  Federals,  we  came  upon  many  a poor  Confederate  who 
also  sadly  needed  our  help.  A brother-in-law  of  the  writer, 
George  Cook,  of  the  6th  Alabama,  lay  dead  on  that  field,  but 
it  was  fortunately  not  for  me  to  find  his  body.  We  were  not 
examining  the  dead,  only  answering  the  piteous  cries  of  the 
wounded  that  came  up  to  us  from  all  sides. 

At  3 o’clock  in  the  morning  we  finished  our  task.  The 
writer,  taking  shelter  from  the  rain,  crawled  into  a little 
tent.  Inside  was  a man  sprawled  out,  occupying  nearly  the  whole 
space.  Lying  down  by  his  side  I shook  him  and  said,  ‘‘Get 
further!”  He  was  dead  and  already  stiff.  Another  tent  was 
found  close  by. 

Early  next  morning  we  were  in  a hot  fight.  Our  brigade, 


60 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Pryor’s,  was  orde"  1 forward,  the  8th  Alabama  in  front.  There 
was  heavy  firing  jparently  some  half  mile  away.  We  halted 
for  a -short  time  in  the  Williamsburg  road,  listening  to.  the 
sounds  of  battle  and  awaiting  orders.  The  writer  sat  upon 
his  horse  close  by  Company  C.  My  friend  Captain  Leonard 
Summers  of  that  company  placing  his  hand  upon  my  kneee, 
looked  up  into  my  face  and  recited,  with  a pathos  that  is  still 
ringing  in  my  ears: 

“A  soldier  of  the  Legion 
lay  dying  at  Algiers, 

There  was  a lack  of  woman’s  nursing, 
there  was  dearth  of  woman’s  tears, 

But  a comrade  stood  beside  him 

while  his  life-blood  ebbed  away 
And  bent  with  pitying  glances 
to  hear  what  he  might  say. 

The  dying  soldier  faltered 

as  he  took  that  comrade’s  hand, 

And  he  said,  “I  never  more  shall  see 
my  own  — my  native  land; 

Take  a message  and  a token, 

to  some  distant  friend  of  mine, 

For  I was  born  at  Bingen  — 
at  Bingen  on  the  Rhine. 

Tell  my  brothers  and  companions, 

when  they  meet  and  crowd  around, 

To  hear  my  mournful  story 

in  the  pleasant  vineyard  ground, 

That  we  fought  the  battle  bravely, 
and  when  the  day  was  done 
Full  many  a corpse  lay  ghastly  pale 
beneath  the  setting  sun.” 

At  about  this  point  the  recital  was  interrupted  by  the  order, 
“Forward!”  and  within  twenty  minutes  from  that  time  poor 
Summers  was  no  more.  While  marching  through  the  thick 
woods  by  the  right  flank  in  quick  time  towards  the  sound  of 
the  firing,  with  no  skirmishers  or  flankers  out,  and  during 
the  crossing  of  a boggy  branch,  which  necessarily  scattered  our 


19  7 7 


61 


files,  a body  of  the  enemy,  who  were  in  line  close  by  our  right 
and  whose  presence  was  not  suspected,  suddenly  poured  a most 
destructive  volley  into  our  ranks.  This  was  from  the  side  that 
was  properly  the  rear  of  the  regiment.  The  officers  and  file 
closers  were  therefore  all  between  our  men  and  the  enemy’s  line. 

About  forty  of  the  regiment,  including  Captain  Summers 
of  Co.  C.,  Captain  Loughry,  Co.  I.,  and  First  Lieutenant  Joshua 
Kennedy  of  Co.  H.,  fell  at  the  first  volley  from  the  enemy.  The 
regiment  thus  surprised  fell  back  in  disorder,  some  100  yards, 
and  here  rallied  and  made  a stand,  and  facing  by  the  rear  rank 
here  held  its  ground  against  the  enemy,  who  advanced  upon 
us  as  they  fired.  In  repelling  this  attack  the  8th  was  mate- 
rially aided  by  the  14th  Alabama  regiment,  which  had  been 
following  us  and  was  now  on  our  right  as  we  faced  the  enemy. 

When  the  enemy  opened  fire  upon  us,  Major  Herbert  was 
at  his  place  on  the  right  of  the  left  wing  of  the  regiment  as  it 
was  advancing  through  the  wood,  and  was  therefore  between 
the  regiment  and  the  enemy.  By  the  same  volley  that  killed 
Captains  Summers  and  Loughry  and  Lieutenant  Kennedy,  the 
Major’s  horse  seemed  to  have  been  injured;  at  any  rate  the 
horse  would  not  move  when  the  regiment  fell  back  to  the  left, 
but  for  a time  stood  still,  shivering;  and  as  soon  as  the  8th 
had  sufficiently  recovered  from  the  shock  of  its  surprise  to 
begin  firing,  the  writer  was  between  the  two  fires,  and  thus 
got  the  credit  from  some  of  the  correspondents  of  Northern 
newspapers,  to  which  he  was  not  entitled,  of  being  voluntarily 
out  in  front  of  our  lines.  The  writer  of  course  used  his  pistol 
freely  while  his  horse  thus  stood  still,  but  as  soon  as  the  horse 
would  move  he  turned  and  rode  rapidly  in  the  direction  from 
which  the  regiment  had  come,  to  get  out  of  the  cross  firing. 
I had  not  ridden,  perhaps,  more  than  forty  yards  in  the  thick 
bushes  when  my  horse  made  a stumbling  fall.  When  I regained 
my  feet  I thought  I was  among  my  own  people  and  at  once 
ordered  them  to  “stop  straggling  and  get  into  line.”  The  fact 
that  they  were  dressed  in  blue  did  not  keep  me  from  thinking 
that  they  were  our  men,  because  on  the  night  before,  in  Casey’s 
camp,  our  men  had  almost  every  one  of  them  supplied  themselves 
with  blue  overcoats ; and  the  air  too,  was  now  thick  with  dense 
smoke. 


62  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

Soon  afterwards  The  Philadelphia  Inquirer  printed  a letter 
from  its  war  correspondent,  dated,  “Battlefield,  June  2,  1862,” 
in  which  the  following  appeared  referring  to  my  capture: 

“Major  Herbert  of  the  8th  Alabama  Regiment,  was 
taken  prisoner  at  this  time.  His  horse  had  been  shot 
under  him,  and  as  he  fell  he  received  a shot  in  his  side. 

He  sprang  to  his  feet,  however,  almost  instantly,  and 
seeing  several  of  our  men  in  front  of  him,  mistook  them 
for  some  of  his  own  regiment. 

“Rally  once  more,  boys!’  he  cried;  but  they  corrected 
his  mistake  by  presenting  their  bayonets  and  demand- 
ing him  to  surrender,  which  he  did  with  all  the  grace 
and  finish  that  an  original  Secessionist,  as  he  after- 
wards informed  me  he  was,  could  do  under  the  cir- 
cumstances.” 

I do  not  print  the  whole  letter  of  this  correspondent,  because 
he  makes  the  absolutely  untenable  statement  that  our  regiment 
fired  the  first  volley,  when  the  fact  was  that  by  reason  of 
our  having  out  no  skirmishers  or  flankers,  the  enemy’s  opening 
volley  took  the  regiment  by  complete  surprise. 

The  loss  of  the  regiment  was  131  killed,  wounded  and  miss- 
ing. Lieutenant  Robert  R.  Scott  of  Company  H,  and  Lieutenant 
John  McGrath  (of  Company  I)  were  among  the  officers  men- 
tioned for  gallantry,  and  the  roll  of  honor  for  Seven  Pines  was: 

Sergeant  Frank  (Francis  K.)  Williams,  Co.  A.,  killed 
Private  W.  A.  Hall,  Co.  B. 

Private  J(oseph)  B.  Tallen,  Co.  C. 

Corporal  Eli  Shortridge,  Co.  D.,  killed. 

Private  John  D.  Deaton,  Co.  E. 

Private  George  W.  Lee,  Co.  F. 

Private  Charles  Hippier,  Jr.,  Co.  G.,  killed 
Private  John  Caney,  Co.  I. 

Private  J.  D.  Garrison,  Co.  K. 

The  Confederates  ought  to  and  would  have  won  a great  victory 
at  Seven  Pines,  or  Fair  Oaks,  if  Johnston’s  plans  had  been  car- 
ried out.  McClellan’s  army  was  divided  by  the  Chickahominy 


1 9 V 7 


63 


river,  his  left  wing,  less  than  half  of  his  army,  being  south  of 
the  river.  Johnston  proposed  to  destroy  this  wing  before  it 
could  be  reinforced  by  rapidly  concentrating  upon  it  his  superior 
forces. 

But  his  combinations  failed,  attacks  were  made  in  detail 
and  not  in  concert.  Some  succeeded,  others  failed.  Many 
commands  never  reached  the  front  at  all.  What  Generals  were 
at  fault  is  not  here  discussed,  but  there  were  misunderstandings 
of  orders,  great  want  of  knowledge  of  roads,  playing  at  cross 
purposes,  and  an  utter  failure  to  combine  efficiently.  Johnston 
was  wounded,  McClellan  reinforced  his  left  wing  and  held  his 
ground.  The  Confederate  losses  were  6,134  — Federal  losses 
5,031. 

Colonel  Winston  at  Seven  Pines  behaved  with  great  gal- 
lantry, but  his  health  had  never  been  vigorous  enough  to  permit 
him  to  withstand  the  hardships  of  campaign  life,  and  on  the 
16th  of  June  he  resigned.  Command  of  the  regiment  now  de- 
volved upon  Lieutenant  Colonel  Royston,  and  about  this  time 
the  8th,  9th,  10th,  11th  and  14th  Alabama  regiments  were  in- 
corporated into  what  was  subsequently  the  historic  Wilcox’s 
Brigade  of  Alabamians,  commanded  by  (Brigadier)  General 
Cadmus  M.  Wilcox. 


64 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CHAPTER  VI 

The  Seven  Days  Around  Richmond. 

When  the  great  battles  around  Richmond  began  the  regi- 
ment, though  it  moved  several  times,  was  not  actively  engaged 
until  it  took  part  on  the  27th  of  June  in  the  successful  assault 
on  the  strongly  fortified  position  of  Gen.  Fitz  John  Porter  at 
Gaines’  Mill. 

Here  the  front  line  of  the  enemy  occupied  a work  con- 
structed of  fallen  timber  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  Gaines’ 
dwelling  house  is  situated.  This  ditch  was  about  six  feet  wide 
and  three  to  four  feet  in  depth.  In  front  the  approach  to  it 
was  impeded  by  an  abattis  of  fallen  timber  covered  with  brush 
and  briars.  About  100  yards  in  rear  of  this  line  and  on  top 
of  the  hill,  which  was  a very  commanding  eminence,  was  a sec- 
ond line  of  fortifications,  manned  by  infantry  and  artillery. 
The  8th  and  9th  formed  our  second  line  of  attack.  The  writer 
being  still  prisoner  at  Fort  Delaware  was  not  present  at  the 
engagement,  and  copies  from  the  official  report  of  the  battle 
by  General  Wilcox,  our  Brigadier,  the  following: 

“Nothing  could  surpass  the  valor  and  impetuosity  of  our 
men.  They  encountered  the  enemy  in  larger  force  and  directly 
in  their  front,  behind  two  lines  of  breastworks,  the  second  over- 
looking the  first,  and  from  behind  this,  as  well  as  the  first, 
a close  and  terrible  fire  of  musketry  is  poured  upon  them.  The 
bed  of  a small  stream  at  their  feet  and  between  them  and  the 
enemy  is  used  as  a rifle  pit  and  from  this  a strong  line  of  fire 
is  also  brought  to  bear  upon  us.  Thus  exposed  to  the  three 
lines  of  fire  they  bravely  confront  it  ail  and  press  forward  and 
close  in  on  the  enemy.  Now  there  is  a slight  halt  and  some 
wavering  and  a few  men  give  way,  but  a second  supporting 
line  is  near  — the  8th  and  9th  Alabama  press  on  in  rear  of 
the  11th  and  10th  Alabama,  and  (Brigadier  General  Winfield 
Scott)  Featherston  in  the  rear  of  Pryor.  The  first,  impulse 
is  more  than  redoubled.  Other  brigades  come  in  on  the  left  of 
Pryor,  and  in  rear  of  where  we  are  so  hotly  engaged.  Our  men 
still  press  on  with  unabated  fury.  The  enemy  at  length  with 
but  a few  yards  between  them  and  our  men  are  shaken  and  be- 
gin to  yield.  Our  men  full  of  confidence  rush  with  irresistable 


19  7 7 


65 


force  upon  him  and  he  is  driven  from  his  rifle  pits  pell  mell 
over  his  first  breastwork  of  logs,  and  here  he  vainly  attempts 
to  reform  and  show  a bold  front,  but  closely  followed  by  our 
men,  he  yields  and  is  driven  over  and  beyond  his  second  ban- 
quet of  logs  into  the  standing  timber  and  finally  into  the  open 
field.  Now  for  the  first  time  cheers  are  heard  from  our  troops 
and  the  enemy  is  driven  from  his  strong  position.  Our  loss  has 
been  up  to  this  time  severe,  but  now  the  enemy  is  made  to 
suffer;  no  longer  screened  by  his  breastworks  or  standing  tim- 
ber his  slaughter  is  terrible.  Our  men  have  no  difficulty  in 
chasing  him  before  them  in  any  and  all  directions.  The  pre- 
cision of  our  fire  is  now  demonstrated  clearly.  The  number  of 
the  enemy’s  dead  in  regular  lines  mark  in  some  places  distinctly 
where  the  lines  of  battle  of  their  different  regiments  were 
formed.  The  enemy  yielding  in  all  directions  loses  his  battery 
of  Napoleon  guns.  Many  prisoners  are  taken.  We  pursue  them 
far  across  the  open  field  to  the  woods  of  the  swamp  of  the 
Chickahominy,  and  the  pursuit  is  only  arrested  by  night.  The 
victory  is  completed,  the  enemy  is  repulsed  and  pursued  at 
every  point  and  those  that  escape  falling  into  our  hands  do  so 
under  the  cover  of  the  darkness  and  the  night. 

“Before  closing  this  report  I beg  to  say  that  the  magnifi- 
cent courage  of  our  men  as  displayed  in  this  action  is  worthy 
of  all  praise.  To  properly  appreciate  the  gallantry  of  those  that 
aided  in  the  achievement  of  this  brilliant  victory,  we  have  only 
to  examine  the  position  occupied  by  the  enemy’s  infantry  and  to 
recall  the  fact  that  the  open  field  over  which  our  men  advanced 
was  swept  by  a direct  fire  of  artillery,  shot,  shell,  grane  and 
cannister,  from  the  rear  of  the  enemy’s  infantry  and  from  an 
enfilade  fire  from  batteries  of  rifled  cannon  from  beyond  the 
Chickahominy.  The  enemy’s  infantry,  as  previously  stated,  oc- 
cupied the  bed  of  a small  stream  as  a rifle  pit,  and  on  the  as- 
cending ground  in  the  rear  of  this  were  two  lines  of  log  breast- 
works, behind  which  sheltered  in  comparative  security  were 
heavy  masses  of  their  infantry.  Three  lines  of  infantry  could 
thus  be  used  against  our  men  at  the  same  time  and  within  less 
than  100  yards.  In  driving  the  enemy  from  this  strong  posi- 
tion our  loss  was  heavy,  but  we  should  be  profoundly  grateful 
that  it  was  not  more  so. 

“Of  the  officers  killed  and  severely  wounded,  I may  men- 


60  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

tion  the  names  of  — 

Capt.  Thomas  Phelan  (Co.  A.)  - — killed 

Lieutenant  C.  M.  Maynard  (Co.  B.)  — killed 

Lieutenant  W.  H.  Lane  (Co.  F.)  — killed 

Lieutenant  August  Jansen  (Co.  G.)  — killed 

“Lieutenant  Colonel  Y.  L.  Royston,  commanding  the  8th 
Alabama,  was  with  his  regiment  during  the  entire  engagement 
and  commanded  it  with  great  courage  and  good  judgment,  and 
the  losses  sustained  by  this  regiment,  the  weakest  in  numbers, 
is  evidence  of  the  severity  of  the  contest  in  which  it  was  engaged. 

“Among  the  medical  officers  on  duty  v/ith  the  Brigade,  I 
may  call  to  your  favorable  notice  Robert  T.  Royston,  8th  Ala- 
bama, acting  as  Brigade  Surgeon,”  etc.  0.  R.  Ser.  I,  Vol.  XI, 
Part  II,  pp.  773-4-5. 

Following  is  the  men’s  roll  of  honor  at  Gaines’  Mill: 

Corporal  Samuel  L.  Cochran,  Co.  A.,  killed. 

Private  R.  T.  Bush,  Co.  B. 

Private  John  G.  Shields,  Co.  C.,  killed. 

Private  W.  E.  Donoho,  Co.  D. 

Sergeant  J.  B.  Milner,  Co.  F. 

Third  Sergeant  C.  F.  Walker,  Co.  G. 

Private  W.  H.  McGraw,  Co.  H. 

Private  Hugh  McKewn,  Co.  1. 

Private  John  W.  Griffin,  Co.  K. 

In  this  bloody  encounter  the  regiment  numbering  400  on 
the  field  lost  149  killed  and  wounded. 

Among  the  killed  was  our  gallant  color-bearer  Sergeant 
Michael  Sexton,  of  Co.  I.  He  had  been  wounded  in  the  first 
skirmish  in  which  the  regiment  was  engaged.  Corporal  Phelan 
Harris  carried  the  colors  bravely  after  the  fall  of  Sergeant 
Sexton  and  was,  on  the  field,  appointed  color  sergeant  for  gal- 
lantry. 

Captain  G.  W.  Hannon  of  Co.  B.  received  a wound  in  this 
battle,  of  which  he  afterwards  died.  This  officer  had  so  strong 


19  7 7 


67 


a presentiment  that  this  battle  was  to  be  his  last,  that  just 
before  entering  it,  he  gave  to  a friend  his  watch,  and  a message 
to  his  family.  He  was  a very  brave  man,  had  never  before  been 
troubled  with  any  such  presentiment,  and  even  now.  in  spite  of 
the  feeling  that  this  was  his  last  battle,  he  was  cool  and  col- 
lected, and  all  the  time  at  his  post. 

On  the  following  day  the  regiment  was  engaged  in  burying 
the  dead  and  gathering  arms. 

Frazier's  Farm 

On  the  27th  of  June  the  regiment  marched  to  the  Richmond 
side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  in  the  direction  of  the  battlefield 
of  Frazier's  Farm,  and  in  it  occurred  some  of  the  most  obstinate 
fighting  of  the  war.  It  was  an  attempt  to  carry  out  General 
Lee's  plan  of  crushing  the  enemy  by  concentrating  a heavy  force 
upon  them  as  they  were  making  their  way  in  retreat  towards 
their  gunboats  on  the  James  River.  For  reasons  which  it  is 
not  intended  here  to  discuss,  there  was  a failure  on  the  part  of 
other  commands  to  cooperate,  and  therefore  some  16,000  of 
Lee's  troops  attacked  about  25,000  of  the  enemy,  who  were 
well  posted  in  good  positions  and  supported  in  the  progress 
of  the  fight  by  heavy  reserves  that  were  nearby.  On  our  right 
the  11th  Alabama  captured  (Captain  Alanson  M.)  Randol's  bat- 
tery. After  desperate  hand-to-hand  struggle  with  the  enemy's 
reinforcements;  the  11th  was  compelled  to  fall  back  as  did  the 
Federals.  The  battery  was  left  between  the  lines,  but  it  was 
finally  secured  by  the  Confederates  with  other  guns  and  some 
prisoners,  the  battle  continuing  far  into  the  night.  The 
Federals  were  finally  coming  forward  with  heavy  rein- 
forcements, when  they  were  induced  to  retire  by  a ruse  of 
(Major  General)  A(mbrose)  P.  Hill.  Our  brigade,  which  had 
previously  fallen  back,  was  ordered  to  come  forward  cheering 
“long  and  loudly.”  The  enemy  supposed  fresh  troops  had  ar- 
rived, and  retired.  Our  boys  had  obeyed  Hill's  order  with  a 
will  and  were  delighted  to  win  a battle  in  that  way. 

This  action  was  fought  on  the  30th  of  June.  The  regiment 
was  now  quite  small.  It  took  post  on  the  left  of  our  line.  The 
enemy  was  in  our  front  with  artillery  and  infantry,  and  had  a 
line  of  reserves  immediately  at  hand.  Just  before  the  advance 
was  ordered,  an  officer,  supposed  to  be  an  Aide,  came  down  the 


68 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


line  ordering  the  troops  to  give  way  to  the  left.  Our  regiment 
by  thus  moving  to  the  left  created  a gap  of  about  200  yards 
between  it  and  the  next  regiment  on  the  right.  The  order  was 
now  given  to  advance,  seeing  which  Colonel  Koyston  also 
moved  forward  through  the  open  field  between  us  and  the 
enemy.  Advancing  steadily  under  heavy  fire,  losing  men  at 
every  step,  the  regiment  gained  a point  within  thirty  yards 
of  the  enemy's  battery  from  which  the  gunners  were  driven 
back.  The  enemy's  first  line  of  infantry  too  gave  way,  but  now 
came  up  their  reserves.  Against  these  fresh  troops  our  thinned 
and  exhausted  ranks  could  not  make  way.  These  new  troops 
had  come  upon  our  left  and  having  no  one  in  their  front,  poured 
on  us  a deadly  oblique  fire.  Our  right  was  also  being  com- 
pelled by  overwhelming  forces  to  retire,  and  Colonel  Royston 
now  gave  the  order  to  fall  back,  about  which  time  he  himself 
fell  wounded.  The  regiment  fell  back  to  the  woods  from  which 
it  had  advanced.  Here  Captain  Cleveland  took  command  of  the 
handful  of  men  left  and  advanced  again  to  the  attack,  but  though 
he  made  a most  determined  effort,  we  were  unable  to  carry  the 
enemy's  position. 

The  writer,  who  was  still  in  prison  and  not  present  at  this 
battle,  has  taken  the  above  account  from  the  official  history 
written  by  him  in  camp  in  1864,  referred  to  in  the  preface. 
It  was  carefully  compiled  from  statements  made  to  the  writer 
at  the  time  by  those  who  had  participated  in  the  fight. 

Colonel  Royston  was  mentioned  for  gallantry  in  General 
Wilcox's  report. 

The  regiment  in  this  fight  lost  60  killed  and  wounded  — 
more  than  half  the  number  carried  into  the  fight. 

Color  sergeant  Phelan  Harris  had  the  flag  staff  severed 
in  his  hands  by  a musket  ball,  but  was  not  injured.  Private 
W(illiam)  A.  Ryan  of  Company  E.  was  afterwards  made  Lieu- 
tenant for  his  gallantry  on  this  field. 

An  incident  of  this  battle  well  illustrates  the  spirit  that 
animated  our  soldiers.  Little  Charley  Tisdale  of  Company  F., 
the  youngest  boy  in  the  regiment,  had  been  sick  and  absent  at 
Seven  Pines;  at  Gaines'  Mill  he  had  been  wounded  in  the  be- 


19  7 7 


69 


ginning  of  the  charge,  and  in  this  fight,  as  the  regiment  while 
advancing  was  crossing  a fence,  a rail,  struck  by  a shell  from 
the  enemy’s  battery,  knocked  his  knee  out  of  joint,  and  the 
regiment  went  on,  leaving  poor  Charley  on  the  ground,  crying 
as  if  his  heart  would  break.  An  officer  coming  by  sought  to 
rally  the  boy,  telling  him  he  must  be  a soldier  and  not  cry 
because  he  was  wounded.  Charley  indignantly  replied: 

“I  am  not  crying  because  I am  hurt,  but  because  these 
d — d Yankees  won’t  let  me  get  a shot  at  them.  They 
knocked  my  gun  out  of  my  hand  and  wounded  me  at 
Gaines’  Mill  before  I got  a chance  at  ’em,  and  now  then, 
before  I could  fire  my  gun,  they’ve  knocked  my  leg  out 
of  joint.’' 

Poor  littlei  Charley,  he  was  always  brave  in  battle  and 
cheery  in  camp,  but  died  from  pneumonia  a year  later. 

McClellan’s  defeat  by  General  Lee  in  the  battles  around 
Richmond  caused  immense  dissatisfaction  at  Washington.  He 
was  soon  afterwards  removed  and  (Major  General  John)  Pope 
was  put  in  command.  McClellan  here  was  the  first  to  forfeit 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  because  he  did  not  beat 
Lee. 


The  regiment  remained  encamped  near  Richmond  under 
Captain  Cleveland  until  the  beginning  of  the  Maryland  cam- 
paign. Major  Herbert  had  now  been  exchanged  and  took  com- 
mand, and  we  left  for  Gordonsville  on  the  11th  of  August,  1862. 
Wilcox’s  Brigade  was  now  a part  of  R.  H.  Anderson's  Division 
in  Longstreet’s  Corps.  General  Pope  when  he  took  charge  of 
the  Federal  Army  of  the  Potomac  boasted  that  in  the  West  he 
had  never  seen  anything  but  “the  backs  of  his  enemies,”  and, 
as  General  McClellan  had  been  much  blamed  at  Washington  for 
being  slow  in  his  movements,  this  new  commander,  in  token  of 
the  rapidity  with  which  he  was  to  move  on  Richmond,  began 
by  writing  orders  from  “Headquarters  in  the  Saddle.”  One  of 
our  wits  said  at  that  time  that  the  new  General  did  “not  know 
his  headquarters  from  his  hindquarters.”  It  was  not  many  days 
after  that  boastful  order  when  Pope,  with  his  eyes  turned  toward 
Richmond  and  confidently  believing  that  Lee’s  whole  army  was 
in  his  front  across  the  Rappahannock,  suddenly  discovered  that 


70  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

Jackson’s  corps  was  burning  his  stores  behind  him  at  Manassas 
Junction.  Before  he  could  turn  his  saddle  front  about  and  crush 
Jackson,  Lee  was  there  with  Longstreet’s  Corps  to  help  fight 
the  Battle  of  Manassas. 


1 9 V 7 


71 


CHAPTER  VII 
Second  Manassas. 

Jackson  by  rapid  circuitous  march,  leaving  Lee  in  Pope’s 
front  on  the  Rappahannock,  marched  around  Pope’s  rear  and 
reached  Manassas,  finding  there  a vast  depot  of  supplies.  After 
his  men  had  helped  themselves  he  burned  the  remainder  and 
disappeared.  The  next  day,  the  28th  of  June,  he  encountered 
and  fought  a severe  but  not  very  decisive  engagement  with 
(Brigadier  General  Rufus)  King’s  Division  of  the  enemy.  On  the 
29th  Longstreet’s  Corps,  in  which  was  Wilcox’s  Brigade,  was 
hurrying  to  join  Jackson,  who  was  on  that  day  hotly  engaged 
with  a large  portion  of  Pope’s  army.  Longstreet,  about  one 
o’clock,  began  taking  up  his  lines  on  the  right  of  Jackson,  who 
during  the  day  repulsed  four  successive  assaults  which  had 
been  made  with  great  vigor,  and  in  which  the  assailants  lost 
heavily.  The  fighting  was  desperate  and  the  losses  heavy  on 
both  sides.  At  some  points  during  the  battle  the  Federals  were 
temporarily  successful,  but  the  results  of  the  day  favored  the 
Confederates.  Late  in  the  afternoon  some  of  Longstreet’s  forces 
materially  aided  Jackson,  but  Wilcox’s  Brigade  was  not  engaged. 
Jackson  just  after  nightfall  withdrew  somewhat  behind  the 
position  he  had  occupied  during  the  day.  Pope  advised  of  this 
movement  wired  Washington  next  morning  that  he  was  about 
to  crush  the  Confederates,  who  were  on  the  retreat. 

On  the  30th  Pope  renewed  his  assault,  and  Longstreet 
moved  forward  to  the  attack.  Our  brigade  did  not  form  a por- 
tion of  the  first  line,  but  was  kept  always  within  supporting 
distance,  so  as  to  reinforce  such  portions  of  our  line  as  might 
need  assistance.  We  occupied  for  brief  spaces  of  time  during 
the  battle  many  positions,  very  often  eminences  overlooking  the 
wide  battlefield,  but  never  did  we  halt  for  long.  All  day  it  was 
one  grand,  onward,  victorious  sweep,  and  we  were  nearly  always 
moving  obliquely  forward,  now  from  right  to  left  and  then  from 
left  to  right,  behind  our  advancing  lines  in  the  battle,  but  not 
of  it.  In  front  of  us  and  sometimes  over  our  heads,  shells  were 
bursting,  shrapnel  were  shrieking,  and  the  singing  zip  of  min- 
nie  balls  was  in  our  ears.  Some  of  the  projectiles  were  aimed 
especially  at  us,  but  most  of  the  deadly  missiles  whizzing  and 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


whirring  about  us  were  intended  for  our  friends  in  front;  and 
yet  we  did  not  get  to  fire  a shot  that  day.  Nowhere  did  our 
troops  in  our  immediate  front  fail  to  drive  the  enemy,  until  just 
at  the  close  of  the  battle  near  nightfall. 

It  was  a glorious  spectacle,  that  panorama  greeting  our 
eyes,  and  thrilling  our  hearts  with  an  enthusiasm  such  as  it  is 
never  given  mortal  to  know,  save  only  in  the  smoke  of  victorious 
battle.  Manassas  the  Second  was  spread  out  over  a vast  plain 
composed  of  a succession  of  level  plateaus.  From  our  eminence 
where  we  halted  for  further  orders  we  saw  stretching  far  to 
the  left  one  behind  another  three  long  lines  of  blue,  the  blue 
lines  flecked  here  and  there  by  groups  of  red-capped  artillery. 
Their  polished  bayonets  were  gleaming  and  their  brass  field 
pieces  were  glistening  in  the  sunlight,  and  everywhere,  above 
the  artillery  and  above  the  infantry,  banners  were  waving. 
These  embattled  hosts  of  the  enemy  had  now  become  veterans- 
Defeat  had  not  curbed  their  proud  spirits.  In  the  distance 
where  inequalities,  if  there  were  any,  could  not  be  observed, 
these  lines  of  infantry  appeared  to  be  moving  like  clock-work. 
Jackson  was  on  our  left,  and  along  his  front  the  enemy  was 
attacking.  At  one  point  near  Jackson’s  right  three  lines  of 
infantry  were  advancing,  their  alignment  seemingly  perfect,  as, 
with  measured  tread  they  moved  forward.  Not  a puff  of  smoke 
obscured  the  spectacle;  nearer  and  nearer  marched  the  brave 
fellows,  when  suddenly,  at  a distance  of  300  yards,  came  a 
cannon  shot  from  Jackson’s  line.  The  projectile  seemed  to  have 
struck  the  lower  end  of  the  flag-staff,  in  the  front  line.  Down 
went  the  color-bearer  and  up  went  the  flag  in  the  air;  but  the 
flag  did  not  reach  the  ground.  Another  had  caught  it,  and  as 
he  waved  it  aloft  the  line  continued  forward.  But  they  could 
not  withstand  the  withering  fire  of  musketry  that  greeted  them 
when  closer  by.  Their  first  line  staggered  while  it  discharged 
its.  volleys,  struggled  forward  a few  steps,  and  halted,  still 
firing,  then  began  to  break  by  twos  and  threes,  and  finally 
went  back  many  of  the  gallant  fellows  turning  to  discharge 
their  pieces  as  they  retreated.  When  the  break  began  and  as 
the  confusion  increased  officers  here  and  there  were  to  be  seen 
waving  their  swords  in  the  effort  to  reform  the  lines  and  go 
forward,  and  many  of  them  went  down  with  their  bright  blades 
glittering  in  the  air;  but  finally  it  was  clear  that  the  assault 


19  7 7 


73 


was  a failure.  The  second  and  third  lines  were  borne  back  with 
the  first,  and  the  ground  left  behind  them  was  strewn  with  the 
dead  and  dying. 

And  now  in  our  immediate  front  six  pieces  of  the  Wash- 
ington (Louisiana)  artillery  occupying  their  place  between 
advancing  lines  of  our  infantry,  on  their  right  and  left,  were 
charging  across  the  plain.  The  two  pieces  on  the  right  and  the 
two  pieces  on  the  left  simultaneously  galloped  some  fifty  yards 
forward  and  wheeling  into  line,  as  if  on  parade,  unlimbered  on 
the  enemy.  In  a few  moments  the  two  center  pieces  had  gal- 
loped forward  and  unlimbered  fifty  yards  further  to  the  front. 
Now  the  other  four  were  fifty  yards  in  front,  and,  in  their 
turn  as  the  enemy  retreated,  this  charge  of  the  Washington 
artillery  continued,  four  pieces  and  two  pieces  alternately  for- 
warding. 

Such  a drill  as  this  was  in  the  midst  of  the  roar  of  guns 
and  the  smoke  of  battle!  To  the  right  and  to  the  left  of  the 
glorious  artillery  the  march  of  our  victorious  columns  of  in- 
fantry continued.  All  along  the  line  in  our  front  it  was  onward, 
and  still  onward:  At  one  time  we  double-quicked  far  to  the 

right,  to  aid  (Major  General  John  Bell)  Hood's  Brigade,  but 
when  we  reached  the  scene  of  the  struggle  the  Texans  were 
out  of  sight  over  a swale,  and  the  field  over  which  they  had 
marched  was  thickly  strewn  with  the  bodies  of  New  York 
Zouaves,  with  their  picturesque  red  breeches  and  caps.  It 
recalls  vividly  the  horrors  of  war  to  remember  that,  as  we 
looked  upon  the  scene,  one  of  our  men  cried  out,  “See,  boys, 
what  a beautiful  bed  of  roses!" 

Late  that  evening  the  enemy  succeeded  in  making  a stand, 
and  with  massed  artillery  saved  from  further  pursuit  at  that 
point  their  routed  army.  Our  brigade  was  near  by,  and  expected 
an  order  to  charge,  but  the  order  was  not  given. 

Our  loss  during  the  day  was  seventeen  killed  and  wounded. 

Roll  of  Honor: 

Corporal  R(ichard)  Murphy,  Co.  A. 

Private  James  Jennings,  Co.  I. 


74 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


The  second  battle  of  Manassas  was  the  downfall  of  General 
Pope.  The  second  Federal  General  had  been  unhorsed  by  Gen- 
eral Lee.  Genral  McClellan  was  again  called  to  command  the 
army  of  the  Potomac. 


19  7 7 


75 


CHAPTER  VIII 
The  Maryland  Campaign 

We  crossed  the  Potomac  into  Maryland,  near  Leesburg, 
on  the  7th  of  September,  and  were  present  at  and  took  part 
in  the  investment  and  capture  of  Harper’s  Ferry. 

A portion  of  our  army  took  position  on  the  Maryland  side 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  escaping  along  the  road  leading 
from  Harper’s  Ferry  through  Pleasant  Valley.  Ander-son’s 
Division,  including  the  8th  Alabama,  was  across  the  road. 
From  Hagerstown  we  had  come  into  this  valley  through  Cramp- 
ton’s  Gap  in  the  mountains,  and  we  now  heard  that  the  force 
we  left  to  guard  the  pass  had  been  overwhelmed  and  the  pass 
carried,  but  fortunately  for  us  this  rumor  was  never  verified. 
What  we  knew  was  that  McClellan  was  somewhere  in  our  rear 
with  practically  100,000  men,  and  that  our  army  was  divided, 
Jackson  being  over  on  the  Virginia  side,  and  that  in  between 
us  and  Jackson  was  the  fortified  post,  Harper’s  Ferry,  manned 
by  a large  force.  It  proved  to  be  12,737  men.  What  we  did 
not  know  then,  but  do  now,  is  that  General  McClellan  at  that 
time  knew  exactly  the  disposition  of  all  our  troops.  At  Hagers- 
town a copy  of  General  Lee’s  order  intended  for  General  D.  H. 
Hill  and  showing  the  disposition  of  our  forces  that  were  to  cap- 
ture Harper’s  Ferry,  had  fallen  into  McClellan’s  hands.  The 
approach  to  Harper’s  Ferry  on  the  Maryland  side  was  guarded 
by  Maryland  Heights,  seemingly  inaccessible.  These  had  been 
fortified  and  occupied.  The  river  in  front  of  the  8th  Alabama 
as  we  laid  across  the  Pleasant  Valley  road  could  not  be  crossed 
except  by  the  single  bridge  leading  into  the  town  and  held  by 
the  enemy.  Such  was  our  situation  for  two  days,  we  (Major 
General  Lafayette)  McLaws  and  Anderson’s  Divisions,  about 
three  thousand  of  the  besiegers  cooped  up,  hemmed  in  and 
apparently  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  Our  salvation  depended 
upon  the  fall  of  the  post;  every  officer  and  private  knew  it, 
and  the  suspense  was  awful.  McLaw’s  Division  soon  captured 
Maryland  Heights,  and  turned  their  cannon  against  the  town. 
Jackson  secured  Loudon  Heights  on  the  Virginia  side  and  south 
of  the  Ferry,  and  with  other  troops  had  taken  Bolivar  Heights, 
also  on  the  Virginia  side,  when  on  the  morning  of  the  15thi 
the  joyful  tidings  thrilled  along  our  line  like  an  electric  flash, 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


that  Harper’s  Ferry  with  all  its  garrison,  stores,  and  supplies, 
had  surrendered. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  we  marched  through  the  little 
town  and  halted  about  one  and  a half  miles  from  it  on,  the 
Virginia  side.  Here  we  rested  until  near  sunset,  when  we  took 
up  the  line  of  march  for  Shepherdstown.  Longstreet’s  Corps 
that  for  two  days  had  been  contending  in  the  mountain  passes 
near  Boonsboro  with  McClellan’s  forces,  had  fallen  back  in 
the  direction  of  Sharpsburg,  and  we  were  going  to  the  rescue. 
The  regiment  was  already  much  fatigued  by  its  marching  and 
ccunter-marching,  and  the  incessant  watching,  and  fatiguing 
anxiety  consequent  upon  the  siege  of  Harper’s  Ferry.  The 
night  march  to  Shepherdstown  was,  therefore,  trying  in  the 
extreme.  It  was  tramp,  tramp,  the  whole  night  long;  mounted 
officers  dozed  on  their  horses,  and  the  men  fell  asleep  as  they 
stood  at  every  one  of  the  momentary  halts  caused  by  the  tem- 
porary and  vexatious  stoppings  of  the  jaded  teams  that  inter- 
vened along  the  line. 

It  was  away  after  midnight  and  during  one  of  the  “catnaps” 
the  whole  regiment  was  taking  on  foot,  when  someone  cried 
out  “Yankee  Cavalry.”  The  shuffling  of  the  many  feet  of  the 
awakening  sleepers  gave  semblance  to  the  cry,  and  in  an  in- 
stant the  road  was  clear.  Even  the  old  gray  horse  upon  which 
the  writer  sat  asleep,  a horse  whose  previous  failure  to  take 
any  note  of  a bomb  shell  that  had  burst  just  after  passing  over 
his  rump  the  writer  had  attributed  to  stupidity  — even  this 
old  gray  had  partaken  of  the  panic,  and  I awoke  to  find  him 
shivering  in  a briar  patch  into  which  he  had  jumped  from  road, 
with  me  still  in  the  saddle.  In  a moment  the  regiment  obeyed 
orders  to  get  into  line  and  hearty  was  the  laughter  when  the 
cause  of  the  alarm  was  ascertained.  It  was  the  flapping  of  its 
wings  by  a chicken  in  the  feed  trough  of  a quartermaster’s 
wagon  just  ahead. 

Panics  are  strange  phenomena.  The  8th  Alabama  never 
took  one  when  its  eyes  were  open ; the  very  next  day  at  Sharps- 
burg, in  the  bloodiest  single  day’s  battle  of  the  civil  war  these 
men  fought,  off  and  on,  during  the  whole  day  in  an  open  field, 
eventually  holding  their  ground,  though  losing  in  killed  and 
wounded  sixty-five  percent  of  their  numbers. 


19  7 7 


77 


We  waded  the  river  near  Shepherdstown  at  sunrise,  and 
about  seven  in  the  morning,  three  miles  away,  reached  Sharps- 
burg. 


Sharpsburg 

The  battle  had  already  begun  and  was  raging  furiously. 
Our  brigade  was  drawn  up  and  the  roll  was  called,  only  120 
rank  and  file  answering  to  their  names  in  the  8th.  The  regi- 
ment was  small  from  its  heavy  losses  in  battle  and  from  sick- 
ness, and  there  were  now  many  stragglers  behind  for  want*  of 
shoes.  The  entire  brigade  had  only  two  field  officers  present, 
Major  (Jere  H.  J.)  Williams  of  the  9th,  and  the  writer.  Major 
Williams  being  the  ranking  officer.  Colonel  (Alfred)  Gum- 
ming of  a Georgia  regiment,  shortly  afterwards  appointed  Briga- 
dier General,  was  in  command  of  our  brigade. 

As  we  were  going  forward  towards  the  fight  by  the  right 
flank  we  passed  close  by  our  peerless  leader,  standing  upon  a 
rock-crowned  eminence  overlooking  the  battlefield.  With  his 
hat  off  to  acknowledge  the  loud  and  continuous  cheers  we  gave 
him,  the  light  of  battle  in  his  eye,  the  morning  sun  lighting  up 
his  silvery  hair  and  beard,  his  martial  form  outlined  against 
the  blue  sky,  Lee,  in  the  eyes  of  his  men,  amid  the  roar  of 
battle,  on  that  rock  at  Sharpsburg,  was  a figure  such  as  no 
pen  has  ever  described  and  no  brush  has;  ever  painted.  He 
seemed  a very  God  of  War! 

The  following  account  of  the  8th  Alabama  in  this  battle 
which  General  (E.  Porter)  Alexander  in  his  “Memoirs”  calls 
“the  boldest  and  bloodiest  battle  ever  fought  on  this  continent,” 
is  transcribed  literally  as  written  in  camp  at  Orange,  C.  H., 
in  1864,  and  approved  by  the  officers  who  were  participants. 
My' excuse  for  so  publishing  it  is  that  no  report  was  ever  made 
by  myself,  the  last  commander  that  day  of  Wilcox's  Brigade, 
nor  by  our  Division  General,  R.  H.  Anderson,  who  was  wounded 
in  the  battle ; and  it  therefore  happens  that  this  report,  written 
in  camp,  for  the  Adjutant  General  of  Alabama  is  the  only  offi- 
cial report  ever  made  of  our  part,  or  the  part  taken  by  Wilcox's 
Brigade,  in  that  battle,  so  far  as  I have  been  able  to  discover. 


78 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


“Leaving  Sharpsburg  to  our  right  we  made  a detour  to 
our  left,  passing  beyond  the  town  and  through  open  fields  ex- 
posed for  a half  mile  to  a withering  fire  of  artillery.  Rising 
a hill  into  an  apple  orchard  and  still  marching  by  the  righ£ 
flank,  we  came  within  grape  shot  range  of  the  enemy's,  bat- 
teries and  within  reach  of  their  small  arms.  We  moved  for- 
ward through  a field  of  corn,  which  sloped  downward  from  an 
orchard  (near  Pfeiffer’s  house),  and  went  ‘forward  in  line/ 
on  the  right,  opposite  the  enemy.  (Before  we  had  gotten  into 
line  Colonel  Cumming,  commanding  the  brigade,  was  wounded 
and  compelled  to  leave  the  field.)  The  fight  now  became  furi- 
ous. Our  Division  occupied  about  the  right  center  of  the  line, 
our  Brigade  on  the  right  of  the  Division.  On  the  right  of  the 
Brigade  was  a gap  in  the  line  unoccupied.  (So  great  was  this 
gap  that  no  Confederates  were  in  sight  on  our  right.)  Before 
getting  into  position  we  had  lost  heavily;  Captain  Nall  had  been 
temporarily  disabled  by  a shell  and  Lieutenant  (A.  H.)  Rave- 
sies,  acting  Adjutant,  had  received  a severe  wound  in  the  leg. 

“A  compact  line  of  infantry  about  120  yards  in  our  front 
poured  a well-directed  fire  upon  us,  which  we  answered  rapidly 
and  with  effect. 

“A  battery  of  artillery  about  forty-five  degrees  to  our  right 
(A  conversation  with  Federal  General  (Ezra  A.)  Carman* 
whom  on  a recent  visit  I found  in  charge  of  the  battlefield  now 
under  Government  supervision,  developed  the  fact  that  this 
battery  was  on  a height  across  the  Antietam  river.)  and  another 
at  a similar  angle  on  our  left,  concentrated  shells  upon  us  with 
terrible  accuracy.  We  were  unsupported  by  any  artillery  on 
our  portion  of  the  line. 

“Sergeant  J.  P.  Harris,  bearing  the  flag,  was  soon  wounded. 
Corporal  Thomas  Ryan  of  Company  E immediately  took  the 
colors  and  was  shortly  afterwards  mortally  wounded. 

“Sergeant  James  Castello  of  Company  G then  seized  the 
flag.  Ammunition  was  being  exhausted  and  men  were  using 
the  cartridge  boxes  of  their  dead  and  wounded  comrades.  The 
enemy’s  line  in  front  of  us  wavered  and  portions  of  it  broke, 


•Editor’s  Note:  Carman  was  a Colonel  at  Sharpsburg. 


19  7 7 


79 


but  it  was  re-inf  or  ced  by  fresh  troops.  Our  line  to  the  left 
was  being”  pushed  back  by  overwhelming  numbers.  Major  Her- 
bert gave  the  order  to  the  regiment,  and  we  fell  back  slowly. 
About  three  hundred  yards  in  the  rear  we  found  Major  (John 
W.)  Fairfax,  General  Longstreet’s  ‘Fighting  Aide’  as  the  soldiers 
called  him,  endeavoring  to  rally  the  troops  that  had  fallen  back 
before  us. 

“Despatching  Lieutenant  (M.  G.)  McWilliams  (of  Co.  B.) 
and  two  men  after  ammunition,  Major  Williams  (of  the  9th) 
and  Major  Herbert  rallied  about  100  men  of  the  brigade  and 
moved  forward  again.  Rising  the  hill  into  the  apple  orchard 
before  spoken  of,  the  enemy  were  observed  coming  through 
the  cornfield  in  front  in  a strong  line.  Pouring  a volley  into 
them  and  charging  them  with  a shout,  we  routed  them  com- 
pletely. They  rallied,  however,  and  seeing  how  few  we  were, 
formed  behind  a rock  fence  on  the  opposite  ridge  about  100  yards 
distant.  Taking  post  in  the  orchard,  the  unequal  fire  was  kept 
up  until  our  numbers  gradually  melting  away  under  the  fire 
of  the  enemy  (Note:  The  batteries  over  the  river  were  firing 

on  us.),  it  became  impracticable  to  hold  the  ground  longer,  and 
the  order  was  given  to  retire. 

“Major  Williams  had  now  been  wounded  and  the  command 
of  the  Brigade  devolved  on  Major  Herbert,  who  rallied  about 
fifty  men  and  again  advanced  to  the  apple  orchard.  Here  the 
combat  was  renewed  with  exactly  the  same  result.  The  enemy 
were  again  advancing  through  the  cornfield,  were  again  driven 
back,  and  again  took  position  behind  the  rock  fence.  We  re- 
tained our  position  in  the  apple  orchard  and  continued  the  fight, 
the  enemy’s  balls  playing  fearful  havoc  in  our  ranks.  The  flag 
bearer,  Sergeant  Castello,  whose  gallantry  had  been  conspicu- 
ous throughout  the  day,  received  a musket  ball  through  the  head. 
Major  Herbert  took  up  the  colors,  but  shortly  afterwards  gave 
them  to  Sergeant  G.  T.  L.  Robinson  of  Company  B,  who  insisted 
upon  his  right  to  carry  them.  Soon  he  too  fell  wounded,  and 
Private  W.  G.  McCloskie  of  Company  G took  the  flag  and  car- 
ried it  gallantly  through  the  day.”  (Thus  the  flag  that  day  was 
carried  successively  by  five  different  persons.) 

“From  their  position  behind  the  rock  fence,  and  with  the 
artillery  across  the  Antietam,  the  enemy  commanded  the  or- 


80 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


chard.  It,  therefore,  became  necessary  to  fall  back  again,  which 
was  done  by  order,  the  enemy  not  again  attempting  to  occupy 
the  disputed  ground  until  later  in  the  evening. 

“It  was  near  sunset;  A.  P.  Hill’s  Division  had  come  up 
and  was  hotly  engaged  with  the  enemy  on  our  right.  (The 
gap  on  our  right  heretofore  spoken  of  as  unoccupied  was  the 
gap  between  us  and  A.  P.  Hill.  We  saw  no  one  on  our  right 
till  A.  P.  Hill  came  up.)  The  enemy  making  no  further  attempt 
against  our  portion  of  the  line  we  had  moved  over  to  support 
General  A.  P.  Hill’s  left.  The  enemy  (those  in  our  former  front) 
now  attempted  to  gain  such  a position  as  to  command  our  left 
flank. 


“Brigadier  General  (Philip)  Cook,  commanding  a brigade 
of  Georgians  and  with  whom  Major  Herbert  was  now  cooperat- 
ing, saw  this  movement,  and  we  changed  front  to  meet  it.  The 
nature  of  the  ground  permitted  us  to  shift  our  position  without 
being  seen.  The  enemy  now  came  confidently  forward.  We 
were  in  line  just  in  front  of  them  but  concealed  by  the  crest  of 
a hill.  When  they  arrived  within  thirty  yards  of  us  we  rose, 
poured  a volley  into,  and  charged  them.  They  fled  in  con- 
fusion, leaving  us  in  possession  of  the  oft-disputed  apple  or- 
chard and  seventeen  prisoners  besides  their  wounded.”  (Note: 
This  possession  was  only  temporary.  The  artillery  over  the  river 
compelled  us  to  seek  shelter  back  of  the  hill  behind  us.)  “Thus 
closed  the  battle  along  our  position  of  the  line. 

“On  the  next  day  we  held  our  position  but  there  was  no 
serious  engagement.”  (Note:  We  lost  one  man  under  very 

singular  circumstances.  He  was  with  the  regiment  which  was 
lying  in  its  position  of  the  evening  before,  when  a musket  ball 
killed  him  coming  from  the  enemy’s  direction,  but  we  heard  no 
sound  of  a gun  nor  did  we  see  or  hear  any  skirmishing  during 
the  day.)  “Our  loss  in  this  battle  was  seventy-eight  killed  and 
wounded  out  of  120  carried  into  the  fight.  After  the  battle, 
the  following  men  were  complimented  for  gallantry  in  special 
orders  from  regimental  headquarters. 

Sergeant  G.  T.  L.  Robinson,  now  Captain,  Company  B. 

Sergeant  G.  B.  Gould.  Company  G (later  appointed 
2nd  Lt.  for  gallantry). 


19  7 7 


81 


Sergeant  George  Hatch,  Company  F (later  1st  Lt.). 

Sergeant  (Charles  F.)  Brown,  Company  D (later 
2nd  Lt.). 

Private  L.  P.  Bulger,  Company  B (afterwards  Sergeant 
and  killed  at  Gettysburg). 

Private  W.  G.  Mccloskie,  Comany  G. 

Private  James  Ryan,  Company  I. 

Private  Peter  Smith,  Company  G. 

Private  Charles  Rob,  Company  G. 

Private  John  Herbert,  Company  H. 

Private  John  Callahan,  Company  C .” 

Here  ends  the  official  account  of  the  battle  written  at 
Orange,  C.  H. 

During  the  battle  a Federal  soldier  in  our  front  exhibited 
by  his  conduct  a contempt  for  danger  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  writer  was  quite  as  remarkable  as  was  that  indicated  in  the 
reply  of  the  officer  of  the  Old  Guard  at  Waterloo  when  asked 
to  surrender  and  immortalized  by  Victor  Hugo  in  Les  Miserables. 
When  we  made,  as  above  related,  our  second  assault  on  the 
enemy  coming  through  the  corn  field  and  orchard,  they  were 
panicked,  thinking  we  had  reinforcements,  and  fleeing  in  con- 
fusion soon  got  over  the  brow  of  a hill  back  to  the  rock  fence. 
One  of  their  number,  however  did  not  increase  his  pace  be- 
yond a walk.  Marching  in  common  time,  he  loaded  and  fired 
as  if  on  drill,  firing  once  about  every  ten  steps.  Just  as  he 
reached  the  brow  of  the  hill,  this  gallant  fellow,  all  his  com- 
rades being  to  us  out  of  sight,  fired  his  last  shot  at  us,  and 
then  turning  his  back,  slapped  his  posterior  at  us,  and  walked 
quietly  away. 

The  roll  of  honor  as  made  up  by  the  men  for  this  battle 
is  as  follows: 

Corporal  David  Tucker,  Company  A. 

Private  John  Curry,  Company  C. 

Sergeant  T(homas)  S.  Ryan,  Company  E. 

Sergeant  James  Castello,  Company  G — killed. 

Private  J(ohn)  Herbert,  Company  H — killed. 

Private  0.  M.  Harris,  Company  K — killed. 

Private  G.  T.  L.  Robinson,  Company  B. 


8: 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Private  C.  F.  Brown,  Company  D. 

Corporal  J.  R.  Searcy,  Company  F. 

Private  James  Ryan,  Company  I. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  roll  of  the  men  is  somewhat  dif- 
ferent from  the  list  of  those  specially  complimented  in  Major 
Herbert’s  order  from  regimental  headquarters,  the  men  desiring 
to  honor  some  not  specially  mentioned  in  the  regimental  order. 

The  situation  at  Sharpsburg,  the  terrific  nature  of  the 
struggle,  and  the  superb  confidence  of  General  Lee  in  the  cour- 
age of  his  soldiers,  is  illustrated  by  the  following  statement : 

McClellan’s  forces  were  to  General  Lee’s  as  more  than  two 
to  one.  The  Potomac  was  in  our  rear,  fordable  only  at  one  point, 
Boteler’s  ford  near  Shepherdstown,  three  miles  away.  Defeat 
meant  the  destruction  of  our  army. 

Lieutenant  General  Stephen  D.  Lee*  tells  of  a solemn  scene 
he  witnessed  after  the  close  of  the  battle.  Night  had  fallen; 
gun-fire  was  hushed,  and  no  sound  could  be  heard  except  the 
cries  of  the  wounded,  when  Lee’s  Division  Commanders  came 
up  to  report.  Longstreet,  Jackson,  and  D.  H.  Hill,  one  after 
the  other,  in  answer  to  inquiries  responded,  all  substantially 
to  the  same  effect,  — “My  men  never  fought  better;  they  have 
lost  ground  at  some  points  and  gained  at  others,  but  their  losses 
have  been  terrible  and  they  are  nearly  out  of  ammunition.  They 
will  fight  again,  but  their  thin  lines  cannot  stand  against  the 
overwhelming  forces  the  enemy  can  send  against  them  tomor- 
row. I advise  that  we  cross  the  Potomac  tonight.”  Last  came 
General  Hood.  General  Lee  asked  him  to  report  from  his  Divi- 
sion, and  he  said,  almost  completely  unmanned,  that  he  had  no 
Division.  Lee  replied,  with  more  excitement  than  his  officers 
had  ever  seen  him  exhibit,  “Great  God,  General  Hood,  where 
is  that  splendid  Division  you  led  this  morning?”  The  answer 
Was,  “Lying  on  the  field  where  you  sent  them.  But  few  have 
straggled.  My  Division  is  nearly  wiped  out.” 

An  appalling  silence  fell  upon  the  group  — broken  only 
when  General  Lee,  rising  in  his  saddle,  at  length  said:  “Go 


*Editor’s  Note:  Lee  was  a Colonel  at  Sharpsburg. 


19  7 7 


33 


to  your  respective  commands,  strengthen  your  lines,  collect  am- 
munition from  the  arms  of  the  dead  and  wounded.  Send  offi- 
cers to  the  ford  to  bring  up  stragglers.  We  will  not  cross  the 
Potomac  tonight.  If  McClellan  wants  it,  I will  fight  him  again 
tomorrow.” 

The  conference  was  ended,  and  every  officer  left  General 
Lee’s  presence,  as  Lieutenant  General  Stephen  D.  Lee  now  says, 
withr  a heavy  heart,  feeling  that  the  next  day  would  see  the 
end  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  The  next  day  came, 
and  there  was  no  battle,  only  a few  shots  fired  by  desultory 
skirmishers,  and  on  the  night  of  the  18th  without  molestation 
we  recrossed  the  the  Potomac.  General  McClellan  in  his  testi- 
mony subsequently  before  the  Committee  of  Congress  on  the 
“Conduct  of  the  War”  testified  that  he  did  not  attack  us  on  the 
18th  because  he  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  12,000  fresh  troops 
who  came  up  on  the  evening  of  that  day. 

The  writer  has  visited  the  battlefield  of  Sharpsburg  in  re- 
cent years  and  a critical  inspection  under  guides  shows  that  the 
field,  a succession  of  rolling  hills  and  intervening  downward 
swards,  taken  altogether  offered  little  if  any  advantage  to  the 
Confederates  except  at  Burnside’s  Bridge,  on  our  right,  across 
which  A.  P.  Hill  drove  back  Burnside’s  troops  late  in  the  eve- 
ning. 

What  I peculiarly  regret  is  that  no  report  of  the  part  taken 
by  Wilcox’s  Brigade  in  this,  which  was  the  bloodiest  of  its 
battles,  appears  in  the  Official  Records  published  at  Washington. 
No  report  was  ever  made.  General  Wilcox  was  absent,  sick; 
Colonel  Cumming,  temporarily  in  command,  was  disabled  by 
a wound  before  we  had  gotten  fairly  into  the  fight.  Major  Wil- 
liams commanded  for  less  than  an  hour.  I was  in  command 
for  the  remainder  of  the  day,  and  did  not  make  a report  for 
what  appears  to  me  now  the  clearly  insufficient  reason  that  I 
was  not  called  upon  to  do  so.  A sense  of  justice  to  the  command 
ought  to  have  given  me  the  courage  to  take  the  initiative  and 
send  in  a full  report.  Having  failed  then,  I now  make  amends, 
as  far  as  may  be,  by  publishing  verbatim  the  report  given  above, 
which  is  official  in  the  sense  that,  in  obedience  to  the  order  of 
the  Governor  of  Alabama,  it  was  written  in  camp  and  was 
submitted  to  and  approved  by  those  who  had  participated,  and 


84 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


it  has  necessarily  included  not  only  the  8th  Alabama  Regiment, 
but  the  handful  of  men  then  constituting  the  Brigade,  as  show- 
ing the  part  taken  by  the  8th.  The  losses  of  the  5 Regiments 
of  the  Brigade  were,  for  the  Maryland  campaign,  and  we  were 
not  elsewhere  engaged,  215  and  of  these  78  were  in  our  regiment. 
(See  Alexander’s  “Memoirs,”  p.  273.) 

General  McClellan  was  now  a second  time  removed  from 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  for  failing  to  crush  Gen- 
eral Lee  — the  third  time  a Federal  general  was  deposed  by 
General  Lee  and  his  army. 


19  7 7 


35 


CHAPTER  IX 
Again  in  Virginia 

We  encamped  a few  days  near  Martinsburg,  Va.,  some 
twenty  miles  from  Shepherdstown,  at  which  place  Colonel 
Royston  returned,  having  recovered  from  his  wound  received 
at  Frazier’s  Farm,  and  now,  being  the  senior  officer  present, 
took  command  of  the  Brigade.  On  the  26th  of  September  we 
removed  to  a point  six  miles  from  Winchester,  near  a big  spring. 
This  camp  was  never  officially  named,  but  was  called  by  the 
regiment  “Chuckaluck  Hill,”  because  while  there  we  were  paid 
off,  and  much  of  the  money  received  by  the  men  exchanged 
hands  in  “chuckaluck,”  a game  of  dice.  Most  of  the  stakes  got 
at  one  time  into  the  possession  of  our  drummer  boy,  Wanicker, 
who  became  a bare-footed  plutocrat.  While  encamped  near  this 
spring  a determined  effort  was  made  to  get  clear  of  the 
abominable  vermin  that,  during  the  Maryland  campaign,  when 
as  nobody  had  a change  of  underclothing,  had  attacked  men 
and  officers.  The  writer  knew  one  officer  who,  having  only 
one  undershirt  “to  his  name,”  and  so  disgusted  with  the 
“creepers”,  and  so  determined  to  get  rid  of  them,  that  he  boiled 
it  for  a half  hour.  The  garment  was  of  heavy  knitted  wool. 
He  got  rid  of  the  creepers  and  rid  of  the  shirt,  too,  for  he  could 
never  get  it  on,  and  I believe  the  poor  fellow  never  was  able  to 
replace  it  during  the  next  winter.  Alack  for  the  poor  Con- 
federacy ! Our  boys  used  to  say  that  these  “creepers”  had 
“I.  W.”  (in  the  war)  marked  on  their  backs. 

While  here  Lieutenant  Colonel  Royston  was  promoted  to  be 
Colonel.  Major  Herbert  to  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Captain  J.  P. 
Emrich  to  be  Major. 

On  the  30th  of  October  we  moved  from  “Chuckaluck  Hill” 
and  reached  a camp  near  Culpepper,  C.  H.  on  the  3rd  of  Novem- 
ber. On  the  previous  night  the  Brigade  had  bivouacked  near 
the  Rappahannock.  Hard  by  was  a distillery,  and  having  gotten 
access  to  it  a number  of  men  of  the  8th  and  9th  Alabama  were 
next  morning  fair  objects  for  discipline.  When  we  got  to  camp 
at  Culpepper  that  night  several  of  those  who  had  interviewed 
John  Barleycorn  on  the  Rappahannock  were  straggling  behind. 


36 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


For  their  benefit  a guard  house  was  established,  the  com- 
manders of  companies  being  instructed  to  send  up  under  guard 
to  the  commander  of  the  regiment  every  one  who  should  come 
into  camp  after  the  evening  roll-call.  Having  disposed  as  he 
thought  of  all  these  cases,  the  Lieutenant  Colonel  next  morning 
about  ten  o’clock  was  sitting  on  his  camp  stool  indulging  in  the 
usual  wish  of  a Confederate,  that  he  had  something  good  for 
dinner,  when  he  saw  approaching  turn  a soldier,  not  under  guard 
and  with  a beautiful  white  head  of  cabbage,  bearing  it  before 
him  in  his  hands  as  he  came. 

“Here’s  a cabbage,  sir,  I brought  you!” 

“Thank  you,”  said  the  Lieutenant  Colonel.  “You  belong  to 
Company  I — What  is  your  name?”  at  the  same  time  taking  the 
cabbage.  “Smith,  sir,  Tom  Smith,”  said  the  man,  and  hesitating 
a little  he  finally  added: 

“The  truth  is,  sir,  that  I had  a little  too  much  whiskey 
yesterday  and  got  behind,  and  I thought  I ought  to  bring  you 
something.” 

“Take  back  the  cabbage,  sir,”  was  the  reply.  “I’ll  send  you 
to  the  guard  house  for  getting  drunk  and  send  you  there  double 
time  for  trying  to  bribe  me.” 

“Oh,  don’t  do  that,  sir,”  he  said,  “I’ve  never  missed  a roll 
call.  I’ve  never  missed  a battle,  I’ve  never  been  in  the  guard 
house,  and  I’ve  always  said  I never  would  be.  Don’t  send  me 
there,  please!” 

“Well,”  was  the  reply,  “that’s  a remarkable  record  you  give 
yourself.  We’ll  see  what  your  Captain  has  to  say  about  it.” 
Captain  (John)  McGrath  being  sent  for  corroborated  Smith  in 
every  particular,  and  added: 

“He  is  the  best  soldier  in  my  company,  and  I believe  the 
best  in  the  regiment,  always  in  the  front  of  battle,  always  cheer- 
ful, and  his  gun  and  accroutements  always  clean.  Look  at  his 
gun,  even  now,  sir;  it’s  as  bright  as  a silver  dollar.” 


19  7 7 


87 


Turning  to  the  soldier,  the  Lieutenant  Colonel  said: 

“Smith,  that’s  too  good  a record  to  spoil.  I’ll  let  you  off 
this  time,  but  remember,  if  I ever  find  you  disobeying  orders 
again,  I’ll  recollect  this  against  you.” 

“Thank  you,  Colonel,”  saM  Smith,  “thank  you,  sir!  And 
now  won’t  you  have  the  cabbage?” 

Of  course  I had  to  send  him  off  to  eat  the  cabbage  himself, 
but  I watched  him  afterwards  and  never  had  reason  to  repent 
the  clemency  extended  to  Smith. 

It  is  to  me  a grateful  task  to  record  here  an  instance  of 
Smith’s  gratitude  for  this  act  of  clemency.  In  November  1864 
my  commission  as  Colonel  came  to  the  regiment  while  I was  at 
home  wounded.  Smith  having  a thirty  days  furlough  to  visit 
his  home  in  Mobile,  asked  permission  to  carry  it  to  me  person- 
ally, and  voluntarily  took  time  to  stop  off  in  Greenville  to  put 
it  in  my  hands. 

On  the  19th  of  November  we  broke  camp  at  Culpepper  and 
marched  towards  Fredericksburg,  which  we  reached  on  the 
22nd. 

At  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg  our  brigade  occupied  the 
left  of  our  line,  extending  from  Dr.  Taylor’s  house  to  the  right. 
The  enemy’s  infantry  did  not  attack  us,  but  we  were  shelled 
from  their  batteries  across  the  river,  losing  only  one  man 
wounded. 

In  this  battle  not  more  than  one-third  of  our  army  was 
actively  engaged.  General  (Ambrose)  Burnside  unsuccessfully 
attacked  our  right  wing  under  General  Jackson,  but  spent  most 
of  his  force  on  our  left  center  at  Marye’s  Heights.  This  latter 
position  was  impregnable.  Fourteen  charges  against  it  were 
made,  many  of  them  with  the  greatest  gallantry.  These  charges 
began  about  noon  and  were  continued  until  near  night-fall. 
Never  did  I see  elsewhere  the  dead  so  thick  as  they  were  in 
front  of  Marye’s  Heights.  They  were  practically  touching  each 
other  for  some  300  yards  and  were  often  in  piles.  On  the  14th, 


8S 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


the  day  after  the  battle,  the  two  armies  remained  in  position, 
ours  on  the  heights  looking  down  on  the  Federals  between  us 
and  the  river,  holding  hollows  and  undulations  wherever  they 
could  find  shelter.  So  on  the  15th,  and  Lee  expected  a renewal 
of  the  assault  the  next  day,  but  in  the  rain  and  darkness  of  the 
night  Burnside  got  back  safely  over  the  river,  where  we  could 
not  follow,  for  his  position  there  was  stronger  even  than  ours 
on  the  South  side  of  the  river. 

Burnside's  army  numbered  104,665;  Lee's  78.513.  The 
Federal  losses  in  the  battle  were  12,047 ; ours  5,309. 


19  7 7 


89 


CHAPTER  X 

Winter  Quarters  at  Banks’  Ford 

After  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg  the  Federal  Army  took 
up  its  former  position  on  the  north  side  of  the  Rappahannock, 
and  the  two  armies  spent  the  remainder  of  the  winter  watch- 
ing each  other  across  the  river  from  the  ridges  or  heights  that 
rise  on  either  side. 

For  the  twenty-odd  miles  from  Banks’  Ford,  which  was 
three  and  a half  miles  above  Fredericksburg,  down  the  fiver 
along  which  the  two  armies  were  on  guard,  there  was  more  or 
less  bottom  land  on  the  river  and  we  were,  therefore,  usually 
from  three-quarters  of  a mile  to  a mile  and  a half  apart.  But 
each  picketed  up  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  which  was  from  100 
to  150  yards  wide  along  the  three  miles  of  line  guarded  by  our 
brigade.  This  was  from  Scott’s  Dam,  three-quarters  of  a mile 
above  Banks’  Ford  to  a point  below  Dr.  Taylor’s  home  near 
Fredericksburg.  At  Banks’  Ford  the  heights,  some  125  feet 
above  the  river’s  level,  sloped  down  on  the  north  side  quite  to 
the  river’s  edge,  and  on  ours  to  the  bottom  land  within,  say, 
100  feet  of  the  ford.  The  8th  Alabama  was  encamped  on  the 
brow  of  the  hill  that  rises  west  of  the  road  that  leads  on  the 
south  side  down  to  the  ford,  and  on  the  opposite  hill,  across 
the  river,  was  a Federal  battery,  which  at  any  time,  day  or 
night  during  three  months,  could  have  sent  a shell  crashing 
into  our  camp,  the  distance  not  being  more  than  three-quarters 
of  a mile.  But  here  we  stayed  all  the  winter.  Our  tents  were 
elevated  on  log  structures  three  or  four  feet  high,  “chinked” 
with  mud,  each  having  a liberally  daubed  stick  chimney  and 
fireplace. 

During  our  entire  stay  there  was  no  firing  on  either  side. 
A tacit  truce  had  been  established.  In  both  armies  we  had 
learned  to  respect  each  other  and  to  know  that  picket-firing, 
unless  there  is  some  movement  on  foot,  is  only  murder.  An 
officer  of  the  day  on  one  side  of  the  river  riding  along  the 
picket  lines  was  frequently  saluted  by  a picket  from  the  opposite 
bank,  just  as  he  would  be  by  his  own  men.  And  the  conversa- 
tions that  took  place  across  the  river  were  often  very  amusing. 


90 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


One  day  at  the  Ford  an  artilleryman  came  down  to  water 
his  horses  in  the  river,  and  called  out  to  the  picket  on  our  side: 

“Hello,  Reb,  got  any  horses  over  there?” 

“Yes,”  was  the  reply,  “plenty  of  them.” 

“Well,”  said  the  Yank,  as  we  always  called  them,  “bring 
one  of  them  over  here,  and  I can  beat  you  running.” 

“You  ought  to,”  came  back,  “for  you’ve  had  more  practice 
than  we  have!” 

Gradually  men  got  to  trading  across  the  river.  A little 
boat  was  constructed  with  a rudder  rigidly  fixed  at  an  angle 
of  say  forty-five  degrees  from  the  axis  of  the  boat,  and  when 
the  boat  was  placed  in  the  water,  with  bow  straight  across  and 
with  the  rudder  inclined  at  a fixed  angle  down  stream,  the  ac- 
tion of  the  current  impelled  it  across  and  downward  in  such 
manner  that  experiments  would  show  where  to  put  it  in  one 
one  side  of  the  river  so  as  to  land  it  at  a given  point  on  the 
other.  This  boat  was  used  until  captured  by  the  writer  in  ex- 
changing Virginia  tobacco  for  coffee,  sugar,  etc.  After  a time 
men  got  to  visiting  across  the  river ; and  all  this  coming  to  the 
knowledge  of  General  Lee,  he  issued  an  order  strictly  forbidding 
communication  with  the  enemy;  and  a similar  order  was  issued 
on  the  other  side. 

One  day  shortly  after  this  order  the  writer,  as  officer  of 
the  day,  was  visiting  the  picket  line.  One  of  the  posts  was  at 
Scott’s  dam,  and  here  so  many  of  the  huge  boulders  of  the 
former  dam  were  still  in  line  that  one  could  wade  across  the 
stream,  it  nowhere  being  over  the  rocks  more  than  wast  deep. 
J ust  as  the  writer  rode  out  of  the  bushes  below  up  to  the  post, 
a Federal  soldier  with  trousers  off  was  within  ten  feet  of  the 
bank  on  our  side.  The  soldier  halted. 

“Come  on !”  said  I. 

“I  won’t  come,”  said  he,  “unless  you  will  let  me  go  back.” 

When  by  means  of  a cocked  pistol  pointed  toward  him  he 


19  7 7 


91 


had  been  compelled  to  come  ashore,  and  told  that  he  was  a 
prisoner,  he  said,  “Colonel,  this  is  not  fair.  These  men  told 
me  I could  come  over  and  go  back.” 

“Yes,”  was  the  reply,  “but  you  knew  it  was  against  orders, 
and  I know  you  are  violating  orders  on  your  side.  There  is 
no  way  to  stop  this  except  to  enforce  orders,  and  you  are  my 
prisoner.” 

He  was  a big  stout  manly  fellow  and  looked  me  straight 
in  the  face,  while  the  tears  came  into  his  eyes,  as  he  replied: 

“Colonel,  shoot  me  if  you  want  to,  but  for  God's  sake  don't 
take  me  prisoner.  I have  only  been  in  this  army  for  six  months. 

I have  never  been  in  battle.  If  I am  taken  prisoner  under  these 
circumstances,  my  character  at  home  will  be  ruined.  It  will 
always  be  said  I deserted.” 

The  appeal  was  too  much  for  me.  He  was  sent  back  with 
an  admonition  to  him  and  his  comrades  that  he  was  the  last 
man  that  would  ever  be  released ; and  then,  after  a scolding  ad- 
ministered to  my  own  men,  I sought  General  Wilcox  saying: 
“General,  I have  disobeyed  orders.”  “What  have  you  done?” 
he  asked,  and  on  being  informed,  his  answer  was,  “I  should  have 
done  the  same  thing  myself.” 

At  that  time  the  writer  did  not  suppose  that  he  was  ever 
to  be  in  the  future  a citizen  of  the  same  country  with  this 
soldier,  and  unfortunately  his  name,  if  asked,  is  not  now  re- 
membered. Many  years  after  the  war,  in  the  hope  of  hearing 
from  the  man,  the  writer  gave  this  incident  to  his  friend  Amos 
Cummings,  in  the  cloakroom  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
at  Washington.  Cummings  sent  it  broadcast  over  the  country 
in  one  of  his  memorable  syndicate  articles,  but  no  word  has  ever 
come  to  me  from  that  soldier. 

Personal  incidents  like  this  serve  to  show  the  reader  of 
today  the  singular  conditions  that  existed  in  that  great  war, 
when  brother  was  arrayed  against  brother.  While  we  were 
at  Banks’  Ford,  David  Buell,  an  enlisted  man  in  the  8th  Ala- 
bama, born  in  New  York  State,  visited  his  brother,  Seth,  across 
the  river,  and  afterwards  told  me  of  the  conversation  that  en- 


92  - 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


sued.  Seth  did  not  for  a moment  think  of  asking  David  to 
desert  his  colors,  but  was  full  of  commiseration  for  the  condi- 
tion of  his  poor  Confederate  brother,  subject  to  hunger,  etc., 
all  of  which  David  patriotically  and  with  some  disregard  of 
truth  denied.  But  Seth  was  not  to  be  put  off,  without  doing 
something  for  his  brother,  and  finally  insisted  on  giving  him  a 
pair  of  “big  warm  U.  S.  blankets.”  “U.  S.  blankets,”  said 
David.  “Why,  I’ve  got  plenty  of  them  just  that  pattern,  and 
the  regiment  has  not  only  a full  supply  now,  but  we  have  at 
Richmond,  awaiting  our  future  wants,  a wagon  load  of  them 
captured  from  you  at  Manassas,”  which  was  true.  We  were 
often  even  then  hard  up  for  rations,  but  David  Buell,  who  was 
years  afterwards  an  Alabama  State  Senator  from  Butler  and 
Conecuh,  was  not  the  man  to  make  any  such  admission  even 
to  his  brother. 

“Blow  bugle,  blow,  set  the  wild  echoes  flying: 

Blow  bugle ; answer  echoes,  dying,  dying,  dying. 

Tennyson 

Among  the  pleasant  memories  of  the  winter  of  1862-3  that 
come  back  to  me  now  after  the  lapse  of  so  many  years  like 
“the  distant  sounds  of  sweet  music  over  the  long  drawn  valley” 
is  the  chorus  of  bugles  that  greeted  our  ears  every  morning  and 
evening  — reveille  and  tattoo.  There  is  nothing  sweeter  than 
the  note  of  a bugle,  especially  when  announcing  another  day  to 
one  who  has  been  in  the  saddle  visiting  picket  posts  since  two 
o’clock.  Imagine  him  before  sunrise,  alone  upon  a hilltop,  lis- 
tening for  “reveille”  from  two  great  armies  at  once.  Out  upon 
the  still  air  the  first  call  comes,  say,  from  a bugler  in  gray, 
like  a defiance.  Instantly  the  challenge  is  answered  from  a 
Federal,  then  from  another  and  another,  Federal  and  Con- 
federate, every  bugler  in  both  armies  promptly  joining  the 
chorus.  Up  and  down  the  river  for  twenty  miles  along  the  hill 
tops,  from  artillery  and  cavalry,  thousands  of  bugles  blow,  some 
near  by,  ringing  clear  and  full,  their  “wild  echoes  flying”  and 
answering  echoes  “dying,  dying,  dying”  till  the  still  air  of  the 
gray  morning  is  filled  with  a diapason  grander  than  any  ever 
conceived  by  a Mozart  or  a Handel. 


While  at  Banks’  Ford  much  attention  was  devoted  to  drill. 


19  7 7 


93 


Captains  recited  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  regiment  in 
Hardee’s  Tactics  every  morning  at  9,  First  Sergeants  from  10 
to  11.  Company  drill  occupied  from  11  to  12,  and  battalion 
drill  was  had  every  afternoon.  Some  of  the  best  officers  pro- 
tested against  so  much  drilling,  as  unnecessary  and  fatiguing, 
notably  Captain  (William  M.)  Mordecai,  who  was  always  con- 
spicuous for  his  gallantry  in  battle.  “Drilling,”  he  complained, 
“in  all  these  fancy  movements  is  of  no  practical  value.  We 
have  never  in  any  battle  had  to  do  anything  more  than  move 
forward  or  backward,  or  by  the  right  /lank  or  left  flank,  or, 
to  wheel  — everything  beyond  this  is  useless.” 

But  the  objection  did  not  prevail,  drilling  was  persisted  in 
till  the  regiment  became  noted  for  its  proficiency,  and  gallant 
Captain  Mordecai  lived  to  make  a maniy  retraction,  as  we  shall 
see  later. 

Discipline  in  the  8th  was  now  perhaps  as  good  as  in  any 
regiment  in  the  army.  The  aim  of  the  officers  was  to  cultivate 
individuality,  a sense  of  comradeship,  and  to  keep  alive  that 
pride  which  was  inborn  in  every  Confederate.  To  this  end 
nothing  contributed  more  than  the  men’s  “Roll  of  Honor”  made 
up  by  themselves,  and  as  the  record  shows,  up  to  this  time  the 
roll  had  always  been  faithfully  made  out.  As  a specimen  of 
the  method  of  discipline  pursued  the  following  incident  is  cited : 

The  most  common  and  probably,  as  aggravated  a violation 
of  orders  as  occurred  at  Banks’  Ford  was  what  was  called 
“running  the  blockade”  to  get  whiskey,  viz.,  slipping  off  to 
Fredericksburg  at  night  without  leave.  Punishment  of  course 
always  followed  detection,  but  the  penalty  had  never  been  very 
severe,  until  one  night  John  Daley,  a veteran  who  had  served 
in  the  British  army  and  who  was  in  all  respects,  his  inordinate 
love  of  whiskey  excepted,  a model  soldier,  lost  his  life  during  a 
“run  of  the  blockade.”  When  he  and  two  comrades  were  re- 
turning from  Fredericksburg,  Daley  gave  out  on  the  way.  He 
had  lost  his  power  of  locomotion  and  his  friends  thought  he 
was  too  heavy  to  carry,  so  they  left  him  to  “sleep  it  off”  by 
the  wayside.  Snow  was  on  the  ground,  but  it  was  not  con- 
sidered very  cold,  and  his  comrades  supposed  the  whiskey  in 
the  man  would  keep  him  warm,  but  unfortunately  the  poor  fellow 
froze  to  death.  The  facts  came  to  light  and  the  punishment 
that  followed  was : 


94 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


First,  a reprimand  from  Regimental  Headquarters,  read 
out  at  dress  parade,  in  which  was  pointed  out  the  shocking  want 
of  comradeship  displayed  by  the  two  soldiers,  who,  themselves 
to  escape  from  slight  punishment,  had  risked  the  life  of  their 
friend. 

Second,  the  culprits  were  for  a week  confined  to  the  guard 
house,  and  during  this  period  were  made  to  walk  behind  the 
kettle  drum  to  and  from  along  the  line  of  the  regiment  every 
evening  at  dress  parade,  each  wearing  a barrel  shirt  (a  barrel 
with  both  ends  out  and  arms  projected  through  holes  on  the 
side),  placarded  “Here  is  a man,  who  deserted  his  comrade  and 
left  him  to  freeze  to  death  in  the  snow.” 

So  heavy  had  been  the  losses  of  the  8th  that  of  the  first 
Alabama  conscripts  300  were  now  assigned  to  us.  The  re- 
mainder 167  arrived  in  camp  one  evening  while  the  regiment 
was  on  dress  parade.  Some  of  these  were  said  to  have  deserted, 
and  others  had  been  detailed  for  hospital  duty  at  Richmond. 
The  commanding  officer  noticed,  as  the  regiment  was  dis- 
missed from  parade,  that  these  newcomers,  still  in  line  awaiting 
orders,  were  greeted  by  the  old  soldiers  as  they  passed  with 
many  terms  of  derision.  He  thereupon  made  a short  speech 
to  the  new  men,  endeavoring  to  encourage  them,  promising  that 
they  should  hereafter  be  on  just  the  same  footing  as  the  veterans, 
pointing  out  that  while  they  had,  all  of  them  no  doubt,  what 
they  deemed  good  reasons  for  not  volunteering,  that  they  had 
all  obeyed  the  laws  of  their  country  in  now  coming  to  the  front ; 
that  obedience  to  law  was  the  very  highest  virtues,  etc.  Finally, 
he  told  them  that  jesting  was  a part  of  camp  life  and  that 
soldiers  must  learn  to  give  and  take,  but  that  if  at  any  time 
any  one  of  them  should  feel  that  he  ought  to  defend  himself 
against  a gross  insult  he,  the  commanding  officer,  would  see  to 
it  that  the  offended  man  should  have  a fair  fight ; but,  he  con- 
tinued, “if  you  will  only  show  that  you  mean  to  do  your  duty 
as  soldiers,  all  the  regiment  will  welcome  you  and  help  you.” 

The  conscripts  were  distributed  among  the  companies ; there 
was  no  friction,  and  most  of  the  new  men  made  good  soldiers. 
After  the  coming  battle  of  Salem  Church  the  writer  had  the 
pleasure  of  complimenting  them  in  a special  order  read  out  at 
dress  parade. 


19  7 7 


95 


The  regiment  did  hard  work  in  the  winter  and  spring  of 
1862  and  '63  at  Banks’  Ford.  Our  Brigade  was  here  in  the 
front,  all  the  time  doing  all  the  picket  duty  along  that  portion 
of  the  line;  but  we  were  not  without  our  pleasures.  None  of 
us  will  ever  forget  the  jolly  times  we  had  around  the  camp-fire. 
Card  playing  was  of  course  a common  amusement,  and  this 
suggests  the  thought  that,  amid  the  plentiful  lack  of  other 
things  there  always,  strangely  enough,  seemed  to  be  a plentiful 
supply  of  playing  cards  in  the  Confederacy.  But  soldiers  were 
singularly  unwilling  to  go  into  battle  with  playing  cards  on 
them.  The  pathway  of  every  command  going  into  a fight  was 
always  strewn  with  cards,  but  once  a few  days  in  camp,  and 
cards  were  again  abundant. 


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ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CHAPTER  XI 
The  Battle  of  Salem  Church 

General  E.  P(orter)  Alexander  once  told  the  writer  that 
he  knew  of  no  instance  in  which  so  few  troops  had  won  a vic- 
tory so  important  as  that  at  Salem  Church,  the  result  of  which 
was  to  save  Lee’s  army  from  an  assault  in  the  rear  by  at  least 
some  20,000  fresh  troops  under  (General  John)  Sedgwick  — 
an  assault  that  had  it  not  been  arrested  might  have  turned  the 
victory  of  Chancellorsville  into  a defeat. 

To  appreciate  the  importance  of  this  engagement  the  situa- 
tion should  be  understood. 

The  Rappahannock  above  Fredericksburg  trends  southeast, 
until  it  turns,  half  a mile  above  the  town,  to  the  southward. 
From  Fredericksburg  the  plank  road  runs  straight  out  in  a 
westerly  course  to  Orange  Ch.  H.  On  May  3rd,  (Major  Gen- 
eral Joseph)  Hooker  who,  with  his  army,  had  all  the  winter  con- 
fronted Lee  from  Banks’  Ford  twenty  miles  down  the  river, 
had  already  by  a clever  “pas”  moved  the  bulk  of  his  army  across 
the  river  some  twelve  to  eighteen  miles  above  Fredericksburg, 
thus  securing  a position  to  the  rear  of  Lee’s  left  and  closer  to 
Richmond  than  we  were ; and  he  had  left  Sedgwick  with  30,000 
men  still  opposite  Fredericksburg  to  cross  and  attack  Lee  in 
his  rear,  if  Lee  should  dare  to  fight  at  or  near  Chancellorsville. 
Lee’s  situation  when  he  found  that  Hooker  was  to  his  left  and 
in  his  rear,  was  critical.  But  leaving  (Lieutenant  General 
Jubal  A.)  Early  with  about  7,000  men  to  guard  the  river,  oppo- 
site Fredericksburg  and  below,  and  Wilcox’s  Brigade  on  guard 
for  three  miles  above,  General  Lee  had  swiftly  moved  with  a 
portion  of  his  army  to  confront  Hooker  at  Chancellorsville,  and 
had  detached  Jackson  to  make  his  celebrated  attack  on  Hooker’s 
right.  Hooker  had  divided  his  army  into  two  parts,  and  Lee 
had  divided  his  into  three;  one,  Early  and  Wilcox,  to  guard  the 
crossing  near  Fredericksburg,  another  under  himself  to  con- 
front Hooker  at  Chancellorsville,  the  third  under  Jackson  to 
swing  around  on  Hooker’s  right  flank.  This  remarkable  division 
of  his  forces  was  in  the  presence  of  an  enemy  who  had  more 
than  two  men  to  his  one.  Jackson’s  attack  had  been  successful, 
Hooker’s  right  wing  had  been  doubled  back  on  his  main  body; 


10  7 7 


97 


but  that  main  body,  larger  than  Lee’s  whole  army,  was  in  its 
breastwork  in  the  Wilderness  in  front  of  Lee  who  was  then  near 
Chancellorsville,  Hooker’s  Head  Quarters,  when  on  the  morning 
of  the  3rd  of  May  Sedgwick,  having  crossed  the  river,  had, 
after  two  repulses  succeeded  in  capturing  Marye’s  Heights  in 
front  of  Fredericksburg,  with  a number  of  prisoners  and  7 
pieces  of  artillery.  (Brigadier  General  William)  Barksdale’s 
Brigade  and  (Brigadier  General  Harry  T.)  Hays’  Brigade  of 
Early’s  Division  now  retreated  from  their  position  near  Fred- 
ericksburg south  to  the  Telegraph  Road  in  the  direction  where 
Early  was,  leaving  Sedgwick  in  possession  of  the  Fredericksburg 
end  of  the  plank  road,  which  opened  a 'Straight  line  to  the  rear 
of  such  of  Lee’s  forces  as  confronted  Hooker,  ten  miles  away 
at  Chancellorsville.  There  was  nobody  now  to  prevent  Sedg- 
wick’s Corps  from  marching  along  this  road  to  Lee’s  rear  ex- 
cept Wilcox,  with  only  one  Brigade,  four  pieces  of  (Captain 
John  W.)  Lewis’  battery  and  about  50  cavalry.  The  Brigade, 
as  stated,  had  been  guarding  Banks’  Ford  2*4  miles  northwest 
of  Fredericksburg,  and  General  Wilcox,  when  notified  of  the 
attack  on  Marye’s  Heights,  had  marched  towards  the  fight. 
But  when  he  neared  Fredericksburg  he  found  the  enemy  already 
in  possession  of  the  Heights.  To  delay  them  we  were  put  into 
line  with  skirmishers  in  front,  and  with  our  artillery  in  place, 
two  pieces  on  each  flank.  The  enemy  advanced  a heavy  line 
of  infantry  with  skirmishers  in  front  and  6 pieces  of  artillery; 
and  now  in  the  first  skirmish  that  followed,  near  Stansbury’s 
house,  the  gallant  Captain  (Robert  A.)  McCrary  of  Co.  D.,  with 
two  or  three  men  had  already  fallen  when  General  Wilcox 
discovered  a heavy  body  of  the  enemy  advancing  up  the  plank 
road,  which  was  still  far  to  our  right  (fronted  as  we  then  were) 
to  surround  us  here  in  the  bend  of  the  river.  This  discovery 
was  followed  by  a prompt  order  to  withdraw.  While  in  sight 
of  the  enemy  we  retreated  in  common  time,  but  very  soon  a 
wood  that  was  on  our  left  as  we  fell  back  obscuring  us  from 
view,  we  made  double  quick  time.  General  Wilcox  in  his  report 
of  this  battle  (0.  R.  Series  I,  Vol.  XXV,  Part  I,  pp.  854-861) 
does  not  mention  our  accelerated  movement,  but  it  is  a fact 
that  never  were  legs  more  valuable  than  when  we  were  making 
a straight  line  for  a point  on  the  plank  road  some  three-quarters 
of  a mile  beyond  where  were  our  friends,  the  enemy.  We 
reached  “the  plank”  and  stopped  to  get  breath.  Soon  we  con- 
tinued up  on  “the  plank”  road  to  Salem  Church,  where  General 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Wilcox  selected  a position  for  battle.  Wilcox  had  previously 
sent  Major  (Charles  R.)  Collins  with  his  40  or  50  troopers  of 
the  15th  Virginia  Cavalry  down  the  plank  road  with  instruc- 
tions to  dismount  his  men  and  deploy  them  as  skirmishers  to 
delay  the  enemy’s  advance.  This  duty,  handsomely  done,  had 
given  us  time  to  do  our  double-quicking  and  reach  the  plank 
road.  Before  Major  Collins  had  recalled  his  skirmishers,  in 
order  to  secure  time  for  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  that  Gen- 
eral Lee  had  been  asked  for  we  were  marched  back  from  the 
Church  towards  the  enemy,  say  twelve  hundred  yards  or  more, 
to  the  toll-gate  on  the  plank  road.  Here  we  were  aligned  across 
the  road  and  with  our  skirmishers  well  out  in  front  and  firing 
and  our  four  pieces  playing  on  the  enemy,  we  secured  a further 
delay  of  say  a half  hour  or  more.  General  Wilcox  now  learned 
that  General  Lee  had  sent  three  Brigades  to  our  aid  and  with 
the  enemy  still  not  close  enough  to  seriously  annoy  us,  we  faced 
about  and  marched  to  the  position  near  the  Church  which  we 
were  to  occupy  during  the  coming  battle. 

Disposition  of  Troops 

It  is  not  in  the  scope  of  my  present  work  to  give  complete 
descriptions  of  battles,  but  an  exception  is  made  as  to  Salem 
Church  because  of  its  importance  and  because  “the  attack  being 
directed  mainly  against  General  Wilcox , but  partially  involving 
the  Brigades  on  his  left.”  (General  R.  E.  Lee’s  Report,  0.  R. 
Series  I,  Vol.  XXV,  Part  I.) 

Salem  Church  is  on  a slight  eminence,  generally  called  in 
the  Federal  Reports  “Salem  Heights,”  sloping  gently  down  to- 
wards Fredericksburg.  A wood  surrounded  the  church  and 
grew  thicker  as  it  extended  down  the  slope  for  about  200  yards 
t where  open  fields  stretched  away,  uninterrupted  for  quite  a 
distance,  except  by  Guest’s  house,  say  a mile  away.  The  woods 
around  the  church  stretched  far  away  to  both  right  and  the 
left,  so  concealing  the  troops  that  had  come  to  our  assistance 
as  to  lead  the  enemy  to  believe  that  nobody  was  between  them 
and  Lee’s  rear  except  Wilcox’s  Brigade,  a few  cavalrymen  and 
four  pieces  of  artillery.  A fourth  Brigade  came  down  to  aid 
us  if  necessary,  about  the  time  the  battle  began  and  this  Brigade 
was  placed  on  the  extreme  right,  but  the  two  Brigades  on  our 


19  7 7 


99 


right  were  not  engaged  in  the  coining  battle,  nor  were  they  even 
within  sight  of  the  enemy. 

The  enemy  began  by  stationing  artillery  about  fourteen 
hundred  yards  away,  and  shelled  ours  until  Lewis’  four  pieces 
had  exhausted  their  ammunition  and  retired.  Then  they  shelled 
vigorously  the  woods,  right  and  left,  but  we  were  lying  down  and 
received  no  injury.  And  now  the  infantry  came  forward. 

Our  troops  had  been  placed  as  follows:  The  plank  road 

runs  east  and  west,  with  the  Church  close  to  the  road  and  a 
schooltruse  30  yards  in  front  (east).  The  10th  Alabama  with 
its  left  resting  on  the  Church,  was  south  (to  our  right)  of 
the  road;  the  8th  was  on  the  right  of  the  10th,  and  the  9th  in 
reserve,  with  one  of  its  companies  in  the  schoolhouse  and  an- 
other in  the  church.  On  the  north  side  of  the  road  (our  left) 
were,  first,  the  11th  and  then  the  14th  Alabama,  with  (Brigadier 
General  Paul  J.)  Semmes  on  the  left  of  that,  and  (Brigadier 
General  William)  Mahone’s  occupying  our  extreme  left.  (Briga- 
dier General  Joseph  B.)  Kershaw’s  Brigade  was  on  the  right  of 
ours,  and  later  (Brigadier  General  William  T.)  Wofford’s  came 
up  and  took  a position  on  the  right  of  Kershaw,  but  both  these 
Brigades  were  in  the  woods  and  unseen  by  the  enemv,  and 
neither  of  them  fired  a gun.  They  were  not  in  the  line  of  attack. 

The  disposition  of  the  Federal  forces  I take  from  Series  I, 
Vol.  XXV,  Part  I,  0.  R.,  citing  that  volume  simply  bv  pages 
for  both  Federal  and  Confederate  reports. 

General  Sedgwick,  commanding  the  Federal  forces,  says 
(p.  559)  : “(Major  General  William  T.  H.)  Brooks’  Division 
formed  rapidly  across  the  road  and  (Major  General  John)  New- 
ton’s upon  the  right.” 

Sedgwick  had  taken  account  of  our  strength  when  we  were 
drawn  up  in  the  open  field  before  him,  near  the  toll-gate;  he 
saw  too  the  front  we  covered  as  we  drew  back  into  the  woods, 
and  now  to  cover  this  front  he  formed  triple  lines,  extending 
part  of  Newton’s  force  beyond  the  left  of  our  Brigade,  fully 
expecting  it  to  meet  no  enemy  and  to  overlap  and  flank  us. 
Fortunately  for  us,  this  force  found  Semmes  in  its  front,  and 
what  must  have  been  a small  portion  of  it  encountered  some  of 
Mahone’s  Brigade. 


100 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


General  W.  T.  H.  Brooks,  commanding  the  First  Division, 
says  (p.  568)  he  placed  on  the  south  of  the  road,  our  right,  the 
5th  Maine,  16th  New  York,  121st  New  York  and  96th  Pennsyl- 
vania, of  his  2nd  Brigade,  and  the  2nd  New  Jersey  and  23rd 
New  Jersey  of  his  1st  Brigade  — all  together  six  regiments. 
But  the  Colonel  of  one  of  these  regiments,  (Colonel  Joel  J.) 
Seaver,  16th  New  York,  (p.  586)  says  that  while  he  was  for  a 
time  on  the  south  side  of  the  road  he  was  later  ordered  to  the 
north  side  and  advanced  in  the  woods  there.  This  left  five  regi- 
ments of  Brooks’  Division  south  of  the  road.  The  98th  Pennsyl- 
vania and  62nd  New  York  of  Newton’s  Division  were,  however, 
also  on  the  south  side  of  the  road  (Brigadier)  General  (Frank) 
Wheaton’s  Report,  (p.  618).  To  these  seven  attacking  regiments 
which  on  the  south  side  of  the  road  attacked  the  8th  and  10th 
Alabama  which  were  supported  by  the  9th,  should  probably  be 
added  two  regiments  from  the  2nd  Brigade  of  Newton’s  Divi- 
sion, commanded  by  Colonel  William  H.  Brown,  but  in  the  ab- 
sence of  any  report  from  him  or  General  Newton  this  is  left  in 
doubt  by  the  report  of  Colonel  Horatio  Rogers,  2nd  Rhode  Is- 
land (p.  614). 

On  the  north  side  of  the  road,  our  left,  there  were,  of 
Brooks’  Division,  the  1st,  2nd  and  15th  New  Jersey,  95th  and 
119th  Pennsylvania,  making  5 regiments;  with  the  16th  New 
York  added,  six.  Add  also  three  regiments  of  General  Wheaton’s 
Brigade,  two  of  Newton’s  Division  (Wheaton’s  Report,  p.  617), 
making  altogether  12  regiments  attacking  the  front  occupied 
by  the  11th  and  14th  Alabama,  Semmes’  Brigade,  and  partially 
Mahone’s.  One  of  these  attacking  regiments,  the  15th  New 
Jersey,  under  Colonel  (William  H.)  Penrose  (p.  574)  was  or- 
dered to  the  extreme  right  of  the  Federals  4 ‘to  turn  the  left” 
of  the  Confederates.  Probably  this  regiment  attacked  Mahone. 

The  Union  troops  were  in  high  spirits.  Hooker,  they  under- 
stood, had  been  successful,  they  had  themselves  just  captured 
Marye’s  Heights  with  seven  pieces  of  artillery,  and  Wilcox’s 
Brigade,  that  had  retreated  before  them  for  2 1/2  miles,  they 
were  now  about  to  brush  away  or  destroy.  As  Sedgwick  told 
Guest  at  his  farmhouse,  where  he  made  his  headquarters,  now 
they  “were  after  ‘Cadmus’  (Cadmus  Wilcox)  and  we’re  going 
to  pick  him  up.” 

Bravely,  with  banners  flying,  their  lines  come  forward, 


101 


19  7 7 

their  alignment  perfect.  As  they  advance,  we  have  no  artillery 
to  check  them,  for  our  four  pieces  have  already  withdrawn  for 
want  of  ammunition.  Our  skirmishers  at  the  edge  of  the  woods 
retire  before  them.  Now  they  near  the  little  schoolhouse  whose 
doors  and  windows  are  shut.  A rush  is  made  for  its  shelter. 
From  the  cracks  between  the  logs,  made  by  knocking  out  the 
chinking,  shoots  a deadly  flame  of  fire.  A gigantic  Lieutenant 
in  the  effort  to  batter  down  the  door,  falls  across  the  steps,  — 
a musket  ball  coming  through  the  panel  has  pierced  his  heart. 
But  the  brave  fellows  in  blue  are  too  many  for  the  boys  in  the 
little  log  hut.  They  push  forward,  they  crowd  around  the  house, 
and  for  a few  moments  the  inmates  are  prisoners.  Still  the 
assailants  press  f rward  until  at  some  points  they  are  40  and 
at  others  only  30  yards  away,  and  then  a volley  makes  great 
gaps  in  their  ranks.  The  firing  now  extends  from  our  right 
front  far  away  to  the  left.  The  enemy  return  our  fire  first 
by  volley  and  then  promiscuously.  In  the  first  firing  Olonel 
Royston  is  biadly  wounded,  and  the  command  of  the  8th  de- 
volves upon  Lieutenant  Colonel  Herbert.  For  a few  moments 
everywhere  along  the  line  the  enemy  are  staggered,  but  in  our 
front  do  not  retreat.  The  battle  seems  hanging  in  the  balance, 
and  the  second  line  of  the  enemy,  pressing  close  behind  the  first, 
near  the  Church,  the  momentum  is  such  as  to  break  our  lines. 
The  10th  Alabama  is  forced  back  upon  the  8 companies  of  the 
9th,  that  lie  some  30  yards  behind.  The  12 1st  New  York  has 
passed  the  left  of  the  8th,  But  the  8th  Alabama  stands  fast. 
The  enemy  in  its  front  is  held  at  bay,  while  its  three  left  com- 
panies under  order  make  a backward  half  wheel  and  fire  down 
the  line  of  the  New  York  regiment  that  is  passing  its  left. 

The  slaughter  of  this  advancing  line  of  the  enemy  is  terri- 
ble, for  the  9th  Alabama  has  risen  from  the  ground  and  with 
the  10th,  which  has  much  of  it  rallied  upon  the  9th,  is  mowing 
down  the  enemy  by  a fire  in  front  while  the  three  left  companies 
of  the  8th  are  firing  into  their  flank.  The  9th  rushes  forward 
with  a yell  and  in  less  than  five  minutes  after  our  line  is  broken 
the  enemy  are  in  full  retreat,  leaving  the  extreme  point  to  which 
they  had  gotten  beyond  the  Church  distinctly  marked  with  their 
dead  and  wounded  lying  in  a line.  There  have  been  no  orders 
from  General  Wilcox  to  charge,  unless  perhaps  to  the  9th  to 
restore  our  lines,  but  when  the  gallant  9th  comes  forward  with  a 
shout  it  cannot  be  expected  to  stop  at  the  old  lines,  and  on  it  goes. 


102 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Lieutenant  Colonel  Herbert  instantly  orders  forward  the  8th, 
Soon  the  whole  Brigade  is  advancing  and  with  it  two  regiments 
of  Semmes’.  Forward  we  rush  through  the  woods,  and  into 
the  fields,  driving  the  enemy’s  lines  over  one  another,  and  as 
they  mingle  pell  mell  in  the  open  field,  high  above  the  Confed- 
erate yell  are  heard  the  voices  of  officers  and  men  shouting,  “take 
good  aim,  boys!”  “Hold  your  muskets  level,  and  you’ll  get  a 
Yank!” 

The  carnage  was  awful  The  enemy  were  in  confusion, 
fleeing  for  their  lives,  and  all  the  efforts  made  by  their  gallant 
officers  to  keep  them,  in  line  were  unavailing.  We  followed 
them  beyond  the  woods  till  we  had  neared  the  toll  gate  and 
they  had  reached  their  reserves  of  infantry  and  artillery.  These 
of  course  we  were  not  in  sufficient  force  to  attack  even  if  day- 
light had  permitted,  and  we  are  ordered  back,  the  enemy  mak- 
ing no  attempt  to  follow.  Two  of  Semmes'  regiments,  the  10th 
and  51st  Georgia,  had  charged  with  us. 

The  following  is  from  the  interesting  report  of  Federal 
Division  Commander,  General  Brooks: 

Immediately  upon  entering  the  dense  growth  of  shrubs 
and  trees  which  concealed  the  enemy,  our  troops  were 
met  by  a heavy  and  incessant  fire  of  musketry,  yet  our 
lines  advanced  until  they  reached  the  crest  of  the  hill 
in  the  outer  skirts  of  the  woods  ivhere  meeting  with  and 
being  attacked  by  fresh  superior  members  of  the  enemy 
our  forces  were  finally  compelled  to  withdraw. 

The  only  fresh  troops  they  met  were  8 companies  of  the 
9th  Alabama,  not  numbering  more  than  225  men. 

Major  General  Brooks  further  says:  “In  this  brief  but 

sanguinary  conflict  this  (his)  Division  lost  nearly  1,500  men 
and  officers.” 

General  Wilcox  reports  (p.  861)  that  the  Brigade  buried 
on  our  front  248;  that  189  wounded  were  left  in  our  hands,  and 
that  we  captured  3 flags. 

Our  losses  while  in  pursuit  were  very  few  indeed.  Besides 


19  7 7 


103 


the  wounded  lying  thick  along  our  way  prisoners  were  taken  in 
the  woods  and  in  the  gulleys  in  the  open  field. 

Many  of  the  Federal  officers  in  their  reports  say  the  Con- 
federates were  strongly  entrenched.  General  Wheaton  says  (p. 
617)  that  we  were  not  only  entrenched  but  had  abattis  in  front 
of  our  entrenchments.  But  there  is  no  truth  whatever  in  either 
of  these  statements.  It  was  an  impromptu  battle.  Our  lines 
were  suddenly  formed  at  a point  where  no  fight  had  been  an- 
ticipated or  prepared  for.  The  next  morning  after  the  fight 
of  the  3rd,  thinking  the  enemy  might  attack  again,  we  dug  rifle 
pits  with  bayonets  the  men  scraping  up  the  earth  with  their 
tin  plates. 

Brooks’  Division  had  four  batteries  of  artillery  under 
Colonel  John  A.  Tompkins,  and  Newton’s  Division,  three  under 
Captain  Jeremiah  McCartney;  which,  counting  six  pieces  to  the 
battery,  would  aggregate  42  guns.  Only  three  of  these  batteries, 
were  actively  engaged.  (Lieutenant  Edward  D.)  Williston’s, 
(Captain  James  H.)  Rigsby’s  and  (Captain  William)  Hexamer’s. 
One  section  of  Hexamer’s  was  across  the  plank  road,  the  other 
two  sections  to  the  left.  Rigby’s  and  Hexamer’s  were  on  the 
right  of  the  road,  says  Colonel  Tompkins  (p.  566).  This  ar- 
tillery officer’s  report  is  instructive  in  some  respects,  how- 
ever erroneous  in  others.  He  says  the  infantry  advanced : 

and  after  a severe  contest,  reached  the  crest,  held  it 
a few  moments  and  then  being  greatly  outnumbered, 
was  forced  to  retire.  It  came  out  of  the  woods,  mo/ny 
of  the  regiments  in  great  confusion,  closely  followed  by 
the  enemy.  Already  had  the  batteries  opened  fire  over 
the  heads  of  the  retiring  troops,  firing  slowly  at  first, 
and  as  the  enemy  attempted  to  follow  our  troops,  out 
of  the  wood,  rapidly,  Williston,  using  cannister.  The 
enemy  was  checked  and  driven  back  by  this  fire.  The 
infantry  formed  behind  the  batteries,  advanced,  enter- 
ing the  wood,  and  held  the  position  until  darkness  ended 
the  conflict. 

Colonel  Tompkins’  report  is  correct  in  showing  that  the 
infantry  never  reformed  until  they  got  behind  the  batteries, 
but  his  artillery  did  us  little  or  no  damage.  We  were  called  off 


104 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


as  the  fugitives  were  reaching  and  forming  behind  the  batteries. 
Prior  to  that  time  Colonel  Tompkins’  guns  could  not  fire  be- 
cause his  own  men  were  in  the  way,  we  closely  following;  and 
as  for  his  stating  that  he  fired  over  the  heads  of  the  infantry, 
the  nature  of  the  ground,  which  from  the  woods  out  was  nearly 
level,  rendered  this  impossible.  When  we  reached  our  positions 
on  returning,  it  was  so  dark  that  the  artillery  fire  was  wild, 
as  well  as  scant.  General  Brooks  corroborates  Colonel  Tomp- 
kins’ statement  about  rallying  cn  the  artillery.  In  his  report 
(p.  568)  he  says  “The  lines  were  re-established  near  the  bat- 
teries of  Rigsby,  (Captain  Augustus  N.)  Parsons  and  WilJiston.” 

Colonel  Tompkins  is  glaringly  incorrect  in  the  statement 
that  the  Federals  afterwards  advanced  and  entered  the  woods, 
or  that  they  held  this  position  when  dark  came.  General  Wil- 
cox correctly  says: 

The  pursuit  was  continued  as  far  as  the  toll  gate. 
Semmes’  Brigade  (only  two  regiments)  and  my  own 
were  the  only  troops  that  followed  the  retreating 
enemy.  In  the  rear  of  the  gate  were  the  heavy  reserve 
of  the  enemy.  Our  men  were  now  halted  and  reformed, 
it  being  quite  dark,  and  retired,  not  pursued  by  the 
enemy,  leaving  pickets  to  the  front  in  the  open  field. 

General  Semmes  (p.  835)  says  “the  brunt  of  the  battle”  fell 
on  his  Brigade,  but  he  shows  that  only  two  of  his  regiments, 
the  10th  and  51st  Georgia,  participated  in  the  countercharge, 
and  this  he  himself  says  was  “in  support  of  a charge  made  by 
one  or  more  of  Wilcox’s  regiments.”  He  had  sent  orders,  he 
says,  to  two  other  regiments  to  charge,  but  the  orders  did  not 
reach  them.  If  they  had  been  as  closely  engaged  as  we  were, 
the  gallant  Georgians  would,  like  us,  have  needed  no  orders 
from  their  General  to  follow  the  retreating  enemy. 

General  Lee  was  with  us  at  Salem  Church  on  the  next 
morning  after  the  battle  and  went  over  the  lines.  He  had  too 
of  course  received  all  the  reports  of  his  subordinates  before 
he  made  his  report,  September  21st,  and  in  this  report  he 
disposes  of  the  claim  of  General  Semmes  that  “the  brunt  of 
the  battle  fell”  on  his  Brigade  as  follows : 

The  enemy’s  artillery  played  vigorously  upon  our  posi- 
tion for  some  time,  when  his  infantry  advanced  in 


19  7 7 


105 


three  strong  lines,  the  attack  being  directed  mainly 
against  General  Wilcox , but  partially  involving  the 
brigades  on  his  left.  The  assault  was  made  with  the 
utmost  firmness  and  after  a fierce  struggle  with  the 
first  line  was  repulsed  with  great  slaughter.  The  sec- 
ond then  came  forward  but  immediately  broke  under 
the  close  and  deadly  fire  which  it  encountered,  and  the 
whole  masts  fled  in  confusion  to  the  rear.  They  were 
pursued  by  the  Brigades  of  Wilcox  and  Semmes  (only 
two  regiments  of  Semmes')  which  advanced  nearly  a 
mile  when  they  were  halted  to  reform  in  the  presence 
of  the  enemy's  reserve,  which  now  appeared  in  large 
force.  It  being  quite  dark,  General  Wilcox  deemed  it 
imprudent  to  push  the  attack  with  his  small  numbers 
and  retired  to  his  original  position,  the  enemy  making 
no  attempt  to  follow. 

0.  R.  Vol.  XXV,  Part  I,  p.  811 

It  was  the  121st  New  York  under  Colonel  (Emory)  Upton, 
with  supports  behind  it,  that  broke  through  our  lines,  driving 
the  10th  Alabama  back  for  a time  upon  the  9th,  and  this  gal- 
lant Colonel  in  his  report  (p.  589)  is  the  only  Federal  officer 
who  does  not  claim  that  we  had  overwhelming  forces  that  came 
to  our  help.  He  says:  ‘‘The  enemy  opposite  the  centre  and 

left  wing  broke,  but  rallied  again  20  to  30  yards  to  his  rear." 

So  far  from  seeing  “overwhelming  numbers"  that  were  not 
there,  as  did  many  others,  Colonel  Upton  did  not  even  see  the 
8 companies  of  the  9th,  upon  which  the  10th  rallied,  and  these 
constituted  our  only  “reinforcement."  The  8 companies  of  the 
9th  Alabama  did  not  probably  number  over  200,  ais  the  9th  was 
our  smallest  regiment.  The  8th  Alabama  was  subjected  to  the 
supreme  test  of  courage  and  discipline  when  it  stood  fast  and 
held  the  enemy  in  its  front  at  bay,  while  its  three  left  com- 
panies made  a half  wheel  and  fired  down  the  flank  of  a line 
passing  the  regiment  only  a few  feet  away.  It  was  this  flank 
fire  and  the  simultaneous  fire  received  in  its  front  by  Colonel 
Upton's  regiment  that  strewed  the  ground  with  a long  line  of 
gallant  New  Yorkers.  The  loss  of  the  121st  New  York  was  the 
heaviest  sustained  by  any  of  the  attacking  force — 269  out  of 
523 — and  most  of  the  loss  occurred  just  there.  The  96th  Penn- 
sylvania was  in  front  of  the  8th  (Colonel  Upton's  report)  and 


106 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


supporting  the  96th  Pennsylvania  was  the  5th  Maine  (Colonel 
(Oliver  E.)  Edwards’  report,  p.  584).  What  other  regiments 
the  8th  encountered  later  is  not  clear. 

The  counter-charge  of  our  line  began  when  the  9th  Ala- 
bama rose  from  the  ground  where  it  had  been  lying,  and  with 
much  of  the  10th  Alabama  aiding  it  rushed  forward.  As  they 
reached  our  line  the  8th  Alabama  went  with  them.  We  drove 
the  enemy  with  a yell  that  made  the  woods  ring,  and  the  charge 
was  taken  up  successively  along  the  line  until  it  embraced  the 
whole  of  Wilcox’s  Brigade  and  the  two  regiments  of  Semmesb 
General  Wheaton,  who  was  near  to  and  on  the  north  side  of 
the  road,  says  (p.  618)  that  before  the  93rd  and  102nd  Penn- 
sylvania engaged  there,  “were  pushed  back  the  troops  on  their 
left  were  driven  towards  us  in  confusion.”  These  were  the 
troops  that,  in  the  language  of  General  Lee,  “drove  the  enemy 
nearly  a mile.” 

Shoes,  that  were  much  needed,  were  among  our  spoils. 
Am  officer  reported  that  during  that  night,  while  searching 
the  w.'ods  for  the  wounded,  he  found  “Old  Robinson,”  an  Irish- 
man of  Company  A,  sitting  on  the  ground  by  the  side  of  a 
badly  wounded  Federal  officer,  quietly  smoking  his  pipe. 

“What  are  you  doing  here,  Robinson?” 

The  gruesome  reply  was:  “Pm  waiting  on  this  man  here. 

We’s  got  a bit  of  a job  to  do.  I took  him  for  a dead  one, 
and  was  after  pulling  his  boots  off  of  him,  when  he  said  he 
was  dyin’  and  asked  me  to  wait  till  he  was  dead.  And,  faith, 
he’s  very  slow  about  it!” 

We  buried  the  Federal  dead  in  a long  trench  near  the 
Church,  and  allowed  General  Sedgwick  to  send  surgeons  to 
assist  us  in  caring  for  his  wounded,  but  we  had  not  allowed 
him  to  “catch  Cadmus.” 

The  loss  of  the  regiment  in  this  battle  was  44  killed  and 
wounded.  In  Lieutenant  Colonel  Herbert’s  report  of  the  battle 
Lieutenant  C(harles  R.)  Rice,  Captain  W(illiam  W.)  Mordecai 
and  Lieutenant  W(illiam  R.)  Sterling  were  mentioned  as  con- 
spicuous for  gallantry,  and  all  were  said  to  have  acted  with 


19  7 7 


107 

steady  bravery.  The  “soldiers  lately  enlisted,”  conscripts,  were 
specially  mentioned.  General  Wilcox  in  his  report  of  the  battle, 
O.  R.  Series  I,  Vol.  XXV.,  p.  8G0,  says,  “Colonel  Royston  8th 
Alabama  (and  after  his  severe  wound  Lt.  Col.  Herbert  who 
commanded  the  8th  Alabama),  Col.  (Lucius)  Pinckard,  14th 
Ala.,  Col.  Wm.  H.  Forney,  10th  Ala.,  Col.  J.  C.  C.  Sanders, 
11th  Ala.,  Major  J.  H.  J.  Williams,  9th  Ala.,  were  intelligent, 
energetic,  and  gallant  in  commanding;  directing  and  leading 
their  men.” 

The  men’s  roll  of  honor  was: 

Private  Allen  Bolling,  Co.  A. 

Private  J.  N.  Howard,  Co.  B. 

Sergeant  Robert  Gaddes,  Co.  C. 

Sergeant  P.  H.  Mays,  Co.  D. 

Sergeant  T.  A.  Kelly,  Co.  F. 

Private  Patrick  Leary,  Co.  1. 

Private  James  Reynolds,  Co.  K. 

On  the  next  day,  May  4,  General  Lee  had  planned  an 
assault  on  Sedgwick,  but  the  troops  sent  to  connect  on  our 
right  with  Early,  who  was  still  on  the  left  of  Sedgwick  had 
all  day  been  retreating  over  a pontoon  near  Banks’  Ford.  Gen- 
eral Wilcox  having  asked  permission  to  send  a regiment  in 
pursuit,  ordered  forward  the  8th.  We  double-quicked  in  that 
direction.  Nearing  them,  we  could  hear  the  rumble  of  artillery 
and  the  “shoutings  of  the  Captains”  as  the  rear  of  the  com- 
mand was  being  hurried  in  the  darkness  over  the  river.  Every- 
where in  the  woods  we  picked  up  prisoners.  Captain  Fagan, 
whose  figures  may  always  be  relied  on,  records  that  the  prisoners 
captured  by  our  Brigade  were  1,020,  and  the  rest  of  Anderson’s 
Division  brought  in  others,  the  total  being  about  2,000. 

At  12  midnight  on  Tuesday  we  took  up  line  of  march 
towards  Chancellorsviile,  where  Hooker  was  still  behind  his 
breastworks.  On  the  way  occurred  a singular  phenomenon — 
the  whole  regiment  was  struck  by  lightning.  The  rain  was  just 
beginning  to  fall  from  a thunder  cloud.  Captain  Walter  Winn, 
Adjutant  General  of  the  Brigade,  had  been  riding  with  me,  and 
our  talk  was  about  the  Federal  battery  that,  apparently  about 
a mile  and  half  to  our  right  over  the  river,  was  occasionally 


108 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


firing1.  Wg  agreed  that  wg  were  within  its  range,  but  that  GVGn 
if  it  should  turn  its  guns  upon  us  we  would  be  in  but  little 
danger,  on  account  of  the  distance.  Just  a-s  Winn  had  started 
off  briskly  and  was  about  a horse’s  length  ahead,  there  came  a 
crash.  My  first  impression  was  that  a shell  from  the  battery 
we  had  been  speaking  of  had  bursted  in  my  head.  I was 
severely  shocked,  especially  in  my  head  and  left  leg,  but  did 
not  fall.  Captain  Winn  had  fallen  from  his  horse,  though  he 
was  soon  revived,  and  every  man  in  the  regiment  was  more  or 
less  shocked,  many  in  the  two  rear  companies  being  -stricken  to 
the  ground.  Several  of  them  were  sent  to  the  hospital,  but  all 
eventually  recovered. 

We  continued  our  march  in  a drenching  rain,  and  here  I 
quote  from  Captain  Fagan’s  article  on  “The  Battle  of  Salem 
Church,”  in  the  Philadelphia  TIMES.  July  7,  1883: 

Approaching  the  Chancellor  House,  the  half  drowned 
men  filled  the  air  with  terrible  yells;  the  shouting 
would  begin  at  one  end  of  the  line  and  pass  to  the 
other,  backwards  and  forwards.  ‘What  in  the  hell  are 
you  yelling  about?’  demanded  Major  (T.  S.)  Mills  of 
Anderson’s  Staff. 

‘To  scare  Fighting  Joe  Hooker,’  replied  a soldier.  We 
laid  down  in  the  mud,  expecting  to  charge  Hooker’s 
works  at  sunrise.  Advancing  at  dawn  my  picket  line, 

I was  informed  that  the  enemy’s  works  were  deserted. 
Awaiting  orders,  we  passed  the  Chancellor  House. 

Here  was  the  most  sickening  sight  I had  ever  beheld. 

Half  buried  in  the  mud  were  dead  Federal  soldiers, 
dismounted  artillery,  broken  caissons,  disemboweled 
horses,  muskets,  canteens,  in  fact,  the  whole  para- 
phernalia of  war  in  indescribable  confusion.  The 
blackened  walls  of  the  Chancellor  House  stood  as  a 
mighty  sentinel  guarding  the  whole.  Climbing  with- 
in Hooker’s  works  I examined  them  closely — massive, 
intricate,  crossing  each  other  like  the  squares  on  a 
checkerboard.  Open  boxes  of  ammunition  were  placed 
every  few  yards.  I have  often  thought  that  Anderson’s 
division  could  never  have  carried  those  works  unless 
a panic  had  seized  the  defenders. 


109 


19  7 7 

Those  works  were  the  most  formidable  1 ever  saw.  They 
were  carefully  constructed  of  fresh  green  logs  piled  upon  each 
other,  longitudinal  pyramids  as  high  as  a man’s  shoulders. 
Above,  on  stakes,  with  a crack  between  for  muskets,  was  a 
large  head-log.  For  each  file-closer  and  Field  Officer,  at  proper 
distances  in  the  rear,  was  a similar  breastwork  of  logs.  In 
front  of  the  breastworks,  for  one  hundred  yards,  were  cheveaux- 
de-frises  constructed  of  trees  fallen  with  their  tops  towards 
the  front  and  with  every  limb  trimmed  and  sharpened.  The 
growth  of  small  trees  here  in  the  wilderness  was  so  heavy  and 
these  obstructions  so  formidable  as  to  make  it  almost  impos- 
sible to  climb  over  them  from  the  front.  At  the  hundred  yard 
limit  from  the  works  the  small  trees  and  undergrowth  left 
standing  were  so  thick  that  to  bring  up  artillery  to  the  attack 
would  have  been  impossible.  Any  assault  upon  the  works  must 
therefore  have  been  made  by  infantry  alone.  Practically  the 
works  were  impregnable,  if  defended  with  spirit. 

“Old  Joe  Hooker,”  General  Jeb  Stuart  is  recorded  to  have 
sung,  was  “mighty  glad  to  get  out  of  the  wilderness”  and  his 
order  issued  to  his  troops  after  their  return  to  the  north  side 
of  the  Rappahannock,  in  which  the  General  congratulated  his 
troops  upon  their  recent  operations,  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  he  really  was  glad  to  have  got  safely  away  from  those 
breast- works ; but  assuredly  he  was  no  gladder  than  we  were, 
when  we  looked  at  them. 

The  Government  at  Washington  did  not  seem  to  share  the 
jubilation  in  which  General  Hooker  indulged.  Within  about  six 
weeks  Hooker  was  removed  and  General  (George  Gordon) 
Meade  put  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  This 
was  the  fifth  decapitation  of  a General  of  this  army  by  General 
Lee  and  “his  people.” 

Salem  Church  was  the  last  severe  blow  given  to  Hooker. 
That  and  the  retreat  of  Sedgwick's  corps  the  next  day  across  the 
river,  decided  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville.  Soon  afterwards 
the  two  armies  took  up  again  their  former  position  north  and 
south  of  the  Rappahannock  river.  Lee’s  army  was  too  small, 
Longstreet’s  corps  being  absent  at  Suffolk,  to  justify  any  at- 
tempt to  follow  the  defeated  Federals  across  the  river,  and  so 
again  for  a month  to  come  the  sounds  of  hostile  bugles  were 


no 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


heard  up  and  down  the  Rappahannock  for  twenty  miles,  morn- 
ing and  evening;  again  there  was  a tacit  truce  between  the 
two  armies,  and  again  pickets  talked  to,  and  perhaps  traded 
with,  each  other  across  the  stream. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Herbert  was  now  in  command.  Colonel 
Royston  was  never  able,  after  his  wound  at  Salem  Church,  to 
return  to  the  regiment.  He  was  retired  in  the  autumn  of  1864, 
whereupon  Lieutenant  Colonel  Herbert  was  promoted  to  Colonel, 
Major  Emrich,  Lieutenant  Colonel  and  Captain  Nall,  Major. 

Again  the  8th  was  at  Banks’  Ford;  and  now  occurred  the 
only  remembered  instance,  until  just  as  we  started  on  the  Penn- 
sylvania campaign,  of  firing  here  across  the  Rappahannock. 
The  Federals  had  been  using  balloons  ever  since  McClellan  was 
before  Yorktown.  To  many  of  us  they  seemed  at  first  form- 
idable, as  an  observer  so  high  up  in  the  air  ought  to  be  able 
we  thought  to  give  our  positions  with  accuracy.  Latterly,  how- 
ever, since  we  had  so  often  been  victorious  in  spite  of  these 
pretentious  observers,  we  had  come  to  laugh  at  the  sky-scrapers 
that  always  kept  so  well  out  of  range  of  our  artillerymen.  But 
one  morning,  now,  perhaps,  about  the  last  of  May,  1 saw,  while 
on  picket  duty  just  about  sunrise,  a balloon  going  up  from 
behind  a wooded  hilltop  only  a few  hundred  yards  away,  for 
a near-by  look  at  our  lines.  This  seemed  just  a little  too  familiar, 
and  so  the  next  morning,  with  the  permission  of  General  Wilcox, 
I stationed  just  beyond  the  brow  of  a hill  two  field  pieces. 
Again  the  presumptuous  balloonist  began  his  morning  flight 
into  the  air.  When  he  was  up  some  two  hundred  yards,  both 
guns  opened  fire  on  him  with  shells.  The  aeronaut  went  down 
safelv,  but  in  a decided  hurry,  and  the  experiment  was  not 
repeated  fr^m  that  point.  Captain  Fagan  records,  in  his  article 
on  Salem  Church,  that  this  was  the  last  of  ballooning  in  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  during  the  war. 

The  other  instance  of  firing  across  the  river  was  on  the 
14th  of  June  when  General  Lee  having  decided  to  begin  his 
Pennsvlvania  campaign,  we  were  ordered  to  make  a demonstra- 
tion upon  the  enemy  at  Banks’  Ford,  for  the  purpose  of  creating 
the  impression  that  we  were  about  to  cross  at  the  point,  Lee’s 
main  body  moving  up  at  the  same  time  to  cross  far  up  on  our 
left.  It  would  have  been  in  violation  of  good  faith  to  shoot 


down  without  notice  the  pickets  over  on  the  other  side,  so  our 
picket  line  was  withdrawn  the  men  calling  out,  as  ordered  to 
do,  “Take  care  of  yourselves,  Yanks,  we  are  coming  across !” 
The  Federal  pickets  at  first  laughed  and  said,  “You  are  joking, 
boys,”  and  we  had  to  begin  firing  over  their  heads  before  they 
would  seek  shelter.  Gradually  the  lines  on  both  sides  got  be- 
hind their  breast-works,  and  for  some  two  hours  there  was  a 
brisk  fusillade  across  the  river,  without  any  damage  on  either 
side,  so  far  as  is  known. 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


1 12 

CHAPTER  XII 
The  Gettysburg  Campaign 

The  march  of  the  Sth  to  Gettsburg  was  without  any  incident 
of  special  interest.  The  regiment  was  now,  by  reason  of  the 
receipt  of  conscripts  and  of  some  other  recruits,  as  well  as  by 
the  return  of  sick  and  wounded,  much  larger  than  it  had  been 
on  the  Maryland  Campaign,  and  its  morale  seemed  to  be  perfect. 
We  were  soon  in  the  enemy’s  country,  and  anxious  for  the 
battle  that  was  to  be  final  and  decisive.  We  had  no  thought 
cf  anything  but  victory.  General  Lee’s  orders  against  depreda- 
tion on  the  march  were  strict,  and  such  orders  were  perhaps 
never  better  observed  in  all  the  history  of  war  by  any  army 
of  invaders.  Beyond  the  stripping  of  cherry  trees,  branches  of 
which  were  sometimes  broken  off,  I remember  no  violations. 
One  or  two  amusing  incidents  that  occurred  during  this  tragical 
campaign  ought  to  be  recorded  as  we  pass. 

Samp  Orr,  one  of  our  wagoners,  during  the  winter  that 
was  gone  had  brought  with  him  from  home,  where  he  had  gone 
on  furlough  to  the  death  bed  of  his  wife,  his  little  son,  about 
11  years  old  and  also  called  “Samp.”  There  was  nothing  for 
it  but  to  let  the  little  fellow  stay  with  his  father,  and  the 
“gamin”  was  now  the  pet  of  the  regiment,  and  full  of  mischief. 
One  day  as  we  were  marching  along  through  the  Dutch  part  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  its  well-filled  barns,  fat  cattle  and  wide- 
rolling  stretches  of  such  wheat  as  most  of  us  had  never  seen, 
a fat  old  lady  whose  house  was  comfortably  ensconced  a few 
yards  back  in  a clump  of  trees,  was  sweeping  the  road  before 
her  front  gate.  A high  zig-zag  rail  fence  on  either  side  made 
a lane,  and  in  this  lane,  close  by  the  old  lady,  was  a large 
Shanghai  rooster,  which  little  Samp,  not  having  the  fear  of 
General  Lee’s  orders  before  his  eyes,  attempted  to  capture. 
Samp  ran  for  the  rooster,  and  the  old  lady  ran  for  Samp,  and 
as  the  three  scampered  one  after  the  other  along  the  line  of 
the  regiment,  the  old  lady  with  her  uplifted  brush-broom  in 
hand,  the  men  shouted,  “Go  it,  Samp!  Go  it,  rooster!  Go  it, 
old  lady !”  until  finally  the  clumsy  old  Shanghai,  finding  that 
Samp  was  gaining  in  him,  attempted  to  escape  through  a crack 
in  the  fence.  The  crack  was  not  big  enough— the  rooster  stuck 
at  it  and  Samp  was  just  in  the  act  of  stooping  to  seize  his 


19  7 7 


113 

prey,  when  the  old  lady's  uplifted  brush-broom  came  down  on 
Samp  right  where  the  bend  was,  and  down  went  Samp.  The 
old  lady  was  victor,  her  property  was  saved,  and  loud  were  the 
cheers  that  went  up  from  the  regiment  in  praise  of  the  gallant 
old  woman,  whose  flushed  face  as  she  gazed  defiantly  in  the 
faces  of  the  Rebs  seemed  to  indicate  that  she  did  not  appreciate 
having  to  fight  for  her  rights  on  her  own  soil. 

A large  army  is  always  an  impressive  sight,  and  many 
were  the  expressions  of  astonishment  that  now  greeted  us  from 
the  wondering  country  folk  by  the  wayside  as  we  tramp,  tramp 
along  the  road. 

“Auntie,”  said  Martin  Riley,  a wag  in  Co.  F.,  “don’t  you 
think  there  are  a heap  of  people  this  year?” 

“Yes,  good  Lord,  we  never  will  be  able  to  get  enough 
soldiers  to  whip  you  folks!” 

But  the  attitude  of  the  people,  especially  among  the  more 
intelligent,  was  generally  that  of  angry  defiance.  In  the  towns 
and  notably  in  Chambersburg,  the  people  seemed  by  preconcert 
to  have  arrayed  themselves  in  “purple  and  fine  linen”  as  if  to 
let  the  “rebels”  see  how  little  the  war  was  affecting  them. 
Perhaps  the  impression  made  upon  us  may  have  c one  in  part 
from  the  fact  that  we  had  (to  use  the  language  of  our  boys) 
long  been  unaccustomed  to  see  people  in  “Idled  shirts;”  but 
certain  it  is  that  in  this  town  most  of  the  folks  we  saw  ap- 
peared to  be  “diked  out”  in  their  very  best.  Women  l oked 
out  of  their  windows  and  sat  upon  door  steps,  dressed  in  silks, 
and  often  decorated  with  Union  flags.  Indeed  Union  flags  big 
and  little  were  every wheres  flying,  and  men  were  in  broadcloth 
and  silk  hats.  One  man,  as  the  regiment  was  passing  him, 
in  a broadcloth  frock  coat  and  with  a sleek  hat  on  his  head, 
had  taken  up  his  position  just  on  the  outer  edge  of  the  side- 
walk. As  he  was  gazing  intently  on  the  troops,  apparently 
trying  to  take  in  the  full  meaning  of  all  this,  and  no  doubt 
engaged  in  making  an  estimate  of  our  numbers,  one  of  our  men 
named  Donnally,  an  Irishman  with  his  full  share  of  Irish  humor, 
stepped  briskly  from  out  of  the  rank  and  approaching  the 
gentlemen  from  behind,  took  with  one  hand,  from  his  own  head 
his  dirty  old  worn  out  hat,  that  had  lost  its  band  and  its  shape 


114 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


and  was  full  of  holes  at  the  top,  and  with  the  other  hand  lifted 
the  silk  hat,  and  the  two  heads  exchanged  coverings.  The 
gentleman  was  so  astonished  that  for  a moment  he  only  stared 
around  in  blank  amazement  and  the  shout  that  went  up  from 
the  “Rebs”  made  the  welkin  ring.  About  the  same  time  a 
lady,  fair  and  fat,  sat  in  a defiant  attitude  upon  a door  step 
with  a bright  little  Union  flag  pinned  over  her  bosom. 

“Madam,”  said  Martin  Riley,  of  Co.  F.,  “you  had  better 
be  particular  how  you  flaunt  that  flag;  these  boys  are  in  the 
habit  of  storming  breastworks  wherever  they  see  that  flag 
flying!” 


Gettysburg 

We  were  not  in  the  fight  on  the  first  day  of  July,  at 
Gettysburg.  Our  division — Anderson’s — was  for  about  two  hours 
that  afternoon  halted  some  two  miles  away,  looking  at  the 
smoke  and  listening  to  the  sounds  of  the  battle.  The  query 
was  in  our  minds — Why  are  we  not  put  in?  and  we  answered 
ourselves  by  saying,  if  we  were  needed  “Marse  Bob”  would 
have  us  there. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2nd  of  July,  about  7 a.m.,  the 
brigade  was  moving  by  the  right  flank  below  the  crest  of  a 
ridge  that  was  to  our  left  between  us  and  the  enemy — this  to 
avoid  being  seen  as  we  were  taking  our  position  in  the  intended 
line  of  battle.  The  10th  Alabama  was  in  front,  the  11th  next, 
and  the  8th  next.  The  10th  was  sharply  attacked  by  (Colonel 
Hiram)  Berden’s  battalion  of  sharpshooters,  and  the  2nd  Maine 
regiment  from  behind  a rock  fence.  When  the  attack  was  made 
on  the  10th,  the  11th  was  moving  diagonally  across  a field  to 
take  its  intended  position  on  the  left  of  the  10th.  While  it 
was  thus  moving  in  line  into  its  right  flank,  which  was  point- 
ing towards  the  stone  wall,  there  came  a volley  from  behind 
the  rock  wall.  This  sudden  attack  upon  its  flank  caused  the 
11th  to  fall  back.  At  this  time  the  8th  was  behind  the  11th 
a^d  was  moving  by  the  right  flank  to  a point  still  further  on 
the  left  where  we  were  to  take  position.  WTien  the  firing  began 
we  halted,  forming  line  parallel  to  the  rock  fence.  The  10th 
Alabama  in  the  meantime  had  stood  its  ground  on  the  right 
and  was  gallantly  driving  the  enemy  back.  As  soon  as  un- 


19  7 7 


115 

masked  by  the  11th  the  8th  advanced  upon  the  enemy  and  drove 
them  from  the  wall.  This  rock  wall  or  fence  was  at  right 
angles  with  the  enemy’s  main  line  of  battle  on  the  heights, 
and  now  the  8th,  our  left  flank  pointing  rectangularly  to  the 
line  occupied  by  the  enemy’s  main  body,  we  laid  by  that  rock 
fence  awaiting  orders  until  late  in  the  afternoon.  The  remainder 
of  the  brigade  was  stretched  out  on  our  right,  and  our  line  was 
there  lying,  as  General  Wilcox  says  in  his  report,  O.  R.  Series 
I.,  Vol.  XXVII,  Part  II,  “at  right  angles”  to  the  line  which 
McLaws’  Division  took  up  near  us  about  2 p.m.  Wilcox  in  his 
report  says: 

My  instructions  were  to  advance  when  the  troops  on 
my  right  should  advance,  and  to  report  this  to  the 
Division  Commander  in  order  that  the  other  brigades 
should  advance  in  proper  time.  In  order  that  I should 
advance  on  my  right  it  became  necessary  for  me  to 
move  off  by  the  left  flank,  so  as  to  uncover  the  ground 
over  which  they  had  to  advance. 

Owing  to  the  unexpected  delay  of  Longstreet’s  Corps  to 
attack,  the  order  was  not  given  to  us  to  advance  until  late  in 
the  afternoon,  about  6:30.  I now  quote  from  the  “Short  His- 
tory of  the  8th  Alabama  Regiment”  written  in  camp,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  officers  who  were  present  at  Gettysburg. 
Speaking  at  first  of  the  position  we  occupied  at  the  rock  fence, 
after  the  fight  in  the  morning,  this  account  says: 

Our  line  now  formed  a right  angle  with  that  of  Barks- 
dale’s Brigade,  which  was  on  the  left  of  Longstreet’s 
Corps  when  that  corps  came  up.  We  threw  ou,'t 
skirmishers  who  kept  up  a brisk  fire  with  the  enemy 
during  the  day.  About  5 :30  p.m.  (It  was  about  6 :15), 
Barksdale’s  Brigade  moved  forward  and  drove  the 
enemy  before  them.  Wilcox  ordered  his  brigade  to 
move  by  the  left  flank.  We  being  on  the  left  of  our 
brigade  were  therefore  in  front.  Moving  about  300 
yards  in  this  manner,  the  8th  was  greeted  on  the  ascent 
of  some  rising  ground,  with  a shower  of  musket  balls 
and  grapeshot  from  a line  of  infantry  about  200  yards 
off  and  a battery  of  artillery  on  its  right.  Owing  to 
the  skirmish  in  the  morning  the  regiment  was  march- 


116 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


in g in  column  of  fours  by  the  left.  We  now,  under 
this  heavy  fire  changed  front  forward  at  a double 
quick,  each  company  commencing  to  fire  as  it  took  its 
position  in  line.  Our  movement  had  put  us  far  in  ad- 
vance and  we  were  now  exposed  to  the  concentrated 
fire  of  all  the  enemy  in  our  front.  We  were  suffering 
terribly,  and  the  men  were  impatient  to  charge.  With 
a cheer  we  rushed  onward,  and  the  enemy’s  artillery 
and  infantry  fell  back  before  us. 

The  8th  now  became  in  this  charge  separated  by  nearly 
200  yards  from  the  remainder  of  the  brigade,  which  was 
coming  up  on  its  left.  This  fact,  strange  to  say,  so  completely 
escaped  our  attention  at  the  time  in  the  excitement  of  battle, 
that  it  was  not  known  to  the  writer  until  it  came  to  his  at- 
tention some  thirty  years  afterwards,  when  one  of  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  Battlefield  at  Gettysburg,  and  the  writer, 
were  locating  the  lines  along  which  our  regiment  fought.  This 
will  be  explained  later. 

The  8th  in  its  charge  went  to  the  right  of  certain  houses 
that  were  on  the  Emmitsburg  Turnpike.  The  remainder  of  the 
brigade  went  to  the  left  of  these  houses.  The  8th  having 
crossed  the  turnpike  encountered  some  other  troops  in  an 
orchard  and  driving  these  before  us  we  found  still  another  line 
of  infantry  which  was  near  the  Trostle  house.  These  troops, 
composed  probably  in  part  of  those  we  had  already  driven 
before  us,  without  making  any  vigorous,  stand,  retreated  by 
the  right  flank,  artillery  and  infantry,  across  a lane  on  their 
right,  having  made  a passage  for  themselves  by  throwing  down 
enough  rails  to  make  a gap. 

To  follow  them  it  became  necessary  to  “change  direction 
to  the  left.”  This  order  was  given.  Holding  the  flag  aloft, 
his  manly  form  as  erect  as  if  on  drill,  the  color  bearer,  Sergeant 
(E.  P.)  Ragsdale  stepped  forward  in  slow  time,  and  the  regiment 
aligning  on  him  made  a perfect  half-wheel,  and  then  the  order 
was  given  to  charge  a double  quick  on  the  retreating  foe.  In 
this  charge  we  crossed  at  an  oblique  angle  the  land  made  of 
two  zig-zag  fences.  Climbing  these  fences  diagonally  of  course 
disordered  the  regiment.  Beyond  the  fence  it  was  halted  and 
its  line  reformed.  I again  quote  from  the  “Short  History” : 


19  7 7 


117 


About  a hundred  yards  in  front  of  us  the  enemy’s  re- 
treating artillery  halted,  wheeled  about — and  a storm 
of  grape  shot  whizzed  around  our  heads.  Such  of  their 
infantry  too  as  could  be  arrested  in  their  flight  now 
accumulated  their  fire  upon  us.  Disordered  by  pur- 
suing them  over  the  fences,  as  soon  as  formed,  we 
charged.  In  fact,  so  eager  were  the  men  that  some 
companies  started,  before  the  line  was  well  formed. 
‘Forward’  was  now  given,  and  we  swept  like  a hur- 
ricane over  cannon  and  caissons.  The  horses  were 
shot  down,  many  of  the  gunners  died  at  their  posts. 

One  little  boy  in  blue,  apparently  not  more  than  fifteen 
years  old,  on  the  lead  front  horse  of  a caisson-wagon,  sat  erect 
in  the  midst  of  the  storm  of  battle,  looking  ahead,  spurring 
his  own  and  whipping  the  off  horse  in  the  vain  effort  to  escape 
with  the  wagon.  The  little  fellow  was  looking  ahead  and  did 
not  know  that  the  two  horses  behind  him  were  shot  down. 
I was  near  enough  to  have  touched  him  with  my  sword  when 
the  dust  flew  from  his  jacket  just  under  his  shoulder  blade, 
and  he  fell  forward  dead.  In  the  excitement  of  battle,  the  poor 
fellow  was  killed  when  he  was  virtually  a prisoner.  It  was 
horrible. 

It  was  at  this  point  that  I remember  now  to  have  first 
seen  that  we  were  in  close  contact  with  the  11th  Alabama  and 
the  rest  of  the  Brigade  on  our  left. 

Never  perhaps  in  all  its  history  did  the  men  of  the  8th 
Alabama  feel  the  thrill  of  victory  so  vividly  as  when  with 
exultant  shouts  we  swept  down  the  declivity  over  the  accumu- 
lated guns  and  caissons,  altogether  some  twelve  or  fifteen  in 
number,  that  were  huddled  together  there  in  the  vain  effort 
to  cross  that  ravine  and  get  back  to  their  lines  upon  the  hill. 
We  felt  that  the  supreme  moment  of  the  war  had  come — that 
victory  was  with  our  army  and  we  ourselves  were  the  victors. 
Passing  beyond  this  artillery,  we  came  to  the  ravine  and  now 
took  our  stand  there,  seeking  where  it  was  afforded,  shelter 
behind  the  rocks  in  the  fight  with  a fresh  foe,  whom  we  found 
in  lines  along  our  front.  This  ravine  is  just  to  the  Confederate 
left  of  what  is  now  pointed  out  as  the  Trostle  House. 

There  seemed  to  be  in  front  of  us  two  compact  lines,  prob- 
ably regiments,  and  here  and  there  were  groups  of  fugitives 


118 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


endeavoring  to  rally.  Only  one  or  two  pieces  of  artillery  con- 
tinued their  fire  upon  us.  Worn  out  in  the  fatigue  of  pursuit, 
exhausted  by  the  excessive  July  heat,  and  our  ranks  thinned 
by  a fearful  loss  of  killed  and  wounded,  we  were  unable  to 
follow  up  our  victory.  For  “some  thirty  minutes”  General 
Wilcox  says  in  his  report,  “the  fight  continued  at  short  range 
while  we  were  in  the  ravine.”  The  enemy,  seeing  how  few 
we  were  and  that  we  were  unsupported  by  artillery,  attempted 
to  attack.  One  line  came  within  25  steps  of  us  but  was  driven 
back.  It  was  evident  we  could  not  long  maintain  our  present 
position  unsupported.  Will  re-inf orcement  come?  Our  Brigade 
has  driven  the  enemy  nearly  a mile,  had  captured  about  twelve 
pieces  of  cannon  and  are  now  confronted  by  what  appears  to 
us  to  be  the  last  of  the  enemy’s  reserves.  These  broken,  the 
day  is  ours.  Again  the  enemy  advances  and  again  they  are 
driven  back.  Will  help  come  to  us?  Victory  is  wavering  in 
the  balance — oh,  for  a single  Brigade  appearing  on  the  hill 
behind  us — even  the  shout  announcing  the  approach  of  Con- 
federate re-inforcements.  But  no,  neither  the  shout  nor  the 
troops  to  help  us — the  enemy  finally  break  through  on  our  left 
and  we  are  forced  to  fall  back.  They  did  not  pursue  us,  but 
during  the  night  succeeded  in  drawing  off  the  cannon  we  had 
been  compelled  to  abandon  for  want  of  re-inforcements. 

General  Wilcox  in  his  report  describing  this  fight  in  the 
ravine  says: 

Seeing  this  contest  so  unequal  I sent  to  the  Division 
Commander  to  ask  that  support  be  sent  to  my  men, 
but  no  support  came.  Three  separate  times  did  this 
last  of  the  enemy’s  line  attempt  to  drive  my  men  back 
and  were  as  often  repulsed.  This  struggle  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill  on  which  were  the  enemy’s  batteries,  though 
so  unequal,  was  continued  for  some  thirty  minutes. 

With  a second  supporting  line,  the  heights  could  have 
been  carried.  Without  support  on  either  my  right  or 
my  left,  my  men  were  withdrawn  to  prevent  their  entire 
destruction  or  capture.  The  enemy  did  not  pursue, 
but  my  men  retired  under  a heavy  artillery  fire,  and 
returned  to  their  original  position  in  the  line  and 
bivouacked  for  the  night,  pickets  being  left  on  the  pike. 

It  will  be  noted  that  General  Wilcox  says  that  he  asked  his 


19  7 7 


Division  Commander  (General  ‘Richard  H.’  Anderson)  for  sup- 
port, and  that  no  support  came.  The  facts  were  as  follows: 
Three  Brigades  of  our  Division,  (Brigadier  General  Ambrose 
R.)  Wright’s,  (Brigadier  General  Edward  A.)  Perry’s,  and 
Wilcox’s,  had  charged  in  line,  Wilcox  on  the  right.  Wright,  who 
was  on  the  left  and  probably  encountered  fewer  troops  on  the 
advance  line  than  we,  it  was  reported,  actually  broke  the 
enemy’s  last  line  and  the  success  of  Perry’s  and  Wilcox’s  charge 
was  all  but  conclusive.  Wilcox  sent  his  aide,  Captain  Winn, 
back  to  tell  Anderson  that  with  the  two  brigades  he  had  in 
reserve,  (Brigadier  General  Carnot)  Posey’s  and  Mahone’s, 
we  could  surely  win  the  day.  Anderson  replied  that  his  corps 
commander,  whom  he  could  not  find,  had  ordered  him  to  keep 
Posey  and  Mahone  in  reserve.  So  he  refused  to  help  us. 

Afterwards  two  correspondents,  “P.  W.  A.”  in  a Savannah 
paper,  and  “A”  in  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  criticized  General 
Anderson  so  severely  for  failing  to  support  our  charge,  made 
on  Thursday,  as  to  cause  that  General  to  take  the  almost  un- 
precedented step  of  defending  himself  in  the  newspapers.  The 
allegations  of  these  correspondents  in  relation  to  our  fight  this 
day  amounted  to  a charge  that  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  lost 
because  we  were  not  supported  when  support  was  at  hand ; 
and  if  there  had  not  been  strong  reason  for  believing  this  to 
be  true,  a Major  General  would  not  have  gone  into  the  news- 
papers with  the  following  card,  which  appears  in  The  Richmond 
Enquirer  of  July  31,  1863.  This  card  the  writer  has  had  copied 
from  the  original  files  of  the  paper,  and  now  publishes,  because 
it  throws  a flood  of  light  on  the  second  day’s  fight  at  Gettysburg. 

Here  is  an  extract  from  the  letter  in  the  Enquirer  signed 
“A”  alluded  to  in  General  Anderson's  card. 


You  will  see  that  twice  we  took  the  McPherson 
heights  — the  real  key  to  the  enemy’s  whole  position  - 
once  by  a single  brigade  on  Thursday,  and  again  by  a 
single  division  on  Friday,  and  that  in  both  instances 
we  lost  it  by  the  failure  of  proper  supports  to  the  at- 
tacking parties.  On  whom  the  blame  rests ^ for  the 
second  failure  I shall  not  attempt  to  say.  Jhe  most 
careless  reader  will  not  be  at  loss  to  discover  the  re- 
sponsible party.  Of  the  failure  to  send  in  support  in 


120  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

the  first  assault  (Thursday)  the  conviction  is  general 
in  this  army  that  Major  General  Anderson  should  be 
held  responsible.  It  was  a portion  of  his  Division  that 
made  the  assault,  and  successful  charge  and  tvw  of  his 
strongest  brigades,  although  on  the  field,  were  not 
put  into  action.  Why  this  was  so  I presume  and  hope 
he  will  be  able  to  explain  when  he  comes  to  make  his 
official  report. 

In  the  issue  of  the  Enquirer  of  July  31st  is  General  Ander- 
son's card: 


Headquarters, 
Anderson's  Division 
July  29th,  1863 

To  the  editors  of  the  Enquirer: 

I have  recently  seen  in  the  columns  of  the  Enquirer  of 
the  22nd  and  25th  inst.,  a letter  signed  “A,"  and  an 
extract  from  a letter  signed  “P.  W.  A."  in  each  of  which 
there  are  severe  comments  upon,  and  grave  accusations 
against  the  conduct  of  Brigadier  General  Mahone,  Po3ey 
and  myself  in  the  late  military  operations  at  Gettys- 
burg. 

These  allegations  are  altogether  unfounded,  and  un- 
just. 

Generals  Mahone  and  Posey  performed  their  whole  duty 
fully,  faithfully,  satisfactorily,  to  those  under  whose 
orders  they  acted,  and  in  strict  accordance  with  the 
instructions  which  they  received  from  me,  their  imme- 
diate commander. 

So  far  as  I am  concerned,  not  a word  of  censure  or 
accusation  has  been  preferred  against  me  by  my  mili- 
tary superiors  to  whom  alone  I am  responsible. 

On  the  contrary,  since  reading  the  letters,  my  own  im- 
mediate commander,  under  whose  instructions  I acted, 
has  voluntarily  informed  me  that  my  actions,  on  the 


19  7 7 


121 


days  referred  to,  were  in  strict  conformity  with  his 
orders. 


I am,  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant 
R.  H.  Anderson 
Major  General 

To  explain  how  I discovered  so  long  afterwards  that  the 
8th  was  separated  during  the  charge  on  this  line  the  2nd  day 
of  July,  by  about  200  yards  from  the  remainder  of  the  brigade. 
In  1890  (Brigadier)  General  W.  H.  Forney  and  Colonel  (John 
Henry)  Caldwell,  formerly  of  our  Brigade  and  in  the  battle, 
and  I were  with  Colonel  (John  B.)  Bachelder,  chief  of  the  bat- 
tle commission,  on  the  field  at  Gettysburg  to  aid  him  in  fixing 
accurately  our  positions.  Bachelder,  having  carried  us  to  the 
rock  fence  where  we  had  the  fight  on  the  morning  of  the  2nd, 
asked  me  to  describe  the  course  taken  from  that  point  by  the 
8th.  Bachelder  had  been  studying  the  field  for  years  and  al- 
ready had  a fair  idea  of  our  part  in  the  battle.  As  I described 
to  him  the  route  taken  by  the  8th,  as  above  narrated,  he  lis- 
tened attentively  until  I spoke  of  having  turned  to  the  left  to 
cross  the  lane  made  by  the  zig-zag  fences.  There  he  inter- 
rupted me  and  said  that  I was  mistaken  and  that  there  was  no 
such  lane  where  he  understood  the  8th  to  have  gone.  I re- 
asserted positively,  and  persisted  in  the  assertion,  although 
Bachelder’s  guide,  who  was  a native  of  Gettysburg,  sustained 
his  statement.  Bachelder  insisting  that  there  must  be  some 
mistake,  went  off  with  General*  (David  Wyatt)  Aiken  of 
South  Carolina,  to  locate  his  position,  and  sent  the  guide  to 
go  with  me  while  I should  point  out  my  course.  As  we  crossed 
the  Emmitsburg  pike  the  guide  was  surprised  at  my  telling  him 
the  8th  had  passed  certain  buildings  on  its  left,  instead  of  its 
right.  He  said  he  thought  we  had  passed  on  the  other  side, 
as  it  now  appears  the  remainder  of  the  Brigade  did.  Going 
on  with  the  guide  over  the  field  I had  told  Bachelder  we  passed 
through,  we  finally  found  to  our  left  the  identical  lane  with 
zig-zag  fence  still  bounding  it,  and  I said  to  the  guide: 


♦Editor’s  Note:  Aiken  was  a Colonel  during  the  Civil  War. 


122 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


“Here's  the  lane.  Why  did  you  tell  me  there  was  no  such 
lane  here?" 

He  replied: 

“I  knew  all  the  time  this  lane  was  here,  but  your  Brigade 
was  on  the  other  side  of  it,  and  I thought  you  were  too.  If 
you  had  been  with  the  Brigade,  you  could  not  have  found  any 
such  lane  by  turning  to  the  left." 

This  incident  convinced  Colonel  Bachelder  and  me  beyond 
a doubt  that  the  8th  was  separated  some  200  yards  from  the 
remainder  of  the  Brigade  until  we  came  together  finally  when 
the  8th  had  crossed  the  lane  and  charged  down  on  the  artillery 
in  the  ravine  near  the  Trostle  house. 

The  past  is  curiously  linked  with  the  present.  I was  visit- 
ing the  battle  field  of  Gettysburg  the  second  time.  Bachelder 
was  dead,  and  had  been  succeeded  as  President  of  the  Gettys- 
burg Commission  by  Colonel  John  P.  Nicholson,  a former  Union 
soldier.  With  him,  too,  I talked  over  the  part  the  8th  Alabama 
had  taken  in  the  fight.  When  describing,  as  above  narrated, 
the  movement  by  which  the  regiment  when  attacked  on  the  flank 
cam  forward  into  line  under  fire  of  the  enemy,  Colonel  Nichol- 
son stopped  me  and  said: 

“Now  I know  whom  you  were  fighting,  because  the  officer 
in  command  of  that  regiment  told  me  of  this  movement  of  yours 
and  said  it  was  the  only  time  he  had  ever  seen  it  performed  un- 
der fire;  and  I replied  to  him  that  1 had  never  heard  of  its 
being  performed  at  any  other  time  during  the  war." 

I then  said  that  this  was  very  complimentary,  and  asked 
(Colonel  Nicholson)  to  make  me  that  statement  in  writing.  His 
reply  was  that  he  would  see  that  officer  and  get  him  to  write 
me  about  it  himself,  which  would  be  better. 

I did  not  hear  from  Colonel  Nicholson  or  from  this  officer 
for  some  time,  and  on  May  16,  1902,  in  order  that  I might  get 
this  evidence  in  black  and  white,  I wmote  to  Colonel  Nicholson, 
recalling  our  previous  conversation  on  the  subject,  reciting  the 
facts  again,  and  then  added : 


19  7 7 


123 


When  I was  at  Gettysburg  last  I went  over  the  matter 
with  you  and  you  said,  after  I had  described  the  move- 
ment of  changing  front  forward  under  fire,  that  it  was 
a New  Jersey  regiment  with  which  I had  become  en- 
gaged; that  you  had  heard  the  commanding  officer  of 
that  regiment  speak  of  that  movement  as  the  only 
similar  movement  under  fire  he  had  ever  witnessed; 
and  you  also  stated  to  me  that  you  had  never  known  of 
its  being  performed  at  any  other  time.  I asked  you  to 
write  me  to  that  effect,  and  you  agreed  that  you  would 
do  so.  Sometime  afterwards  I received  a letter  from 
you,  together  with  a map  of  the  battle  field,  upon  which 
you  asked  me  to  mark  out  the  route  of  my  regiment 
on  that  day,  and  in  reply  you  were  to  write  me  as  above 
indicated.  Unfortunately,  I have  lost  that  map  and 
have  neglected  so  far  to  comply  with  your  request. 
Will  you  be  good  enough  to  write  me  in  relation  thereto, 
and  very  much  oblige  me. 


May  26,  1902 


Hon.  H.  A.  Herbert, 

My  Dear  Colonel  — It  will  always  remain  to  me 
a matter  of  regret  that  I was  not  aware  of  your  con- 
templated visit,  but  I left  for  Washington  the  night 
before  to  be  present  at  the  reinterment  of  my  old  com- 
mander, General  Rosecrans. 

General  Sewell,  when  I expressed  to  him  your  desire 
to  have  a statement  of  the  movement  of  your  regiment, 
promised  that  he  would  write  the  details  to  you,  as 
he  saw  it  whilst  commanding  the  5th  New  Jersey. 
From  time  to  time  I reminded  him  of  your  wishes  and 
I inferred  that  he  had  done  so.  It  is  too  bad  that  he 
did  not  do  so  after  his  many  promises. 

I will  search  further. 


Yours  truly, 

John  P.  Nicholson 


124  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

General  (William  J.)  Sewell*  had  died  without  writing 
me. 


Referring  to  the  movement  of  the  8th  on  this  day,  when 
it  changed  front  forward  on  tenth  company  with  such  precision 
in  the  face  of  a heavy  fire  from  the  enemy,  it  will  be  remembered 
that  Captain  Mordecai  of  Co.  H.,  had  complained  to  the  com- 
manding officer  when  we  were  at  Banks*  Ford,  about  what 
he  called  “so  much  unnecessary  drilling.”  On  the  night  of  the 
2nd,  after  the  battle  of  that  day  was  over,  Mordecai  said  to 
me: 


“Colonel,  I want  to  beg  pardon.  I will  never  complain  again 
about  your  drilling  the  regiment.  If  we  had  not  been  splendidly 
drilled,  we  would  have  been  whipped  this  morning  like  hell, 
before  we  ever  got  into  line !” 

Gettysburg,  July  3,  1863 

The  following  is  an  account  of  the  8th  in  this  battle,  as  taken 
from  the  “Short  History”  written  in  camp  at  Orange,  C.  H. 

On  this  day  our  Brigade  was  formed  in  rear  of  Alex- 
ander’s Artillery  and  remained  there  during  the  most 
terrific  cannonnading  that  has  ever  shaken  this  con- 
tinent. 

One  hundred  and  twenty  pieces  of  artillery  on  our  side, 
replied  to  by  about  an  equal  number  from  the  enemy, 
pealed  their  thunder  upon  the  air  for  half  an  hour, 
when  our  artillery  fire  ceased.  (Major  General  George 
Edward)  Pickett’s  Division  charged  and  was  repulsed. 
Wilcox’s  Brigade,  much  reduced  by  yesterday’s  battle 
and  Perry’s,  small  before  but  now  reduced  to  a hand- 
ful, were  ordered  forward. 

We  were  altogether  not  1,500  men.  What  we  could 
have  been  expected  to  effect  has  always  remained  a 
mystery.  The  enemy  in  our  front  must  have  been 


♦Editor’s  Note:  Sewell  was  a Colonel  at  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg. 


19  7 7 


125 


20,000  strong,  their  line  was  almost  impregnable  by  na- 
ture and  at  least  50  pieces  of  artillery  could  be  brought 
to  bear  upon  us. 

Our  artillery  was  silent  for  want  of  ammunition.  At  a 
glance  of  the  eye  from  the  brow  of  the  hill,  where  we 
formed,  every  private  at  once  saw  the  madness  of  the 
attempt,  but  never  was  their  courageous  devotion  to 
duty  more  nobly  illustrated  than  by  their  calm  and  quiet 
obedience  to  orders  on  this  day. 

We  moved  forward  under  the  concentrated  fire  of  all 
the  enemies'  batteries,  which  not  being  otherwise  em- 
ployed, devoted  their  attention  to  us. 

Shells  bursting  in  the  ranks,  made  great  gaps  in  the 
regiment.  These  at  the  command  “guide  center”  were 
closed  up  as  if  on  drill  and  we  continued  forward. 
Having  reached  a ravine  about  500  yards  to  the  front,  a 
force  of  the  enemy  was  observed  bearing  down  on  our 
left  flank.  We  halted  for  a moment ; it  became  evident 
that  nothing  could  save  us  but  retreat.  The  order  was 
therefore  given  and  we  fell  back  to  our  former  position 
in  support  of  the  artillery.  The  enemy  not  advancing, 
there  was  no  further  fighting  during  the  day. 

The  loss  of  the  regiment  at  Gettysburg  was  262  killed, 
wounded  and  missing.  This  loss  is  considerably  greater  than 
appears  in  the  official  records  but  the  figures  here  given  are 
from  rolls  of  the  regiment  and  I believe  are  correct.  Of  26 
officers,  17  were  killed  and  wounded.  Among  the  killed  were 
Captain  (C.  P.  B.)  Branagan,  Co.  I.,  Lieutenant  B.  J.  Fuller, 
Co.  K.,  and  Lieutenant  George  Schwartz,  Co.  G,  all  gallant 
officers.  Captain  L.  A.  Livingston,  Co.  F.,  a brave  and  faithful 
officer,  and  Lieutenant  (R(obert)  R.  Scott,  heretofore  men- 
tioned for  gallantry,  afterwards  died  of  wounds  received  here. 

The  color  sergeant  L.  P.  Ragsdale,  was  conspicuous  for  the 
coolness  with  which  he  obeyed  orders  in  the  thickest  of  the 
fight.  Privates  A.  Rothschild,  Co.  G.,  James  Reynolds  and  S.  H. 
White,  Co.  K.,  Sergeant  L.  P.  Bulger,  Co.  B.,  were  conspicuous 
for  bravery. 


126 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


In  his  report  0.  R.  Yol.  XXVI,  Series  1,  Part  2,  page  620, 
General  Wilcox  says : 

The  regimental  commanders  were  active  and  zealous 
in  commanding  and  directing  their  men.  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Herbert  of  the  3th,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Shelly 
of  the  10th,  Lieutenant  Colonel  (George  P.)  Tayloe 
of  the  11th  and  Captain  King  are  all  deserving  of  es- 
pecial praise. 

Interval  Between  Pickett's  Charge  and 
Advance  of  Wilcox’s  and  Perry’s  Brigade 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  this  account,  written  in  camp  seven 
or  eight  months  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  I wrote,  speaking 
of  this  charge:  “What  we  could  have  been  expected  to  effect 
has  always  remained  a mystery.”  This  expression,  like  every 
other  sentence  in  the  account,  had  the  approval  of  all  the  of- 
ficers who  were  present  when  it  was  written.  Pickett’s  charge 
had  already  been  practically  repulsed  when  we  were  ordered 
forward,  and  it  never  occurred  to  any  officer  of  the  8th,  nor 
when  this  account  was  written  January,  1864,  had  it  been  even 
suggested  to  any  of  us,  that  we  had  been  expected  to  support 
Pickett’s  charge.  On  the  contrary,  our  speculation  was  that 
we  had  simply  been  ordered  forward  on  the  right  of  where 
Pickett  had  charged  and  after  his  repulse  as  a forlorn  hope 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  making  a counter  charge. 

The  writer  was  greatly  surprised  three  years  since,  in  con- 
versation with  General  E.  P.  Alexander,  Longstreet’s  chief  of 
artillery,  to  learn  from  him  that  it  had  been  the  intention  of 
General  Lee  that  Wilcox  should  go  forward  with  Pickett,  but 
that  somehow  or  another  the  orders  had  miscarried.  And  this 
is  an  important  point  in  the  general  history  of  the  battle. 

I now  quote  from  General  Wilcox’s  report,  0.  R.,  Series  1, 
Vol.  XXVII,  Part  II,  capitalizing  the  words  in  that  report 
which  bear  upon  the  account  above  as  to  the  interval  between 
Pickett’s  charge  and  ours : 

Pickett’s  Division  now  advanced,  and  other  brigades  on 
his  left.  As  soon  as  these  troops  rose  to  advance,  the 


19  7 7 


127 


hostile  artillery  opened  upon  them.  These  brave  men 
(Pickett’s)  nevertheless  moved  on,  as  far  as  I saw 
them,  without  wavering.  The  enemy’s  artillery  opposed 
them  on  both  flanks  and  directly  in  front.  Every  va- 
riety of  artillery  missiles  were  thrown  into  their  ranks. 

The  advance  had  not  been  made  more  than  TWENTY 
OR  THIRTY  MINUTES  BEFORE  THREE  STAFF 
OFFICERS  IN  QUICK  SUCCESSION  (ONE  FROM 
THE  MAJOR  GENERAL  COMMANDING  DIVISION) 
gave  me  orders  to  advance  to  the  support  of  Pickett’s 
Division.  My  brigade,  about  1,200  in  number,  then 
moved  forward  in  the  following  order  from  right  to 
left:  Ninth,  Tenth,  Eleventh,  Eighth,  and  Fourteenth 

Alabama  Regiments.  As  they  advanced,  they  changed 
directions  slightly  to  the  left,  so  as  to  cover  in  part 
the  ground  over  which  Pickett’s  division  had  moved. 
As  they  came  in  view  on  the  turnpike,  all  the  enemy’s 
terrible  artillery  that  could  bear  on  them  was  concen- 
trated upon  them  from  both  flanks  and  directly  in 
front,  and  more  than  on  the  evening  previous.  NOT 
A MAN  OF  THE  DIVISION  THAT  I WAS  ORDERED 
TO  SUPPORT  COULD  I SEE;  but  as  my  orders 
were  to  go  to  their  support,  on  my  men  went  down  the 
slope  until  they  came  near  the  hill  upon  which  were 
the  enemy’s  batteries  and  entrenchments. 

Here  they  were  exposed  to  a close  and  terrible  fire  of 
artillery.  Two  lines  of  the  enemy’s  infantry  were  seen 
moving  by  the  flank  toward  the  rear  of  my  left.  I or- 
dered my  men  to  hold  their  ground  until  I could  get 
artillery  to  fire  upon  them.  I then  rode  back  rapidly 
to  our  artillery,  but  could  find  none  near  that  had  am- 
munition. After  some  little  delay,  not  getting  any  ar- 
tillery to  fire  upon  the  enemy’s  infantry  that  were  on 
my  left  flank,  and  knowing  that  my  small  force  could 
do  nothing  save  to  make  a useless  sacrifice  of  them- 
selves, I ordered  them  back.  The  enemy  did  not  pursue. 
My  men,  as  on  the  day  before,  had  to  retire  under  a 
heavy  artillery  fire.  My  line  was  reformed  on  the 
ground  it  occupied  before  it  advanced. 


128 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


General  Alexander  in  his  “Memoirs’’  recently  published, 
after  describing  Pickett’s  repulse  says  (italics  mine)  : 

After  about  twenty  minutes  during  which  the  firing 
had  about  ceased , to  my  surprise  there  came  forward 
from  the  rear  Wilcox’s  fine  Alabama  brigade,  which 
had  been  with  us  at  Chancellorsville,  and,  just  sixty 
days  before,  had  won  the  affair  at  Salem  Church.  It 
had  been  sent  to  reinforce  Pickett  but  was  not  in  the 
column.  Now  when  all  ivas  over  the  single  brigade 
was  moving  forward  alone.  They  were  about  1,200 
strong,  and  on  their  left  were  about  250,  the  remnant 
of  Perry’s  Florida  brigade.  It  was  both  absurd  and 
tragic. 

The  enemy  did  not  attempt  to  attack  us  after  repulsing 
Pickett’s  assault;  and  the  assault  of  our  little  handful  of  men, 
subsequently  made.  When  we  fell  back  we  resumed  our  former 
position  in  line  on  the  brow  of  that  ridge  where  we  had  lain 
when  the  battle  of  that  day  began.  Soon  General  Lee,  on 
Traveller  and  accompanied  by  an  aide,  rode  slowly  along  our 
front,  and  the  majestic  mien  of  horse  and  rider,  both  calm 
as  a May  morning,  would  have  tended  to  reassure  us,  if  reas- 
surance had  been  necessary.  We  had  been  repulsed  and  as  it 
afterwards  turned  out,  defeated,  but  we  were  not  demoralized. 
Every  man  of  us  felt  that  if  the  enemy  should  attack  us  in  our 
position  his  repulse  would  be  as  disastrous  as  ours  had  been. 

All  that  day  our  army  remained  in  line,  and  that  night, 
it  is  now  said,  in  a council  of  war  among  the  generals  of  the 
Union  army  the  question  was  seriously  discussed,  whether  they 
should  not  retreat.  They  did  not  retreat,  nor  did  we  the  next 
day  until  night  fall  came. 

On  the  4th  day  of  July  both  armies  laid  a line  of  battle 
like  two  wounded  tigers,  tired  of  the  fray,  prone  on  the  ground, 
panting  and  glaring  at  each  other  with  blood-shot  eyes.  Before 
night  fall  on  that  day  Lee’s  wagon  trains  began  the  retreat, 
and  at  night  the  army  took  up  the  march.  Meade  followed 
warily,  evidently  not  intent  upon  a general  engagement,  but 
rather  as  if  he  would  “build  a bridge  of  gold  for  his  enemy” 
to  pass  over  the  Potomac  on.  The  river  was  in  angry  mood, 


19  7 7 


129 


swollen  high  with  recent  rains.  It  was  difficult  now,  if  not 
impossible,  for  Lee  to  cross. 

He  drew  up  in  line  of  battle  near  Hagerstown,  Maryland, 
and  Meade  did  not  attack.  He  appeared  in  our  front  and  there 
was  some  slight  skirmishing  in  which  the  8th  stationed  near 
St.  James’  College,  lost  one  man,  wounded.  After  two  or  three 
days  the  Potomac  having  fallen,  Lee  crossed  over  the  river 
without  molestation  except  an  attack  on  our  rear-guard  near 
the  bridge;  and  here  the  gallant  (Brigadier)  General  (Johnston) 
Pettigrew  lost  his  life.  I knew  him  well.  We  had  been  mess 
mates  in  Prison  at  Fort  Delaware,  and  no  knightliei  gentleman 
than  he  ever  drew  sword  in  defense  of  his  native  land.  Lee  onc.e 
over  the  river  the  campaign  was  ended.  The  enemy  kept  them- 
selves at  a respectful  distance,  and  General  Lee  rested  and  re- 
cruited as  best  he  could. 

Meade  was  afterwards  removed,  the  specific  charge  against 
him  being  that  he  did  not  attack  and  crush  Lee  before  the  latter 
could  cross  the  Potomac;  and  Meade  was  thus  the  fifth  officer 
who  had  been  displaced  from  command  of  the  army  of  the 
Potomac  by  Mr.  Lincoln  for  his  failure  to  crush  General  Lee. 

In  the  opinion  of  Lee’s  army  then,  and  in  my  opinion  now, 
General  Meade  was  wiser  than  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  General  knew 
better  than  his  President  could  know  the  temper  and  mettle 
of  the  two  armies.  Lee’s  army  did  not  then  look  upon  Gettys- 
burg as  a defeat  — but  only  as  a repulse.  Our  reasoning  was 
that  the  enemy’s  position  had  simply  been  impregnable,  and 
even  while  we  were  retreating  we  indulged  in  the  boast  that 
they  dared  not  attack  us  in  the  open  field  of  fair  fight.  Not 
during  the  civil  war,  nor  indeed  until  in  a cooler  survey  of 
the  whole  field  of  operations  after  Appomattox,  did  Lee’s  vet- 
erans ever  admit  to  themselves  that  Gettysburg  — now  called 
by  northern  writers  the  “high  tide  of  the  Rebellion”  — » was 
a defeat  for  our  armies.  Such  indeed  it  now  proves  to  have 
been.  We  were  repulsed  and  we  retreated,  but  if  Meade  had 
attacked  us  at  St.  James’  College,  near  Hagerstown,  the  feeling 
in  our  army  was  that  the  victory  this  time  would  be  ours  again. 
It  is  now  sometimes  contended  that  after  Gettysburg  Lee  did 
not  have  ammunition  for  another  great  battle.  This  seems 
plausible,  but  if  reserve  ammunition  was  scarce  we,  the  rank 
and  file,  did  not  know  it. 


130 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


I have  studied  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  with  considerable 
care,  and  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  record  here  briefly  some 
opinions  which,  however,  I have  not  time  to  fortify  by  reasons. 

First.  If  the  Confederate  forces  at  hand  had  been  promptly 
thrown  forward  in  the  afternoon  of  July  1st  we  would  have 
captured  the  heights  easily.  Our  Division  (Anderson’s)  was 
close  enough  to  be  available. 

Secondly.  If  in  the  battle  of  the  second  of  July  the  two 
reserve  Brigades  of  General  Anderson’s  Division  had  been  sent 
in  to  cur  help  as  requested  by  General  Wilcox,  we  should  have 
gone  through  the  enemy’s  left  center. 

Third.  If  on  the  second  of  July  the  assault  had  been  made 
on  our  right  three  or  four  hours  earlier,  as  contemplated  by 
General  Lee,  we  would  have  won  a great  victory. 


19  7 7 


131 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Gettysburg  to  Winter  Quarters,  Orange  C.H. 

I have  recorded  the  fact  that  Lee’s  army  never  during  the 
war  (the  rank  and  file  of  it)  admitted  that  we  had  been  whipped 
at  Gettysburg.  Strategically,  as  I have  stated,  we  were  de- 
feated, because  the  battle  ended  our  campaign  into  Pennsyl- 
vania; but  the  student  of  history  will  understand  my  most  posi- 
tive assertion,  that  Lee’s  army  considered  Gettysburg  as  a drawn 
battle,  when  he  takes  into  account  the  following  facts  which 
we  had  in  mind. 

At  no  time  for  the  next  ten  months,  from  the  3rd  of  July; 
1863,  until  the  3rd  of  May,  1864,  did  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
dare  to  attack  General  Lee;  and  this  although  Lee  was  at  all 
times  accessible,  always  present  between  the  Federals  and 
Richmond.  The  outposts  of  the  two  armies  were  never  out  of 
touch,  and  early  in  the  autumn  of  1863  Lee  quietly  took  position 
at  Orange  C.  H.  behind  the  Rapidan  river.  Meade’s  army  now 
appearing  in  our  fr  nt,  Lee  took  the  offensive  by  crossing  the 
river  and  offering  battle  on  the  plains  of  Culpepper.  Meade 
retreated ; Lee  pushed  on  and  at  Rristoe  Station  on  October  14th 
a portion  of  the  Federal  rear-guard,  successfully  concealed  be- 
hind a railroad  embankment,  disastrously  repulsed  one  of  our 
Brigades  that  was  in  hot  pursuit  and  had  been  led  to  believe 
that  a railroad  embankment  which  it  was  rushing  upon  un- 
warily was  unoccupied.  Meade  got  his  army  away  without  a 
fight  and  this  little  affair  added  some  eclat  to  his  escape;  and 
it  was  an  escape  from  battle.  Meade  refused  this  battle  when 
he,  of  course,  knew  that  Lee  had  a few  weeks  before  sent  away 
Longstreet  with  9 brigades  and  26  pieces  of  artillery  to  help 
(General  Braxton)  Bragg  in  the  Chickamauga  campaign,  and 
these  troops  did  not  return. 

The  8th  was  not  in  the  affair  at  Bristoe,  except  that  we 
were  heavily  shelled  at  a distance,  and  lost  one  man  killed  and 
seven  wounded.  Strange  to  say,  the  man  killed  had  his  skin 
nowhere  broken  — a shell  had  bent  his  musket  partly  around 
his  body;  his  wound  was  internal. 

In  the  latter  part  of  November  Meade  seemed  to  have  made 
up  his  mind  to  again  try  conclusions  with  Lee,  and  so  crossed 


132 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


his  army  over  the  river  some  distance  below  Orange  C.  H.,  and 
to  our  right.  Lee  promptly  changed  front  to  meet  him,  and 
there  was  some  skirmishing,  during  which  at  Mine  Run  on 
the  30th  of  November  our  regiment  had  one  man  wounded. 
Meade  being  slow  to  attack,  General  Lee  moved  on  him,  but  the 
Federal  army  got  back  to  its  own  side  of  the  river  without  a 
battle. 

Again  in  February  when  Meade  was  demonstrating  in  the 
direction  of  Madison  C.H.,  we  marched  down  there  in  the  rain 
and  sleet  over  almost  impassable  roads,  but  Meade  again  retired 
before  us. 

The  army  of  Northern  Virginia  under  Lee  remained  in 
quarters  near  Orange  C.  H.,  during  October,  December,  Janu- 
ary, March,  and  April,  the  enemy  on  three  distinct  occasions 
within  three  months,  refusing  battle  when  offered.  Thus  as 
before  stated,  although  as  we  now  see,  Gettysburg  wras  a de- 
feet  for  our  army,  yet  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Confederates  had 
reasons  for  their  refusal  during  the  war  to  consider  that  en- 
gagement as  anything  else  than  a drawn  battle,  in  which  both 
armies  occupied  their  original  position  on  the  4th  of  July,  the 
day  after  the  fight  ended.  Our  claim  was  that  the  shock  we 
had  given  Meade’s  army  on  the  impregnable  heights  of  Gettys- 
burg, had  so  paralyzed  it  that  it  dared  not  assault  us  on  the 
ne^t  day,  declined  to  attack  us  when  we  lay  for  three  days 
near  Hagerstown,  with  the  Potomac  impassable  behind  us,  de- 
clined battle  when  Lee  offered  it  on  the  plains  of  Culpepper 
in  the  middle  of  October,  refused  to  fight  when  Lee  moved 
against  it  after  it  had  crossed  the  Rapidan  in  the  latter  part 
of  November,  declined  battle  again  at  Madison  C.  H.,  and 
allowed  us  to  remain  in  camp  at  Orange  C.  H.,  absolutely  un- 
disturbed during  the  whole  winter  of  1863-4. 

What  our  enemy  thought,  during  this  period,  of  General 
Lee  is  well  illustrated  by  a conversation  the  writer  had  (per- 
haps in  January)  with  an  Irish  Lieutenant  of  a New  York  regi- 
ment, whom  he  had  met  out  between  the  picket  lines  when 
negotiating  to  pass  a lady  through  the  lines  on  her  way  North. 

“Well,”  said  the  Lieutenant,  “we  are  on  our  way  to  Rich- 
mond again.” 


19  7 7 


133 


“Yes,”  was  the  reply,  “but  you’ll  never  get  there.” 

“Oh,  yes,  we  will,”  came  th  eanswer.  “We’ll  get  there  after 
while;  and  if  you  will  swap  Generals  with  us,  we  will  get  there 
in  three  weeks.” 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  proposition  for  an  exchange 
was  politely  declined.  As  we  parted  we  took  a drink  of  the 
gallant  young  Irishman’s  good  whiskey,  to  the  toast  he  offered 
“May  the  best  man  win.”  The  bigger  man  won.  Both  men  were 
plucky. 


Orange  C.  H.,  Winter  1863-4 

There  was  a sound  of  revelry  by  night 

And  Belgium’s  capital  had  gathered  then 

Her  beauty  and  her  chivalry,  and  bright 

The  lamp  shone  o’er  fair  women  and  brave  men. 

The  ball  at  Brussels  on  the  night  before  the  battle  of  Water- 
loo, pictured  in  Byron’s  celebrated  verses,  had  its  counterpart 
in  the  festivities  that  took  place  in  and  near  Orange  C.  H., 
during  the  three  winter  months  of  1863-4,  and  continued  with- 
out interruption  down  to  the  very  moment  when  in  the  early 
days  of  May,  Lee’s  forces  broke  camp,  and  marched  a few  miles 
away  down  to  the  dreadful  battlefield  of  the  Wilderness.  Never 
at  any  time  since  we  had  been  cheered  in  1861  on  our  way  to 
Richmond  had  our  army,  at  least  that  part  of  it  to  which  the 
8th  Alabama  belonged,  seen  so  much  of  lovely  woman  as  during 
this  winter.  For  months,  and  even  years,  in  camp  and  on  the 
march  we  had  dreamed  of  ruddy  cheeks,  of  soft  voices  and  of 
bright  eyes  like  those  that  now  beamed  a welcome  to  us;  and 
here  they  were,  everywhere  for  miles  around  Orange  C.  H., 
the  Willises,  the  Caves,  the  Bulls,  the  Jones,  the  Pairos,  the 
Taliaferros,  and  others.  Never  were  more  charming  women 
than  these,  some  of  them  refugees  from  Baltimore  and  else- 
where, but  most  of  them  Virginia  girls;  and  never  did  even 
such  women  have  more  enthusiastic  admirers.  Our  officers  had 
music  at  their  command,  the  girls  could  furnish  spacious  man- 
sions and  night  after  night  did  we  “chase  the  glowing  hours  with 
flying  feet.”  It  may  seem  strange  to  a civilian  that  there  should 


134 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


have  been  so  much  gaiety,  when  danger  was  so  imminent.  We 
knew  the  situation.  A list  of  casualties  up  to  that  time  among 
the  officers  of  the  8th  Alabama,  made  up  in  camp  at  Orange 
C.  H.,  showed  that  the  complement  of  fighting  officers  in  the 
regiment  (4  to  a company,  an  adjutant,  and  three  field  officers) 
being  only  together  44,  the  casualties  among  our  officers  had 
been  47,  viz.  19  killed,  27  wounded  and  one  dead  of  disease. 
We  knew  too  that  the  blockade  was  shutting  us  in,  that  with 
us  recruiting  was  practically  at  an  end,  that  the  North  was  in- 
creasing its  vastly  superior  armies  from  both  natives  and  for- 
eigners, and  that  we  alone  must  stand  between  these  armies 
and  the  capital  of  the  Confederacy.  And  yet,  sensible  as  we 
were  of  the  dangers  that  confronted  us,  the  days  flew  by,  with 
many  of  us  at  least,  as  merrily  as  any  we  can  count  in  all  the 
checkered  calendar  of  the  past.  Possibly  a dance  in  those  days 
was  all  the  merrier  because  of  the  feeling  that  it  might  be  the 
last  — the  dance  of  death.  It  was  only  a few  days  before  the 
Wilderness  battle  began  when  grim  old  Jubal  Early,  looking  on 
with  an  elderly  lady  friend  while  a lot  of  young  officers  were 
gliding  gaily  over  the  floor  with  their  happy  partners,  said  to 
her: 


“Madam,  if  you  have  any  message  to  send  to  the  next  world, 
you  may  give  it  to  one  of  these  young  men,  and  he’ll  deliver  it 
in  a few  weeks.” 

Concurrently  with  these  gayeties,  a deep,  wide-spread  religi- 
ous movement  was  going  on  in  the  Regiment  and  throughout 
the  Brigade.  Men  who  had  devoted  themselves  to  their  coun- 
try’s cause  were  profoundly  impressed  with  a sense  of  their 
duties  to  God.  Protracted  meetings  were  held,  fervent  appeals 
were  made,  by  the  eloquent  Chaplain  of  the  10th  Alabama  and 
other  preachers.  New  members  were  added  to  the  churches 
and  the  zeal  of  professing  Christians  were  quickened  and  in- 
tensified. The  members  of  the  Irish  Company  “I”  were  mostly 
Catholics.  They  took  no  part  in  the  revivals  but  always  earn- 
estly welcomed  the  frequent  visits  of  the  Priest,  who  was  Chap- 
lain of  a Louisiana  Regiment  and  the  effect  of  the  prolonged 
stays  of  this  excellent  man  was  always  noticeable.  Indeed  the 
gayeties  of  which  account  has  been  given  were  by  no  means 
inconsistent  with  the  deep  religious  feeling  that  pervaded  all 
ranks.  Profanity  and  ribald  speech  were  almost  wholly  un- 


19  7 7 


135 


known.  Lee’s  army  at  Orange  C.  H.,  was  not  fanatical  like 
Cromwell’s,  but  it  was  a body  of  enlightened  Christians  led 
by  a General  who  as  a Christian  has  had  no  superior  in  the 
world’s  history. 

The  8th  Alabama  was  hutted  in  a wood  about  one  and  a 
half  miles  from  Orange  C.  H.,  near  the  house  of  old  Captain 
Cave,  who  had  two  lovely  daughters.  The  writer  was  to  ride 
as  the  knight  of  one  of  Captain  Cave’s  daughters,  Miss  Nina, 
at  a tournament  which  was  to  take  place  in  (General  Ambrose 
Powell)  Hill’s  Corps  (^urs)  on  the  1st  of  May.  It  turned  out 
that  I was  not  to  attend  the  tourney,  because  the  8th  on  the 
day  before  was  sent  to  the  front  to  strengthen  our  outposts; 
but  Miss  Nina  had  already,  in  compliment  to  her  knight,  pre- 
sented to  the  regiment  a tassel  and  two  beautiful  pennants  for 
its  flag.  On  the  pennants,  one  red,  and  the  other  white,  were 
printed  the  names  of  the  principal  battles  in  which  the  regi- 
ment had  been  engaged.  The  history  of  these  pennants  I digress 
here  to  tell  of,  as  it  shows  how  curiously  incidents  of  the  long- 
ago  often  confront  us  in  the  present.  In  1896,  the  writer  was 
spending  a few  days  at  the  Chamberlin  Hotel  at  Old  Point 
Comfort,  Va.,  and  John  A.  Browne,  a former  member  of  Co. 
“D”  8th  Alabama,  who  had  married  a Virginia  girl,  and  was 
now  a resident  of  Suffolk,  Va.,  where  he  had  risen  to  promi- 
nence, came  over  to  see  him.  Browne  had  with  him  the  identi- 
cal tassel  and  pennants  Miss  Cave  had  given  me  at  Orange  C.  H. 
These  pennants  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  when  the  men  of  the 
regiment  tore  up  the  flag  at  Appomatox  rather  than  surrender 
it  as  will  be  hereafter  related.  When  I called  Browne’s  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  these  pennants  had  been  given  to  me  by 
Miss  Cave  he  left  it  for  me  to  decide  whether  they  belong  to 
him  or  to  me.  I felt  bound  to  decide  in  his  favor  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  saved  them  and  had  so  long  had  them  in  possession. 
He  thanked  me  heartily  and  promised  to  will  them  to  me  or 
mine  at  his  death.  Browne,  brave  fellow,  has  since  died  and 
his  widow  has  since  sent  me  the  tassel  and  pennants  which  I 
prize  beyond  expression. 

In  giving  the  list  of  officers  who  had  been  killed  and 
wounded  my  account  written  at  Orange,  C.  H.,  says: 

In  the  above  list  of  wounded  (27  officers)  those  who 


136 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


were  wounded  while  enlisted  men  and  have  since  been 
promoted  are  not  counted. 

The  list  also  included  “Resigned  and  transferred  to  other 
command's  by  promotion,  27.”  The  account  also  said,  show- 
ing the  remarkable  mutations,  “Only  eight  company  officers  re- 
main on  the  rolls  who  were  such  at  the  beginning.” 

There  never  was  in  the  regiment,  from  first  to  last,  any 
lack  of  material  for  good  officers.  Of  course  there  were  in  the 
command,  as  there  always  must  be  in  such  a body,  some  cowards. 
One  officer,  whose  name  must  be  consigned  to  the  oblivion  he 
made  for  himself,  had  been  cashiered  for  cowardice.  This  fellow 
had  been  noted  at  home  as  a bully,  a desperado  who  killed  two 
men.  Before  his  doughty  sword  it  was  expected  that  hecatombs 
of  “hated  Yankees”  were  to  fall ; but  from  him  the  Yankees  were 
quite  safe.  Per  contra,  the  “dandies”  of  the  regiment,  as  they 
were  called  in  that  day,  the  “dudes”  of  this,  were  never  known 
to  run  away  in  battle.  They  were  too  proud. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  we  had  enlisted  in  May  and 
June,  1861,  for  “three  years,  or  the  war.”  The  three  years 
were  soon  to  expire,  and  my  account  of  what  now  occurred, 
written  at  Orange  C.  H.,  is  as  follows: 

On  the  29th  of  January  the  regiment  reenlisted  uncon- 
ditionally for  the  war.  The  reenlistment  was  conducted 
entirely  by  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates. 
During  the  month  of  January,  rations  had  been  scantier 
than  at  any  previous  period.  The  then  usual  ration  of 
bacon,  % of  a pound,  was  frequently  cut  down  to  2 
ounces  and  often  no  meat  at  all  was  issued.  A full 
ration  of  bacon  was  % of  a pound.  On  the  day  of 
reenlistment  the  men  had  not  a mouthful  of  meat. 

When  the  resolutions  for  reenlistment  had  been  prepared 
and  received  general  assent  they  were  read  at  an  evening  dress 
parade,  and  the  announcement  was  made  that  the  color  bearer 
w uld  step  three  paces  to  the  front,  and  that  all  who  intended 
to  reenlist  would  as  their  names  were  called,  align  themselves 
on  the  colors.  Every  man  except  one,  who  was  quite  old, 
stepped  up  to  the  color  line.  As  one  of  the  members  of  Co,  I 


19  7 7 


137 


came  forward,  some  one  said,  “You,  too,  Regan  ?”  “Yes,”  was 
the  reply.  “Do  you  think  I ate  grape  shot  at  Sharpsburg  for 
nothing?” 

A few  days  later  General  Lee  issued  this  order:  (Series  I, 

Vol.  XXXIII,  pp.  144-5). 

General  Order:  Headquarters  Army  of  Northern 

Virginia,  No.  14 
February  3,  1864 

The  commanding  general  announces  with  gratification 
the  reenlistment  of  the  regiments  of  this  army  for  the 
war,  and  the  reiteration  of  the  war  regiments  of  their  ‘ 
determination  to  continue  in  arms  until  independence 
is  achieved.  This  action  gives  new  cause  for  the 
gratitude  and  admiration  of  their  countrymen.  It  is 
hoped  that  this  patriotic  movement,  commenced  in  the 
Army  of  Tennessee,  will  be  followed  by  every  brigade 
of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  and  extend  from 
army  to  army  until  the  soldiers  of  the  South  stand  in 
one  embattled  host  determined  never  to  yield. 

The  troops  which  initiated  this  movement,  so  honora- 
ble to  themselves  and  so  pleasing  to  the  country,  are 
Hart’s  (South  Carolina)  battery,  (Colonel  Cullen  A.) 
Battle’s  (Alabama)  brigade,  (Brigadier  General  George 
C.)  Dole’s  (Georgia)  brigade,  (Brigadier  General  S. 
Dodson)  Ramseur’s  (North  Carolina)  brigade,  the  lltli 
and  8th  Alabama  Regiments , and  the  47th  Regiment 
North  Carolina  troops. 

Soldiers,  imitate  this  noble  example  and  evidence  to< 
the  world  that  you  never  can  be  conquered.  The  bless- 
ing of  God  upon  your  undaunted  courage  will  bestow 
peace  and  independence  to  a grateful  people. 


R.  E.  Lee,  General. 


138 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CHAPTER  XIV 
The  Wilderness  to  Petersburg 

On  the  5th  of  May,  1864,  at  2 o’clock  p.m.,  we  broke  camp 
and  leaving  Orange,  C.  H.,  and  all  its  joyous  memories  behind 
us,  took  the  plank  road  in  the  direction  of  the  Wilderness.  At 
8 p.m.,  we  halted  at  Vediersville,  a few  miles  from  where  the 
first  day’s  battle  had  been  progressing  the  day  before. 

General  (Ulysses  S.)  Grant,  the  hero  of  Fort  Donelson  and 
Vicksburg,  had  been  placed  in  command  of  all  the  armies  of 
the  Union  and  had  taken  personal  charge  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  This  army  he  had  reenforced  at  will  from  other 
armies,  and  by  new  recruits  from  many  States,  until  in  his 
opinion  and  that  of  the  administration  at  Washington  his  forces 
were  amply  sufficient  easily  to  drive  Lee’s  relatively  small 
army  out  of  the  way  and  march  straight  to  Richmond. 

Grant’s  superiority  in  artillery  was  even  greater  than  in 
the  number  of  his  troops,  and  he  could  count  on  receiving, 
and  did  get  afterwards  during  the  campaign  that  was  now 
beginning,  additional  re-enforcements  in  great  numbers. 

As  soon  as  Grant  had  crossed  the  river  Lee  on  the  5th  of 
May  had  attacked  him  in  the  Wilderness,  where  the  woods  and 
undergrowth  were  so  thick  that  artillery  could  not  be  used; 
and  so  it  was  on  the  5th,  as  again  on  the  6th,  an  infantry 
battle.  At  5 o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  our  Brigade 
took  up  iine  of  march  along  the  plank  road  for  the  battlefield, 
soon  diverging  into  the  woods  on  the  left,  where  just  as  we 
were  about  to  cross  a little  morass  there  was  a halt,  and  all 
the  field  officers  of  the  Brigade  dismounted,  sending  their 
mounts  to  the  rear  and  marching  forward  on  foot,  until  at  a 
point  in  the  woods  a few  rods  to  our  left  of  the  plank  road 
we  halted  again  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  the  men  lying 
down  to  receive  the  expected  attack,  our  skirmishers  having 
been  thrown  well  out  to  the  front.  General  Wilcox  had  recently 
been  promoted  to  Major  General,  and  was  not  allowed  to  carry 
his  old  Brigade  with  him  into  his  new  division,  a privilege  for 
which  he  had  most  earnestly  begged.  Brigadier  General  Abner 


19  7 7 


139 


Perrin,  had  been  assigned  to  command  of  our  Brigade.  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Herbert  was  in  command  of  the  regiment. 
Colonel  Royston  had  been  absent  since  he  was  wounded  at 
Salem  Church,  May  3,  1863.  Major  Emrich  was  absent,  sick. 

In  the  early  morning,  say  about  7 o’clock,  a brisk  firing 
on  our  skirmish  line  indicated  that  the  enemy  were  advancing, 
and  soon  our  skirmishers  began  to  come  in,  the  enemy’s  heavy 
line  of  skirmishers  following  them  closely.  The  woods  were 
so  thick  that  one  could  not  be  seen,  even  in  the  most  open 
places,  more  than  seventy-five  or  eighty  yards.  Colonel  Herbert 
had  been  talking  to  his  men,  warning  them  that  no  man  was 
to  fire  until  the  order  was  given.  He  had  just  quoted  the  cele- 
brated language  of  General  (Israel)  Putnam — “We  must  not 
open  on  them  until  we  can  see  the  whites  of  their  eyes,”  when 
he  was  severely  wounded  by  a sharpshooter.  Stih  the  men, 
obeying  orders,  did  not  fire.  Immediately  Captain  Nall,  the 
next  in  rank,  assumed  command,  taking  the  same  position 
Colonel  Herbert  had  occupied.  In  a moment  he  too  was  severely 
wounded;  and  still  the  men  did  not  fire.  Then  Captain  H.  C. 
Lea  took  command.  The  main  line  of  the  enemy  was  now  close 
by,  coming  up  in  fine  style,  when  our  men  opened  fire.  The 
enemy  were  at  once  staggered,  and  after  a volley  or  two  began 
to  retreat,  the  Brigade  following  them  with  a murderous  fire. 
In  the  charge  Captain  Lea  was  wounded  and  then  the  command 
fell  upon  Captain  Mordecai.  We  drove  the  enemy  back  with 
great  slaughter  probably  a half  mile  or  more.  The  gallant 
(Brigadier)  General  (James  S.)  Wadsworth,  one  of  the  most 
efficient  and  popular  officers  in  Grant’s  army,  was  found 
wounded  in  front  of  the  8th.  We  sent  him  to  the  Field  Hospital 
in  our  rear,  to  be  cared  for;  but  his  wound  was  mortal  and  he 
died  the  next  day. 

The  regiment  was  also  slightly  engaged  the  next  day.  Our 
loss  in  the  two  days’  fighting — which  was  every  slight,  how- 
ever, on  the  7th — was  forty-six  killed,  wounded  and  missing, 
the  only  officers  wounded  being  the  three  above  mentioned  who 
were  successively  in  command. 

The  carnage  of  the  two  days’  fight  at  the  Wilderness  was 
dreadful,  though  larger  on  the  side  of  the  Federal  troops  than 


140 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


on  the  Confederates.  Alexander’s  estimate  of  numbers  and 
losses  is:  Federals  101,895,  losses  18,366.  Confederates  61,025, 
killed  and  wounded  7,750,  missing  unknown.  General  Grant 
now  rapidly  swung  his  army  off  by  the  left  flank  in  the  direction 
of  Spotsylvania  C.  H, 

The  author  finds  in  the  official  records  of  the  war  no 
report  from  General  Perrin  of  the  part  our  Brigade  took  in 
this  fight.  Special  reports  from  the  commanding  officers  of 
the  Brigade  are  from  this  time  forward  indeed  almost  entirely 
wanting,  resulting  from  the  fact  that  the  fighting  hencefor- 
ward, even  down  to  Appomatox,  was  so  continuous  and  the 
operations  so  absorbing  that  our  Brigade,  and  indeed  Division 
commanders,  seemed  to  have  had  little  time  within  which  to 
make  and  send  in  special  accounts  of  battles.  The  gallant  Gen- 
eral Perrin,  who  commanded  us  at  the  Wilderness,  was  killed 
five  days  afterwards  leading  our  attack  at  Spotsylvania,  and 
this  accounts  for  the  lack  of  any  report  of  the  part  taken  by 
our  Brigade  in  either  of  these  battles. 

It  may  be  said  here  also  that  while  Captain  Fagan’s  diary 
is  specif;c  as  to  the  important  dates  of  battles  and  losses,  as 
are  also  the  historical  memoranda  made  out  on  the  1st  day  of 
January,  1865,  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Emrich,  the  writer  there- 
after absent  on  account  of  his  wounds  is  obliged  for  want  of 
specific  data  to  forego  any  attempt  to  describe  particularly  the 
part  taken  by  the  8th  Alabama  in  many  of  the  battles  in  which 
it  was  subsequently  engaged. 

The  regiment  was  slightly  engaged  on  May  8th  at  Brad- 
shaw’s Farm,  and  on  the  9th  reach  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  where 
occurred  one  of  the  bloodiest  contests  of  the  whole  war,  much 
of  which  centered  around  what  is  known  in  history  as  the  cele- 
brated “bloody  angle,”  where  the  Confederate  General  (Edward) 
Johnson  was  captured  by  the  enemy,  with  1,200  prisoners.  Our 
Division,  R.  H.  Anderson’s,  assisted  in  the  final  repulse  of  the 
enemy,  the  8th  Alabama  losing  in  killed  and  wounded  twenty- 
six,  including  among  the  latter  the  brave  Captain  John  McGrath. 
Besides  losing  here,  as  has  been  said,  Brigadier  General  Perrin, 
Captain  Walter  Winn,  the  gallant  Adjutant  General  of  the 
Brigade,  was  wounded. 


19  7 7 


141 


After  General  Grant’s  second  bloody  repulse  which  occurred 
at  this  point  he  again  swung  his  army  off  by  the  left  flank, 
and  at  about  this  time  gladdened  the  hearts  at  Washington  by 
his  celebrated  saying,  that  he  was  going  to  “fight  it  out  on  this 
line,  if  it  took  all  the  summer.”  Grant  had  now  come  to  see 
that  it  was  no  easy  task,  indeed  that  it  was  well  nigh  impos- 
sible, to  crush  Lee  and  his  veterans  even  with  his  superior 
numbers  by  direct  attack.  But  Lee’s  army  would  not  be  able, 
Grant  reckoned  (and  correctly  too)  to  withstand  heavy  and 
continuous  losses.  Of  recruits  Lee  could  get  few,  or  none.  The 
resources  of  the  Union  army  were  practically  unlimited.  At- 
trition would  finally  accomplish  results.  Grant  could  afford  to 
give  two,  or  even  three,  men  for  one,  and  ultimately  the  power 
of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  to  continue  the  struggle 
would  come  to  an  end. 

The  regiment  remained  at  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  until  the 
21st  of  May.  On  May  24th  at  Hanover  Junction  the  8th  and 
11th  Alabama  made  quite  a successful  movement.  Marching 
by  the  flank  through  an  interval  in  the  enemy’s  lines,  they 
swept  down  the  line  for  a distance,  and  captured  fifty-five 
prisoners,  with  a loss  of  8 killed  and  wounded. 

On  June  1st  the  regiment  fought  at  Totopotomoy  Creek, 
again  losing  8 killed  and  wounded.  From  this  place  it  marched 
to  the  battlefield  of  Cold  Harbor. 

Cold  Harbor 

There  Grant  had  made  up  his  mind  to  make  another  such 
direct  attack  upon  Lee  as  he  had  ventured  at  Spotsylvania,  and 
the  8th  Alabama  took  part  in  that  memorable  contest.  The 
losses  incurred  in  the  brave  but  unsuccessful  assaults  made 
by  the  Federal  troops  were  so  appalling  that  for  a short  time 
thereafter,  as  historians  now  record,  the  dismay  at  Washington 
and  throughout  the  North  was  such  as  to  cause  the  question  to  be 
seriously  mooted  by  some  eminent  statesmen,  whether  or  not 
terms  of  peace  should  be  offered  to  the  Confederacy. 

The  loss  of  the  8th  Alabama  was  fifteen  killed  and 
wounded.  Up  to  and  including  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor  on 


142 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


the  3rd  of  June,  thirty  days  after  Grant  had  crossed  the 
Rapidan,  the  losses  of  the  Union  army,  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners  were  54,949,  amost  equal  to  the  whole  number  Lee 
had  under  his  command  when  this  campaign  began  at  the 
Wilderness. 

After  the  repulse  at  Cold  Harbor  Grant  again  swung  his 
army  off  by  the  left  flank,  and  on  June  13th  the  8th  was  again 
engaged  at  White  Oaks  Swamp,  losing  two  only. 


19  7 7 


143 


CHAPTER  XV 
Petersburg  — The  Crater 

On  June  18th  Grant  having  reached  his  gun  boats  on  the 
James  River,  and  helving  crossed  that  stream  to  assault  Peters- 
burg, our  Brigade  crossed  the  James  at  Chaffin’s  Bluff,  and 
reached  Petersburg  at  5 p.m.,  where  the  regiment  took  posi- 
tion in  line  near  Battery  No.  30. 

All  the  world  now  knows  authoritatively,  from  the  reports 
of  General  Lee  as  well  as  by  common  tradition,  how  our  troops 
suffered  during  the  campaign  from  the  Wilderness  to  Appomat- 
tox for  want  of  clothing,  shoes  and  food.  The  lack  of  full 
rations  had  become  so  common  that  in  the  diary  of  Captain 
Fagan,  upon  which  the  writer  is  now  largely  relying  for  accurate 
information  as  to  the  8th  Alabama  at  Petersburg,  the  food 
question  is  for  months  scarcely  ever  mentioned.  The  gallant 
Captain  took  it  as  a matter  of  course  that  the  boys  must  be 
content  with  whatsoever  the  poor  Confederacy  could  afford 
them.  But  it  is  refreshing  to  read  the  following  entry  by  him, 
on  Thursday,  July  21 : 

Daniel  returned,  and  we  have  a vegetable  dinner,  for 

the  first  time  this  year.  We  had  cabbage,  squash,  Irish 

potatoes,  beets,  and  tomatoes,  with  plenty  of  vinegar. 

Just  think  of  the  happy  fellow,  how  he  enjoyed  that  dinner 
“with  plenty  of  vinegar!” 

Attack  on  the  Enemy’s  Left  Flank,  June  22,  1864 

The  following  description  of  this  battle  is  taken  from  Cap- 
tain Fagan’s  diary,  supplemented  by  a letter  to  him  from  J.  M. 
Richardson,  who,  Captain  Fagan  says,  has  a very  retentive 
memory  and  was  one  of  the  best  soldiers  of  his  old  Company,  K. 

Ever  since  Grant’s  repulse  at  the  Wilderness  he  had  been 
moving  from  time  to  time  to  get  upon  Lee’s  right  flank,  Lee 
always  confronting  him  wherever  he  formed  his  line.  Thus 
maneuvering  the  two  armies  had  gradually  swung  around  an 
arc  that  stretched  from  the  Rapidan  to  the  front  of  Peters- 


144 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


burg;  and  now  on  the  22nd  of  June  General  Grant  suddenly 
found  that  Lee  was  on  the  offensive.  The  Divisions  of  An- 
derson, Wilcox  and  (Major  General)  Bushrod  R.  Johnson,  with 
Mahone’s  had  been  ordered  to  march  into  a gap  left  between 
the  2nd  and  6th  Corps  stretched  towards  the  Weldon  Railroad. 
The  fighting  .seems  largely  to  have  been  done  by  the  Alabama, 
Georgia,  and  Virginia  Brigades  of  Mahone’s  Division,  as  it 
was  the  troops  of  these  Brigades  that  captured  all  the  flags 
taken  from  the  enemy.  The  Alabama  Brigade  was  on  the  left 
in  the  attack,  and  the  8th  Alabama  was  on  the  left  of  our 
Brigade.  The  Alabamians  marched  through  the  woods  and  the 
8th  was  halted  and  laid  down  in  front  of  the  enemy’s  breast- 
works, where  it  was  subjected  to  a terrific  fire.  Three  color 
corporals,  one  named  George  Harris  of  Company  K,  and  the 
names  of  the  other  two  not  remembered,  were  shot  down. 

In  the  meantime,  the  other  four  regiments  of  the  Ala- 
bamians, together  with  the  Georgians  and  Virginians,  moved 
on  the  extreme  left  flank  of  Grant’s  army  and  then  all  ad- 
vanced together.  The  enemy  fled  in  great  confusion,  losing 
1,600  prisoners  and  ten  flags.  Of  these  the  11th  Alabama  cap- 
tured the  colors  of  the  106th  Pennsylvanians  and  the  42nd 
New  York  (Tammany  Regiment).  The  colors  of  the  19th 
Massachusetts  were  captured  by  the  2nd  Georgia  Battalion; 
of  the  15th  Massachusetts  by  the  3rd  Georgia;  of  the  7th  New 
Jersey  by  the  6th  Virginia;  of  the  5th  Michigan  by  the  41st 
Virginia;  while  the  61st  Virginia  captured  one  United  States 
flag,  regiment  not  known. 

As  soon  as  we  had  occupied  the  works  of  the  enemy,  our 
men  expecting  an  attack  provided  themselves  each  with  two 
guns  of  those  captured  from  the  enemy,  and  loaded  them,  every 
man  of  the  8th  (and  it  is  probably  true  of  the  other  regiments) 
had  not  only  his  own,  but  two  loaded  guns  besides.  Soon  the 
enemy  were  reenforced  and  made  a gallant  attack  to  recapture 
their  works,  but  they  were  disastrously  repulsed. 

That  night  our  troops  returned  to  their  stations  with  the 
spoils.  The  loss  of  the  8th  in  this  battle  was  twenty-seven 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing. 

On  the  next  day,  June  23rd,  the  regiment  was  again  en- 
gaged at  Gurley’s  Farm,  where  it  lost  one  killed  and  two 


19  7 7 


145 


wounded.  On  that  night  it  returned  to  its  original  position  at 
Battery  No.  30,  near  Petersburg. 

On  the  29th  of  June  our  Brigade  with  the  Florida,  now 
(Brigadier  General  Joseph)  Finegan’s  Brigade,  and  with  two 
pieces  of  artillery,  and  (Major  General)  IGtz(hugh)  Lee’s  Ca- 
valry, intercepted  the  enemy's  raiders  at  Stony  Creek  Depot 
sometimes  called  Reams’  Station,  on  the  Weldon  Railroad,  cap- 
turing 198  men,  seven  officers,  twenty-three  ambulances,  fifty- 
three  wagons  and  fourteen  pieces  of  artillery.  The  loss  of  the 
regiment  here  was  five  killed,  wounded  and  missing. 

On  the  night  of  the  29th  we  returned  to  our  original  posi- 
tion in  front  of  Petersburg. 

Our  former  Major-General,  R.  R.  Anderson,  had  now  been 
made  Lieutenant  General,  and  our  Division  was  now  Mahone’s, 
and  our  Brigade  (now  John  C.  C.  Sanders)  was  for  some  time 
to  come  generally  stationed  near  Battery  No.  30,  in  front  of 
Petersburg.  The  Division  had  much  relied  on  intercept  raids 
in  the  Petersburg  campaign,  much  hard  marching  and  hard 
fighting  to  do,  in  the  heat  and  dust  of  the  summer,  as  well 
as  in  sleet  and  rain  and  mud  during  the  long  winter  through 
which  the  Petersburg  campaign  extended.  Captain  Fagan 
records  that  the  Brigade  moved  out  thirteen  times  during  the 
siege,  to  intercept  raids  or  resist  attacks. 

The  old  Brigade  never  did  better  service  than  on  July  30, 
1864,  and  no  combat  in  all  the  history  of  the  army  of  Northern 
Virginia  is  more  creditable  to  the  troops  engaged  than  was 

The  Battle  of  the  Crater 

According  to  all  military  precedents  it  would  seem  that 
when  General  Grant,  with  the  forces  at  his  command,  had  suc- 
ceeded so  unexpectedly  in  breaching  our  long  thin  line  at  the 
Crater,  he  ought  to  have  been  able  to  pierce  and  destroy  Lee’s 
army,  but  he  failed;  and  the  writer  fortunately  is  in  posses- 
sion of  three  very  able  and  picturesque  descriptions  of  that 
battle,  written  independently  of  each  other.  One  is  by  Captain 
William  L.  Fagan,  of  the  8th  Alabama,  published  in  the  Phila- 
delphia Time  of  July  6,  1882.  Another  is  by  Captain  John  C. 


146 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Featherston,  of  the  9th  Alabama,  written  in  1905,  and  the  third 
is  by  Captain  William  B.  Young*,  Staff  Officer  in  the  battle 
of  General  Sanders,  commanding  the  Brigade. 

The  importance  of  this  battle  is  such  as  to  justify  the  pub- 
lication here  of  all  the  articles.  These  three  accounts  are  as 
follows,  and  the  careful  reader  will  find  in  the  slight  discre- 
pancies between  these  writers  the  strongest  possible  evidence 
of  the  truthfulness  of  the  several  witnesses. 

The  Peterburg  Crater.  A Participant’s  Description  of  the  Fierce 

Struggle  for  the  Recapture  of  the  Salient. 

by  W.  L.  Fagan  (Formerly  Captain  Co.  K. 

8th  Alabama  Regiment) 

The  morning  of  July  30,  1864,  dawned  sultry,  and  by  9 a.m., 
the  heat  was  oppressive.  At  12  m.,  the  thermometer  was  at 
ninety-eight  degrees.  About  7 a.m.,  General  Lee,  accompanied 
by  a single  courier,  rode  rapidly  to  General  Mahone’s  head- 
quarters, situated  at  Dr.  Branch’s  house.  After  a hurried  con- 
sultation Generals  Lee  and  Mahone  rode  towards  our  lines.  I 
do  not  think  General  Mahone  knew  of  the  explosion  until  he 
was  informed  by  General  Lee.  Mahone,  at  that  time,  com- 
manded General  R.  H.  Anderson’s  Division,  composed  of 
Wright’s  Georgia,  Mahone’s  Virginia,  Wilcox’s  Alabama,  (Briga- 
dier General  Nathaniel  H.)  Harris’  Mississippi  and  Finegan’s 
Florida  Brigades.  This  division  occupied  the  works  to  the  right 
of  (Major  General  Robert  F.)  Hoke’s  Division,  extending  its 
right  to  a point  in  front  of  Branch’s  house.  The  Eighteenth  and 
Twenty-second  South  Carolina  Regiments,  a part  of  (Brigadier 
General  Stephen)  Elliott’s  Brigade,  Hoke’s  Division  and  four 
guns  of  (Major  William  J.)  Pegram’s  Battery,  occupied  a salient 
or  angle  of  our  line.  This  salient  was  higher  than  the  enemy’s 
line  in  its  immediate  front.  The  Federals,  beginning  within 
their  lines,  had  excavated  a tunnel  under  this  salient.  Placing 
within  it  several  tons  of  powder  they  had  waited  until  3 a.m., 
when  an  attempt  was  made  to  fire  the  immense  mass.  The  Con- 
federates were  sleeping  within  their  works,  unconscious  of  dan- 
ger. The  New  York  Herald  of  August  2,  1864,  contained  the 
following : 


19  7 7 


147 


The  mine  was  to  have  been  exploded  at  3 a.m.,  and 
batteries  to  open  along  the  entire  line  at  the  same  hour. 

The  Ninth  Corps,  supported  by  the  Eighth  and  Tenth 
Corps,  and  (Brigadier  General  Romeyn)  Ayres’  Divi- 
sion of  the  Fifth  Corps,  and  three  divisions  of  the  Sec- 
ond Corps,  were  to  charge  immediately  after  the  ex- 
plosion. The  fire  having  gone  out  twice,  the  explosion 
was  delayed.  At  4:40  the  explosion  took  place  and  a 
deafening  roar  of  artillery  followed. 

About  fifteen  feet  of  dirt  intervened  between  the  sleeping 
soldiers  and  all  this  powder.  In  a moment  the  superincumbent 
earth  for  a space  forty  by  eighty  feet  (Note:  Crater  was  150 

feet  long,  97  feet  wide  and  30  feet  deep  — Alexander)  ; was 
hurled  upward,  carrying  with  it  the  artillerymen,  with  their 
four  guns,  and  three  companies  of  soldiers.  As  the  huge  mass 
fell  backwards  it  buried  the  startled  men  under  immense  clods  — 
tons  of  dirt.  Some  of  the  artillery  was  thrown  forward  forty 
yards  towards  the  enemy’s  line.  The  clay  subsoil  was  broken 
and  piled  in  large  pieces,  often  several  yards  in  diameter,  which 
afterwards  protected  scores  of  Federals  when  surrounded  in 
the  crater.  The  early  hour,  the  unexpected  explosion,  the  con- 
centrated fire  of  the  enemy’s  batteries,  startled  and  wrought 
confusion  among  brave  men  accustomed  to  battle.  We  ex- 
tract again  from  The  Herald  of  August  2 : 

At  5:30  the  charge  was  made  and  the  fort  (crater), 
with  part  of  the  line  on  each  side,  watS  carried  in  a 
style  to  reflect  credit  on  the  veterans  engaged.  The 
second  line  was  carried  by  the  Second  Division  of  the 
Second  Corps  and  Brigadier  General  (Julius)  White’s 
Division  of  colored  troops  were  ordered  to  carry  the 
crest  of  the  hill,  but  after  advancing  as  far  as  the  first 
line  was  checked  by  a galling  fire,  and  the  main  body 
faltered  and  fell  back.  The  greater  number  became 
utterly  demoralized  and  part  of  them  took  refuge  in  the 
fort  (crater),  while  the  remainder,  in  confusion,  ran 
to  the  rear  as  fast  as  possible  in  their  retreat,  em- 
barrassing the  white  troops.  Every  effort  to  rally 
them  failed,  many  of  their  officers  were  killed  and  the 
negroes  retreated,  until  they  were  out  of  range  of  the 
musketry  and  cannister,  which  was  ploughing  through 


148 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


their  ranks.  Among  the  missing  are  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral (William  F.)  Bartlett,  who  reached  the  fort  (cra- 
ter) with  his  command.  General  Bartlett  had  a cork 
leg,  which  was  broken,  and  he  was  unable  to  leave  the 
fort  (crater). 


The  Confederate  Charge 

The  federals  now  held  the  crater  and  the  inner  line.  Gen- 
erals Lee  and  Mahone  arrived  on  the  field  about  7 :30  a.m.  A 
ravine  which  deepened  on  our  right,  ran  parallel  with  this 
inner  line,  and  was  used  by  Mahone  in  which  to  form  his 
brigade  when  preparing  to  attack.  At  8 a.m.,  Mahone’s  Brigade, 
commanded  by  Colonel  D(avid)  A.  Weisiger,  brought  from  the 
right  of  Hoke’s  Division,  was  formed  in  this  ravine  and  ad- 
vanced to  the  assault.  The  Federals,  concentrating  a terrific 
fire  of  musketry  and  artillery,  ploughed  great  gaps  in  these  fear- 
less Virginians.  Nothing  daunted,  they  pressed  forward  and 
captured  the  inner  line.  The  loss  of  this  brigade  was  heavy, 
both  in  men  and  officers,  more  than  two  hundred  Virginians 
falling  between  the  ravine  and  the  captured  works.  The  Fed- 
eral troops,  white  and  colored,  fought  with  a desperation  never 
witnessed  on  former  battle-fields.  The  negroes,  it  is  said,  cried 
“No  quarter.”  Mahone  and  Wright’s  Brigades  took  only 
twenty-nine  of  them  prisoners.  The  Federal  still  held  the 
crater  and  part  of  the  line.  Another  charge  was  necessary  and 
Wright’s  Georgia  Brigade  was  ordered  up  from  Anderson’s  Di- 
vision. Wright’s  Brigade,  forming  in  the  ravine  moved  forward 
to  drive  the  Federals  from  the  line  they  still  held.  The  enemy, 
expecting  their  attack,  poured  a volley  into  the  Georgians  that 
decimated  their  ranks,  killing  and  wounding  nearly  every  field 
officer  in  the  brigade.  The  men  rushing  forward,  breasting  a 
storm  of  lead  and  iron,  failed  to  oblique  far  enough  to  the  right 
to  recapture  the  whole  line,  out  gained  the  line  occupied  by  and 
contiguous  to  the  line  already  captured  by  Weisiger,  command- 
ing Mahone’s  Brigade.  Mahone’s  Brigade  and  Wright’s  Bri- 
gade had  captured  forty-two  officers,  three  hundred  and  ninety 
men  and  twenty-nine  negroes. 

It  was  now  about  10  a.m.  General  Grant  made  no  effort 
to  reenforce  his  line  or  to  dislodge  Wright  and  Mahone  from 
the  positions  they  held.  A courier  dashed  up  to  General  J.  C.  C. 


19  7 7 


149 


Sanders,  commanding  Wilcox's  Brigade,  informing  him  that 
his  brigade  was  wanted.  The  men  were  expecting  this  courier, 
as  they  were  next  in  line,  and  they  distinctly  heard  the  shouts  of 
Mahone’s  and  Wright’s  men,  followed  by  the  heavy  artillery 
firing,  while  the  word  had  passed  down  the  line  that  the  salient 
had  not  been  recaptured.  General  Sanders  moved  his  brigade, 
consisting  of  the  Eighth,  Ninth,  Tenth,  Eleventh  and  Four- 
teenth Alabama  regiments,  to  the  left  and  occupied  the  ravine. 
There  was  no  shade  or  water  in  this  ravine,  while  the  men 
were  exposed  nearly  four  hours  to  a scorching  sun.  The  heat 
was  almost  beyond  human  endurance,  strong  men  fainted  and 
were  carried  to  the  rear.  The  waves  of  hot  air  at  times  were 
almost  suffocating.  For  the  first  and  only  time  the  men  were 
told  what  was  expected  of  them.  General  Sanders  explained  the 
situation  to  the  officers  of  the  regiments.  Each  captain  spoke 
to  his  men,  urging  them  to  retake  the  salient,  or  Petersburg  and 
Richmond  must  be  evacuated.  The  men  were  ordered  to  fix 
their  bayonets  securely,  to  trail  arms  — not  to  fire,  not  to  yell, 
but  to  move  quietly  up  the  side  of  the  ravine,  and  then,  every 
man  run  for  his  life  to  the  breastworks.  They  were  told  that 
Generals  Lee,  Beauregard,  Hill,  Mahone,  Hoke  and  every  gen- 
eral of  the  army  would  watch  them  as  they  moved  forward. 

Charge  of  the  Alabamians 

At  1 :30  p.m.,  the  firing  had  almost  ceased  and  the  Federals, 
overcome  with  heat,  did  not  expect  an  attack.  Sanders  formed 
his  brigade  and  moved  quietly  up  the  side  of  the  ravine.  Hardly 
a word  was  spoken,  for  the  Alabamians  expected  to  die  or  re- 
take the  salient.  The  eye  of  General  Lee  was  fixed  on  them. 
When  they  caught  sight  of  the  works  their  old  feelings  came 
back  to  them  and  yell  they  must.  With  the  fury  of  a whirlwind 
they  rushed  upon  the  line  they  had  been  ordered  to  take.  The 
movement  was  so  unexpected  and  so  quickly  executed  that  only 
one  shell  was  thrown  into  the  brigade.  The  works  gained,  they 
found  the  enemy  on  the  other  side.  It  was  stated  that  Lee, 
speaking  to  Beauregard,  said  — “Splendid !”  Bureaugard  spoke 
with  enthusiasm  of  the  brilliant  charge. 

In  an  instant  the  Federal  army  was  roused,  and  the  bat- 
teries opened  fire  with  a continuous  roar.  Only  a breastwork 
divided  Wilcox’s  Brigade  from  the  Federals.  A moment  was 


150 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


required  for  Sanders  to  reform,  and  his  brigade  mounted  the 
inner  line  and  forced  the  enemy  backwards  to  the  outer  line, 
and  the  crater  was  full  of  white  and  black  soldiers.  The  Con- 
federates, surrounding  it  on  every  side,  poured  volley  after 
volley  into  this  pent-up  mass  of  terrified  negroes  and  their  brave 
officers.  The  negroes  ran  in  every  direction  and  were  shot 
down  without  a thought.  Bayonets,  swords  and  the  butts  of 
muskets  were  used.  The  deafening  roar  of  artillery  and  mus- 
ketry, the  yells  and  imprecations  of  the  combatants,  drowned 
the  commands  of  officers.  A negro  in  the  crater  attempted  to 
raise  a white  flag,  and  it  was  instantly  pulled  down  by  a Fed- 
eral officer.  The  Federal  colors  were  planted  in  a huge  lump 
of  dirt  and  waved  until  Sergeant  Wallace,  of  the  Eleventh 
Alabama,  followed  by  others,  seized  them  and  tore  them  from 
the  staff.  Instantly  a white  flag  was  raised,  and  the  living, 
who  were  not  many,  surrendered.  The  crater  was  won. 

Sights  at  the  Crater 

“The  ground  around,”  says  (Edward  Alfred)  Pollard, 

“was  dotted  with  the  fallen,  while  the  sides  and  bottom 
of  the  crater  were  literally  lined  with  dead,  the  bodies 
lying  in  every  conceivable  position.  Some  had  evidently 
been  killed  with  the  butts  of  muskets  as  their  crushed 
skulls  and  badly  smashed  faces  indicated.” 

Within  this  crater  — this  hole  40  by  80  feet  — were  lying 
one  hundred  and  thirty-six  dead  soldiers,  besides  the  wounded. 
The  soil  was  literally  saturated  with  blood.  General  Bartlett 
was  here,  with  his  steel  leg  broken.  He  did  not  look  as  though 
he  had  been  at  a “diamond  wedding,”  but  was  present  at  a 
“dance  of  death.”  A covered  way  for  artillery  was  so  full  of 
dead  that  details  were  made  to  throw  them  out,  that  artillery 
might  be  brought  in.  The  dead  bodies  formed  a heap  on  each 
side.  The  Alabamians  captured  thirty-four  officers,  five  hun- 
dred and  thirty-six  white  and  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  colored 
soldiers.  The  three  brigades  had  seventeen  stands  of  colors, 
held  by  seventeen  as  brave,  sweaty,  dirty,  powder-stained  fel- 
lows as  ever  wore  the  gray,  who  knew  that,  when  presenting 
their  colors  to  division  headquarters,  to  each  a furlough  of 
thirty  days  would  be  granted. 


19  7 7 


151 


Suffering  of  the  Wounded 

The  crater  was  filled  with  wounded,  to  whom  our  men  gave 
water.  Adjutant  Morgan  Cleveland,  of  the  Eighth  Alabama 
Regiment,  assisted  a Federal  Captain  who  was  mortally  wounded 
and  suffering  intensely.  Near  him  lay  a burly,  wounded  negro. 
The  officer  said  he  would  die.  The  negro,  raising  himself  on 
his  elbow,  cried  out:  “Thank  God.  You  killed  my  brother  when 
we  charged,  because  he  was  afraid  and  ran.  Now  the  rebels 
have  killed  you.”  Death  soon  ended  the  suffering  of  one  and 
the  hatred  of  the  other.  A darkness  came  down  on  the  battle- 
field and  the  victors  began  to  repair  the  salient.  The  crater 
was  cleared  of  the  dead  and  wounded.  Men  were  found  buried 
ten  feet  under  the  dirt.  Twenty-two  of  the  artillery  company 
were  missing.  Four  hundred  and  ninety-eight  dead,  and 
wounded  Confederates  were  buried  or  sent  to  the  hospitals. 
Between  the  lines  lay  hundreds  of  wounded  Federals,  who  vainly 
called  for  water.  These  men  had  been  without  water  since 
early  morning.  Some  calling  louder  than  others,  their  voices 
were  recognized,  and  as  their  cries  grew  fainter,  we  knew  their 
lives  were  ebbing  away.  Our  men,  risking  their  lives,  carried 
water  to  some. 

I find  in  my  diary  these  lines:  Sunday,  July  31,  1864: 

Everything  comparatively  quiet  along  the  lines.  Hun- 
dreds of  Federal  soldiers  are  lying  in  front  of  the  crater 
exposed  to  a scorching  sun ; some  are  crying  for  water. 

The  enemy’s  fire  is  too  hot  for  a soldier  to  expose 
himself. 

Late  on  Sunday  evening  a flag  of  truce  was  sent  in  and 
forwarded  to  General  Lee.  General  Grant  had  asked  permis- 
sion to  bury  his  dead  and  remove  his  wounded.  The  truce  was 
granted,  to  begin  on  Monday  at  5 a.m.,  and  conclude  at  9 a.m. 
Punctual  to  the  hour  the  Federal  details  came  on  the  field  and 
by  9 a.m.,  had  buried  about  three  hundred.  The  work  was 
hardly  begun,  and  the  truce  was  extended.  Hour  after  hour 
was  granted  until  it  was  evening  before  the  field  was  cleared. 

Pecularity  of  the  Fighting 

The  crater  combat,  unlike  other  battles  in  Virginia,  was 
a series  of  deeds  of  daring,  of  bloody  hand-to-hand  fighting, 


152 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


where  the  survivor  could  count  with  a certainty  the  men  he 
had  slain.  A few  days  ago  a soldier  said  to  me:  “I  killed  two 

of  the  enemy  at  the  crater;  they  were  not  three  feet  from 
me  when  they  fell.  I had  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  Con- 
federacy from  Williamsburg  to  Appomattox  Court  House,  and 
had,  to  the  morning  of  July  30,  only  -seen  two  bayonet  wounds  — 
one  received  at  Frazier’s  Farm;  the  other  at  Turkey  Ridge, 
June  3,  1864.”  Men  stood  face  to  face  at  the  crater.  Often  a 
bayonet  thrust  was  given  before  the  Minnie  ball  went  crashing 
through  the  body.  Every  man  took  care  of  himself,  intent 
on  selling  his  life  as  dearly  as  possible.  The  negroes  did  not 
all  stampede.  They  mingled  with  the  white  troops.  The  troops 
o^  Mahone,  Wilcox  and  Wright  were  greeted  with  defiant  yells, 
while  their  ranks  were  mowed  down  by  withering  fires.  Many 
officers  commanding  negro  troops  held  their  commissions  for 
bravery.  Encouraged,  threatened,  emulating  the  white  troops, 
the  black  men  fought  with  desperation.  Some  Confederate 
soldiers  recognized  their  slaves  at  the  crater.  Captain  J.,  of 
the  Forty-first  Virginia,  gave  the  military  salute  to  “Ben”  and 
“Bob,”  whom  he  had  left  hoeing  corn  down  in  Dinwiddle.  If 
White’s  Division  has  occupied  Reservoir  Hill,  Richmond  would 
have  been  evacuated. 


General  Mahone  had  no  staff  officers.  He  asserted  that 
they  only  consumed  rations  and  filled  the  wagons  with  baggage. 
Private  R.  C.  Sibley,  clerk  at  headquarters,  was  chief,  and 
Courier  Nelson  carried  the  rice  and  canteen.  Lieutenant  (Victor 
J.  B.)  Girardy,  volunteer  aide  to  General  R.  Wright,  offered  his 
services  to  Mahone  at  the  crater,  which  were  accepted.  Girardy 
was  one  of  the  bravest  men  in  Lee’s  army.  General  Lee  watched 
this  daring  man.  Insensible  of  fear,  regardless  of  life,  he  was 
always  found  where  danger  was  greatest.  Three  days  after 
the  battle  Lee  sent  Girardy  a commission  as  Brigadier  General, 
and  assigned  him  to  command  Wright’s  Brigade.  Two  weeks 
later,  on  the  16th  of  August,  near  Fort  Harrison,  he  was  killed. 
I never  heard  of  a similar  promotion  in  Lee’s  army,  that  of  a 
lieutenant  to  a brigadier  general. 


The  following  order  was  read  to  the  division  after  the  bat- 
tle. We  have  never  seen  it  published  and  as  it  was  the  only  one 
Mahone  ever  issued  we  think  it  worthy  of  presentation. 


19  7 7 


153 


Headquarters,  Anderson’s  Division,  August  6,  1864. 
(General  Order  No.  ) 

I.  The  glorious  conduct  of  the  three  brigades  of  the 
division,  Wilcox’s,  Mahone’s  and  Wright’s,  and  espe- 
cially the  first  two,  employed  on  the  30th  of  July  in 
the  expulsion  of  the  enemy  from  his  possession  of  a 
part  of  our  line  elsewhere  than  upon  our  own  immedi- 
ate front,  and  the  magnificent  results  achieved  in  the 
execution  of  the  work,  devolves  upon  the  undersigned 
the  ever  pleasing  office  of  rendering  his  thanks  and 
congratulations.  The  immortalized  Beauregard  has 
praised  you.  Your  corps  and  army  commanders  have 
expressed  their  gratitude  for  your  invaluable  services 
on  this  occasion  and  their  admiration  of  the  splendid 
manner  in  which  your  duty  was  approached  and  per- 
formed. The  enemy  had  sprung  his  first  mine  in  the 
new  plan  by  which  he  now  seeks  to  penetrate  our  lines ; 
he  had  gained  possession  of  the  crater  and  of  the  con- 
tiguous works;  he  had  previously  massed  three  corps 
and  two  divisions  of  another  to  prosecute  his  antici- 
pated successes,  and  he  had  now  given  the  order  for 
the  advance  of  his  crowded  lines,,  but,  fortunately  for 
the  “hour,”  you  have  made  the  ground.  With  the  tread 
of  veterans  and  the  determination  of  men,  you  charged 
the  works  upon  which  he  had  planted  the  hated  flag. 
The  integrity  of  the  whole  line  was  by  your  valor 
promptly  reestablished,  the  enemy’s  grand  effort  to 
penetrate  your  rear  signally  defeated,  and  results 
achieved  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  the  war,  when 
compared  to  your  strength  and  the  losses  you  sustained. 

With  less  than  a force  of  three  thousand  men  and  with 
a casualty  of  four  hundred  and  ninety  eight,  you  killed 
seven  hundred  of  his  people,  and  by  his  own  account 
wounded  over  three  thousand.  You  captured  one  thou- 
sand one  hundred  and  one  prisoners,  embracing  eighty- 
seven  officers,  seventeen  stands  of  colors,  two  guidons 
and  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixteen  stands  of 
small  arms.  These  are  the  results  of  the  noble  work 


154 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


which  you  performed  and  which  entitles  your  banner- 
scroll  of  honorable  deeds  to  the  inscription  : 

The  Crater 

Petersburg,  30th  July,  1864 

II.  While  thus  we  have  so  much  cause  for  congratu- 
lation and  pleasure;  let  us  not  and  never  forget  the 
memory  of  the  noble  spirits  who  fell  in  the  glorious 
work  whose  consummation  we  were  spared  to  establish 
and  commemorate. 


William  Mahone 
Brigadier  General 

Note:  Written  by  Captain  Fagan  at  Havana,  Hale  County, 

Alabama,  1882 

The  Battle  of  the  “Crater”  As  I Saw  It 

By  Captain  John  C.  Featherston  of  the  9th  Alabama  Regi- 
ment, (Wilcox’s  old)  Brigade,  Mahone’s  Division,  A.  P. 
Hill’s  Corps. 

Captain  Featherton  was  married  in  Virginia  during  the 

war  and  since  resided  at  Lynchburg,  Va. 

On  the  night  of  the  29th  of  July,  1864,  Wilcox’s  old  brigade 
of  Alabamians,  at  that  time  commanded  by  General  J.  C.  C. 
Sanders,  which  was  one  of  the  five  brigades  composing  Mahone’s 
(formerly  Anderson’s)  division,  was  occupying  the  breastworks 
in  the  right  of  Petersburg,  at  a point  known  as  the  Wilcox 
Farm.  The  division  consisted  at  the  time  of  Wilcox’s  “old 
brigade”  of  Alabamians;  Wright’s  Georgia  brigade,  Harris’ 
Mississippi,  Mahone’s  Virginia  brigade  and  Perry’s  Florida 
brigade  (by  whom  commanded  at  the  time  I fail  to  remember). 
All  was  quiet  in  our  immediate  front,  but  an  incessant  and  rapid 
firing  was  going  on  to  our  left  and  immediately  in  front  of 
Petersburg,  where  the  main  lines  of  the  hostile  armies  were 
within  eighty  yards  of  each  other.  There  was  a rumor  that 
the  Federals  were  attempting  to  undermine  our  works,  and 
were  keeping  up  this  continous  fire  to  shield  their  operations. 


19  7 7 


155 


The  Confederate  army  had  dug  countermines  in  front  of  our 
works  at  several  points,  but  failed  to  sink  them  sufficiently 
deep  to  intercept  the  enemy  and  thwart  their  efforts,  as  was 
subsequently  proven. 

Explosion  of  the  Mine  at  “The  Crater” 

The  Night  of  July  30 

During  the  night  of  the  29th  (I  think  about  2 o'clock), 
we  received  orders  to  get  our  men  under  arm®  and  ready  for 
action  at  a moment’s  notice,  which  convinced  us  that  General 
Lee  had  information  of  which  we  were  ignorant.  We  remained 
thus  until  between  daybreak  and  sunrise  of  the  30th  of  July, 
when  suddenly  the  quiet  and  suspense  was  broken  by  a terrific 
explosion  on  our  left.  The  news  soon  reached  our  lines  that 
the  enemy  had  exploded  a mine  under  a fort  then  known  as 
“Elliot’s  Salient,”  subsequently  named  the  “Crater,”  from  its 
resemblance  in  shape  to  the  crater  of  a volcano,  and  during  the 
terrible  struggle,  one  in  active  operation,  caused  by  the  smoke 
and  dust  which  ascended  therefrom. 

Mahone’s  division  was  the  “supporting  division”  of  the 
army  while  in  front  of  Petersburg,  and  consequently  whenever 
the  enemy  were  making  serious  attacks,  this  command,  or  a 
part  of  it,  was,  when  reinforcements  were  needed,  sent  to  the 
point  assailed.  Hence  it  was  in  many  hard  fought  battles  while 
the  army  was  in  front  of  Petersburg. 

Of  the  many  battles  in  which  this  command  engaged  none 
will  equal  or  even  approximate  such  stubborn  and  bloody  fight- 
ing, as  occurred  at  the  battle  of  the  “Crater,”  where  the  loss 
on  the  Federal  side  was  5,000  and  on  the  Confederate  side  1,800 
(Note:  Official  Federal  estimate:  Federal  losses  4,008,  Con- 

federate estimate  1,200)  out  of  the  small  number  engaged,  and 
all  on  about  two  acres  of  land.  For  quite  a while  after  the 
explosion  all  was  quiet  but  then  commenced  a severe  cannon- 
ade by  the  Yankees,  which  was  promptly  replied  to  by  the 
Confederate  artillery. 

Preparations  for  the  Counter  Attack 

Soon  orders  were  received  for  two  of  our  brigades  to  move 
to  the  point  of  attack.  The  Virginia  and  Georgia  brigades,  being 


156 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


on  the  right  of  the  Division,  were  withdrawn  from  the  works 
in  such  a manner  as  not  to  be  seen  by  the  enemy  who  were 
intrenched  in  strong  force  immediately  in  our  front,  and  dis- 
patched as  directed.  This  occurred  about  8 or  9 o’clock.  About 
11  o’clock  orders  came  for  the  Alabama  (Wilcox’s)  brigade, 
then  commanded  by  General  J.  C.  C.  Sanders.  This  order  was 
delivered  by  the  gallant  officer,  R.  R.  Henry,  of  Mahone’s  staff. 
We  were  then  quietly  withdrawn  from  the  works,  thus  leaving 
the  space  which  the  three  brigades  had  covered  unoccupied, 
except  by  a few  skirmishers  (one  man  every  twenty  paces), 
c:mmanded  by  Major  J(ames)  M.  Crow  of  the  9th  Alabama 
Regiment,  a brave  officer. 

By  a circuitous  route  we  arrived  at  Blandford  Cemetery 
and  then  entered  a “zig-zag”  or  circuitous  covered  way  through 
which  we  had  to  pass  in  single  file  in  order  to  shield  ourselves 
from  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  We  came  out  of  the  covered  way 
into  a ravine  which  ran  parallel  with  the  enemy’s  line  of  fortifi- 
cations, and  also  of  our  own  in  which  was  the  fort  subsequently 
the  “Crater”  and  then  occupied  by  the  enemy. 

Mahone  Gives  His  Orders  for  Retaking  the  Fort  at  the  Crater 

As  we  came  out  of  the  covered  way  we  were  met  by  Gen- 
eral Mahone,  himself  on  foot,  who  called  the  officers  to  him 
and  explained  the  situation  and  gave  us  orders  for  the  fight. 
He  informed  us  that  the  brigades  of  Virginians  and  Georgians 
had  successfully  charged  and  taken  the  works  on  the  left  of  the 
fort,  but  that  the  fort  was  still  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  as 
was  also  part  of  the  works  on  the  right  of  it,  and  that  we  of 
the  Alabama  brigade  were  expected  to  storm  and  capture  the 
fort,  as  we  were  the  last  of  the  reserves.  He  directed  us  to 
move  up  the  ravine  as  far  as  we  could  walk  unseen  by  the 
enemy,  and  then  to  get  down  and  crawl  still  further  up  until 
we  were  immediately  in  front  of  the  fort,  then  to  order  the 
men  to  lie  down  on  the  ground  until  our  artillery  in  our  rear 
could  draw  the  fire  of  the  enemy’s  artillery,  which  was  posted 
on  a ridge  beyond  their  main  line  and  covered  the  fort. 

When  this  was  accomplished  our  artillery  would  cease  fir- 
ing, and  then  we  should  rise  up  and  move  forward  in  a stooping 
posture  at  “trail  arms,”  with  bayonets  fixed,  and  should  not 
yell  or  fire  a gun  until  we  drew  the  fire  of  the  infantry  in  the 


19  7 7 


157 


fort,  and  the  enemy’s  main  lines,  and  then  we  should  charge 
at  a “double  quick,”  so  as  to  get  under  the  walls  of  the  fort 
before  the  enemy  could  fire  their  park  of  some  fifty  pieces  of 
artillery,  (Stationed  on  the  hill  beyond  their  works.  He  further 
informed  us  that  he  had  ordered  our  men  who  then  occupied 
the  works  on  either  side  of  the  fort  to  fire  at  the  enemy  when 
they  should  show  themselves  above  the  top  of  the  fort  or  along 
the  main  line,  so  as  to  shield  us  as  much  as  possible  from  their 
fire.  As  we  were  leaving  him  he  said : “General  Lee  is  watch- 
ing the  results  of  your  charge.” 

“Load,  Fix  Your  Bayonets!” 

The  officers  then  returned  to  their  places  in  line  and  or- 
dered the  men  to  load  and  fix  bayonets.  Immediately  the  brigade 
moved  up  the  ravine  as  ordered.  As  we  started,  a soldier, 
worse  disfigured  by  dirt,  powder  and  smoke  than  any  I had 
before  seen,  came  up  to  my  side  and  said:  “Captain,  can  I go 

in  this  charge  with  you?”  I replied,  “Yes.  Who  are  you?” 


He  said:  “I  am (I  have  forgotten  his  name),  and  I 

belong  to  the  South  Carolina  Regiment  — was  blown 


up  in  that  fort  and  I want  to  even  up  with  them.  Please  take 
my  name  and  if  I get  killed  inform  my  officers  of  it.”  I said : 
“I  have  no  time  now  for  writing.  How  high  up  did  they  blow 
you?”  He  said:  “I  don’t  know,  but  a.s  I was  going  up  I met 

the  company  commissary  coming  down  and  he  said,  “I  will  try 
to  have  breakfast  ready  by  the  time  you  get  down.” 

I have  often  since  wished  I had  taken  his  name  and  regi- 
ment, for  he  was  truly  a “rough  diamond,”  a brave  fellow.  He 
went  in  the  charge  with  us,  but  I do  not  know  whether  he  sur- 
vived it  or  not.  I never  saw  him  again. 

The  Alabama  Brigade 

This  brigade  was  composed  of  the  8th  Alabama,  Captain 
W.  W.  Mordecai,  commanding;  9th  Alabama,  Colonel  J.  H(orace) 
King,  commanding;  10th  Alabama,  Captain  W.  L.  Brewster, 
commanding;  11th  Alabama,  Lieutenant  Colonel  George  P. 
Tayloe,  commanding;  14th  Alabama,  Captain  Elias  Folk,  com- 
manding. 

This  (Wilcox’s  old  brigade),  was  commanded  and  led  in 
this  battle  by  the  gallant  and  intrepid  Brigadier  General  J.  C.  C. 


158 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Sanders,  with  Captain  George  Clark,  assistant  adjutant  general, 
another  brave  officer. 

The  9th  Alabama  being  on  the  right  of  the  brigade,  was  in 
front  as  we  ascended  the  ravine  or  depression  to  form  line  of 
battle.  I copy  from  the  “Petersburg  Express”  the  names 
of  the  officers  who  commanded  the  companies  of  this  regiment, 
and  would  do  the  same  for  the  other  regiments  but  for  the  un- 
fortunate fact  that  they  were  not  given.  They  were  as  follows : 

Company  A,  Captain  Hays,  commanding;  Company  C, 
Sergeant  T.  Simmons,  commanding;  Company  D,  Cap- 
tain J.  W.  Cannon,  commanding;  Company  E,  Lieu- 
tenant M.  H.  Todd,  commanding,  Company  F,  Captain 
John  C.  Featherston,  commanding;  Company  H,  iLeu- 
tenant  R.  Fuller,  commanding ; Company  L,  Lieutenant 
B.  T.  Taylor,  commanding;  Company  K,  Lieutenant 
T.  B.  Baugh,  commanding. 

By  the  report  of  Captain  George  Clark,  assistant  adjutant 
general,  Wilcox's  Alabama  brigade  of  five  regiments  carried 
into  the  battle  of  the  “crater”  628  men,  and  of  this  number  it 
lost  89.  The  brigade  early  in  the  war  numbered  about  5,000. 

It  will  be  observed  that  such  had  been  our  losses  in  former 
battles  that  regiments  were  commanded  by  captains  and  com- 
panies by  sergeants,  some  of  the  companies  having  been  so 
depleted  that  they  had  been  merged  into  other  companies. 

After  we  crawled  up  in  front  of  the  fort,  and  about  two 
hundred  yards  therefrom,  we  lay  down  flat  on  the  ground,  and 
our  batteries  in  the  rear  opened  fire  on  the  enemy's  artillery  in 
order  to  draw  their  fire.  This  was  done  that  we  might  charge 
without  being  subjected  to  their  artillery  fire,  in  addition  to 
that  of  the  fort  and  the  mam  line,  which  was  only  eighty  yards 
beyond  the  fort. 

But  the  enemy  appeared  to  understand  our  object  and  de- 
clined to  reply. 


Forward ! Charge ! 

Our  guns  soon  ceased  firing,  and  we  at  once  arose  and 
moved  forward,  as  directed,  in  quick  time,  at  trail  arms,  with 
bayonets  fixed. 


19  7 7 


159 


In  a short  distance  we  came  in  view  of  the  enemy  — both 
infantry  and  artillery  — and  then  was  presented  one  of  the 
most  awfully  grand  cruel  spectacles  of  that  terrible  war.  One 
brigade  of  628  men  were  charging  a fort  in  an  open  field,  filled 
with  the  enemy  to  the  number  of  over  5,000,  and  supported  by 
a park  of  artillery  said  to  number  fifty  pieces.  The  line  of 
advance  was  in  full  view  of  the  two  armies,  and  in  range  of 
the  guns  of  fully  twenty  thousand  men,  including  both  sides. 
When  we  came  within  range  we  saw  the  flash  of  the  sunlight 
on  the  enemy's  guns,  as  they  were  leveled  above  the  walls  of 
the  wrecked  fort.  Then  came  a stream  of  fire  and  the  awful 
roar  of  battle.  This  volley  seemed  to  awaken  the  demons  of 
hell,  and  appeared  to  be  a signal  for  everybody  within  range 
of  the  fort  to  commence  firing.  We  raised  a yell  and  made  a 
dash  in  order  to  get  under  the  walls  of  the  fort  before  their 
artillery  could  open  up  upon  us,  but  in  this  we  were  unsuccess- 
ful. The  air  seemed  literally  filled  with  missiles. 

The  Virginians,  Georgians  and  South  Carolinians  com- 
menced firing  from  the  flanks  of  the  fort  and  at  the  enemy's 
main  line,  as  did  our  artillery,  and  the  enemy's  infantry  and 
artillery  from  all  sides  opened  upon  us. 

“Into  The  Mouth  of  Hell  Charged  the  Six  Hundred" 

On  we  went,  as  it  seemed  to  us,  literally  “into  the  mouth 
of  hell."  When  we  got  to  the  walls  of  the  fort  we  dropped 
down  on  the  ground  to  get  the  men  in  order  and  let  them  get 
their  breath.  While  waiting  we  could  hear  the  Yankee  officers 
in  the  fort  trying  to  encourage  their  men,  telling  them  among 
other  things  to  “remember  Fort  Pillow."  (In  that  fort  Forrest's 
men  had  found  negroes  and  whites  together.  History  tells  what 
they  did  for  them.)  Then  commenced  a novel  method  of  fight- 
ing. There  were  quite  a number  of  abandoned  muskets,  with 
bayonets  on  them,  lying  on  the  ground  around  the  fort.  Our 
men  began  pitching  them  over  the  embankment  and  over  we 
went,  intending  to  harpoon  the  men  inside,  and  both  sides  threw 
cannon  balls  and  fragments  of  shells  and  earth,  which  by  the 
impact  of  the  explosion  had  been  pressed  as  hard  as  brick. 
Everybody  seemed  to  be  shooting  at  the  fort,  and  doubtless 
many  were  killed  by  their  friends.  I know  some  of  the  Yankees 
were  so  killed. 


160  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

In  almost  less  time  than  I can  tell  it  we  were  in  condition 
to  go  in.  Colonel  J.  H.  King  ordered  the  men  near  him  to  put 
their  hats  on  their  bayonnets  and  quickly  raise  them  above  the 
fort,  which  was  done,  and,  as  he  anticipated,  they  were  riddled 
with  bullets.  Then  he  ordered  us  over  the  embankment,  and 
over  we  went,  and  we  were  soon  engaged  in  a hand-to-hand 
struggle  cf  life  and  death.  The  enemy  shrank  back,  and  the 
death  grapple  continued  until  most  of  the  Yankees  found  in 
there  were  killed.  This  slaughter  would  not  have  been  so  great 
had  not  our  men  found  negro  soldiers  in  the  fort  with,  the 
whites.  This  was  the  first  time  we  had  met  negro  troops,  and 
the  men  were  enraged  at  them  for  being  there  and  at  the  whites 
for  having  them  there. 

Compartments  of  the  Pit  Made  at  the  Crater 

The  explosion  had  divided  the  pit  into  two  compartments. 
As  soon  as  we  had  possession  of  the  larger  one,  the  Yankees  in 
the  smaller  one  cried  out  that  they  would  surrender.  We  told 
them  to  come  over  the  embankment.  Two  of  them  started  with 
their  guns  in  their  hands  and  were  shot  and  fell  back.  We 
heard  those  remaining  cry:  “They  are  showing  no  quarter; 

let  us  sell  our  lives  as  dearly  as  possible.”  We  then  told  them 
to  come  without  their  guns,  which  they  did,  and  all  the  re- 
mainder, about  thirty  in  number,  surrendered  and  were  ordered 
to  the  rear.  In  the  confusion  and  their  eagerness  to  get  beyond 
that  point,  they  went  across  the  open  field,  along  the  same  route 
over  which  we  had  charged  them.  Their  artillery,  seeing  them 
go  to  the  rear,  as  we  were  told,  under  the  flag  of  truce,  thought 
that  it  was  our  men  repulsed  and  retreating  and  they  at  once 
opened  fire  on  them,  killing  and  wounding  quite  a number  of 
their  own  men.  One  poor  fellow  had  his  arm  shot  off  just  as 
he  started  to  the  rear,  and  returning,  said:  “I  could  bear  it 

better  if  my  own  men  had  not  done  it.” 

This  practically  ended  the  fight  inside  the  fort,  but  the  two 
armies  outside  continued  firing  at  this  common  center  and  it 
seemed  to  us  that  the  shot,  shell  and  musket  balls  came  from 
every  point  of  the  compass  and  the  mortar  shells  rained  down 
from  above.  They  had  previously  attacked  from  below.  So 
this  unfortunate  fort  was  one  of  the  few  points  of  the  universe 
which  had  been  assailed  from  literally  every  quarter. 


19  7 7 


161 


The  Aftermath  and  Incidents  — > General  Bartlett’s  Cork  Leg 

The  slaughter  was  fearful.  The  dead  were  piled  up  on 
| each  other.  In  one  part  of  the  fort  I counted  eight  bodies  deep. 

I There  were  but  few  wounded  compared  with  the  killed. 

There  was  an  incident  which  occurred  in  the  captured  fort 
that  made  quite  an  impression  on  me.  Among  the  wounded 
was  Yankee  General  Bartlett.  He  was  lying  down  and  could 
not  rise.  Assistance  was  offered  him,  but  he  informed  those 

II  who  were  assisting  him  that  his  leg  was  broken,  and  so  it  was, 

| but  it  proved  to  be  an  artificial  leg,  made  of  cork. 

One  of  the  officers  ordered  a couple  of  negroes  to  move 
him,  but  he  protested,  and  I believe  he  was  given  white  assist- 
! ance. 

This  general  afterwards,  so  I have  been  informed,  became 
; an  honored  citizen  of  Virginia,  though  at  that  time,  I must 
! say,  I never  would  have  believed  such  a thing  possible.  One 
of  our  soldiers  seeing  the  cork  leg  and  springs  knocked  to  pieces 
] waggishly  said,  “General,  you  are  a fraud;  I thought  that  was 
a good  leg  when  I shot  it.” 

As  the  dust  and  smoke  cleared  away  the  firing  seemed  to 
lull,  but  there  was  no  entire  cessation  of  firing  that  evening. 
Indeed,  it  was  continued  for  months  by  the  sharpshooters. 

After  dark  tools  were  brought  with  which  we  reconstructed 
the  wrecked  fort.  In  doing  this  we  buried  the  dead  down  in 
the  fort,  covering  them  with  earth.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  was 
entirely  too  severe  to  carry  them  out.  We  were  therefore  forced 
to  stand  on  them  and  defend  our  positions  while  we  remained 
in  the  fort,  which  was  until  the  following  Monday  night. 

As  we  went  over  the  embankment  into  the  fort,  one  of 
my  sergeants,  Andrew  McWilliams,  a brave  fellow,  was  shot 
in  the  mouth,  the  ball  did  not  cut  his  lips.  It  came  out  of  the 
top  of  his  head.  He  was  evidently  yelling  with  his  mouth  wide 
open.  He  fell  on  top  of  the  embankment  with  his  head  hanging 
in  the  fort.  We  pulled  him  down  in  the  fort,  and  that  night 
carried  him  out  and  buried  him. 


1G2 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


During*  the  night  we  strengthened  the  wrecked  fort  and  in 
doing  so  unearthed  numbers  of  Confederate  soldiers  who  were 
killed  and  buried  by  the  explosion.  I remember  in  one  place 
there  were  eight  fellows  lying  side  by  side  with  their  coats 
under  their  heads.  They  seemed  never  to  have  moved  after  the 
explcsion. 

The  Confederate  Line  Restored  — Sharpshooting  July  31 

The  recapture  of  the  fort  restored  our  lines  in  status  quo. 

That  night  we  slept  in  the  fort,  over  those  who  slept  “the 
sleep  that  knows  no  waking.”  The  morning  came  as  clear 
and  the  day  was  hot  and  dry  as  was  the  preceding  one.  The 
sharpshooters  were  exceedingly  alert,  firing  every  moment,  each 
side  momentarily  expecting  active  hostilities  to  be  renewed. 
While  the  wounded  in  the  fort  and  our  trenches  had  been  re- 
moved during  the  night  and  we  were  being  cared  for,  the 
ground  between  the  main  lines  of  the  two  armies  was  literally 
covered  by  wounded  and  dead  Federals,  who  fell  in  advancing 
and  retreating.  We  could  hear  them  crying  for  relief,  but  the 
firing  was  so  severe  that  none  dared  to  go  to  them  either  by 
day  or  night. 

A Flag  of  Truce 

About  noon  or  a little  later,  there  went  up  a flag  of  truce 
immediately  in  our  front.  The  flag  was  a white  piece  of  cloth 
about  a yard  square  on  a new  staff.  General  Sanders  ordered 
the  sharpshooters  to  cease  firing.  Then  a Yankee  soldier  with 
a clean,  white  shirt  and  blue  pants  jumped  on  top  of  their 
works  holding  the  flag  and  was  promptly  followed  by  two  ele- 
gantly uniformed  officers.  General  Sanders  asked  those  of 
us  near  him  if  we  had  a white  handkerchief.  All  responded, 
“No.”  A private  soldier  nearby  said  to  the  men  around  him, 
“Boys,  some  of  you  take  off  your  shirt  and  hand  it  to  the  gen- 
eral,” to  which  another  replies:  “Never  do  that;  they  will  think 
we  have  hoisted  the  black  flag.” 

The  general  finally  got  a handkerchief,  which,  though  not 
altogether  suitable  for  a drawing  room,  he  and  Captain  George 
Clark,  assistant  adjutant  general,  tied  to  the  ramrod  of  a mus- 


1 0 


1G3 


ket,  and  Captain  Clark,  with  one  man  carrying  the  improvised 
flag,  went  forward  to  meet  the  Yankee  flag.  (I  have  frequently 
thought  that  the  “get  up”  of  these  flags  of  truce  illustrated 
the  condition  of  the  armies.)  They  met  halfway  — about  40 
yards  from  each  line.  After  a few  minutes  interview  they 
handed  Captain  Clark  a paper.  They  then  withdrew  to  their 
respective  sides.  In  handing  the  communication  to  General 
Sanders,  Captain  Clark  said : “They  are  asking  for  a truce  to 

bury  their  dead  and  remove  their  wounded.” 

The  communication  was  forwarded  to  the  proper  authori- 
ties and  proved  to  be  from  General  Burnside,  who  commanded 
the  Federal  troops  in  front,  but  not  being  in  accordance  with 
usages  and  civilities  of  war,  it  was  promptly  returned,  with  in- 
formation that  whenever  a like  request  came  from  the  general 
commanding  the  army  of  the  Potomac  to  the  general  command- 
ing the  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  it  would  be  entertained. 
Within  a few  hours  the  Federals  sent  another  flag  of  truce, 
conveying  a communication,  which  was  properly  signed  and  ad- 
dressed, and  the  terms  of  the  truce  were  agreed  on.  These 
terms  were  that  they  could  remove  their  wounded  and  could 
bury  their  dead  in  a ditch  or  grave  to  be  dug  just  half  way  be- 
tween the  two  lines.  They  brought  in  their  detail,  including 
many  negroes,  and  the  work  was  commenced  and  was  continued 
for  about  four  hours.  In  that  ditch,  about  one  hundred  feet 
in  length,  were  buried  seven  hundred  white  and  negro  soldiers. 
The  dead  were  thrown  in  indiscriminately,  three  bodies  deep. 

The  Dragon's  Teeth 

As  soon  as  the  work  was  commenced  I witnessed  one  of 
the  grandest  sights  I ever  saw.  Where  not  a man  could  be 
seen  a few  minutes  before,  the  two  armies  rose  up  out  of  the 
ground,  and  the  face  of  the  earth  seemed  to  be  peopled  with 
men.  It  seemed  an  illustration  of  Cadmus  sowing  the  dragon’s 
teeth.  Both  sides  came  over  their  works,  and  meeting  in  the 
center,  mingled,  chatted  and  exchanged  courtesies,  as  though 
they  had  not  sought  in  desperate  effort  to  take  each  other’s  lives 
but  an  hour  before. 

A Chat  With  General  Potter,  But  Not  With  General  Ferrero 

During  the  truce  I met  (Brigadier)  General  R(obert)  B. 
Potter,  who  commanded,  as  he  informed  me,  a Michigan  divi- 


184  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL,  QUARTERLY 

sion  in  Burnside’s  corps.  He  was  exceedingly  polite  and  affable, 
and  extended  to  me  his  canteen  with  an  invitation  to  sample 
the  contents,  which  1 did,  and  found  it  nothing  objectionable. 
He  then  handed  me  a good  cigar,  and  for  a time  we  smoked  “the 
pipe  of  peace.”  In  reply  to  a question  from  me  as  to  their  loss 
in  the  battle  on  Saturday,  he  replied  that  they  had  lost  five 
thousand  men.  While  we  were  talking  a remarkably  handsome 
Yankee  general  in  the  crowd  came  near  m.  1 asked  General 
Potter  who  he  was  and  was  informed  that  he  was  (Brigadier) 
General  (Edward)  Ferrero,  who  commanded  the  negro  troops, 
I said:  “I  have  some  of  his  papers,  which  I captured  in  the 

fort,”  and  showed  them  to  General  Potter.  He  then  said:  “Let 
me  call  him  up  and  introduce  him,  and  we  will  show  him  the 
papers  and  guy  him.”  I replied,  however,  that  we  down  South 
were  not  in  the  habit  of  recognizing  as  our  -social  equals  those 
wTio  associated  with  negroes. 

He  then  asked  me  to  give  him  some  of  Ferrero’s  papers. 
He  wanted  them  for  a purpose.  I did  so.  The  others  I kept, 
and  they  are  now  lying  before  me  as  I write. 

He  also  a-sked  me  to  point  out  to  him  some  of  our  generals, 
several  of  whom  were  then  standing  on  the  embankment  of  the 
wrecked  fort.  (I  noticed  that  none  of  our  generals  except 
Sanders,  who  had  charge  of  affairs,  came  over  and  mingled  with 
the  crowd.)  I pointed  out  to  him  General  Harris,  of  Mississippi ; 
A.  P.  Hill,  and  finally  pointed  out  General  Mahone,  who  was 
dressed  in  a suit  made  out  of  tent  cloth,  with  a roundabout 
jacket.  Be  it  remembered  that  General  Mahone  was  quite 
small,  and  did  not  weigh  much,  if  any  over  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  pounds.  Potter  laughlingly  said : “Not  much  man, 
but  a big  general.” 

When  the  dead  were  buried  each  side  returned  to  their 
entrenchments,  and  soon  the  sharpshooters  were  firing  at  each 
other  when  and  wherever  seen.  Truly,  “War  is  hell.” 

Papers  and  Letters 

I am  not  writing  this  alone  from  memory,  but,  in  addition 
thereto,  from  letters,  contemporaneously  written  to  my  wife, 
whom  I had  but  a short  time  before  married,  which  letters, 


165 


as  well  as  extracts  from  Richmond  papers  of  that  date,  as  con- 
temporary records,  will  probably  prove  of  sufficient  interest 
to  publish  in  these  columns. 

Sanders’  Alabama  brigade  continued  to  occupy  the  “Crater,” 
which  they  had  captured  on  Saturday  about  2 o’clock,  until 
Monday  night,  August  1,  when  under  cover  of  darkness  we  were 
relieved  by  another  brigade,  as  was  also  the  gallant  Virginia 
brigade,  which  had,  by  a superb  charge,  captured  the  entrench- 
ments on  the  left  of  the  “Crater.” 

Captain  Featherston’s  Letters  Written  in  the  Trenches 
In  the  Trenches,  Near  Petersburg,  August  1,  1864. 

My  Dear  Wife  — We  fought  a desperate  fight  day  be- 
fore yesterday  (Saturday).  I,  through  the  mercy  and  * 
protection  of  an  all-powerful  God,  escaped  with,  I 
may  say,  no  injury. 

Wright’s  and  Mahone’s  brigades  charged  and  captured 
the  works  and  failed  to  capture  the  fort.  We  were 
then  ordered  to  charge  the  works  through  an  open  field, 
and  the  charge  was  the  most  successful  one  we  ever 
made.  The  men  clambered  over  the  works  as  though 
there  were  no  enemy  there.  The  slaughter  was  terrible. 

Our  brigade  (Sanders)  is  highly  complimented  in  the 
morning  papers,  both  in  Petersburg  and  Richmond. 

I will  write  you  all  the  particulars  as  I have  time. 

General  Grant  mined  our  works  and  blew  a fort  up, 
and  in  the  confusion  captured  it,  but  it  was  a dead  busi- 
ness for  him. 

Our  entire  loss,  800  men;  their  loss  (5,000)  five  thou- 
sand. I have  never  seen  such  slaughter  since  the  war 
commenced. 

I will  write  more. 


Your  affectionate  husband 
J.  C.  Feathers  ton 


186 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Camp  Ninth  Alabama  Regiment,  Near  Petersburg, 
August  2,  1864, 

My  dear  wife: 

I wrote  you  a note  yesterday  while  in  our  recaptured 
fortifications,  informing  you  that  I was  not  killed  in 
our  desperate  fight  on  Saturday,  the  30th  ultimo,  but 
gave  you  very  little  news  otherwise.  You  must  excuse 
its  brevity,  for,  considering  the  circumstances,  I think 
I did  well  to  write  at  all. 

The  enemy's  line  was  only  about  seventy-five  yards 
from  ours,  and  we  were  shooting  at  each  other  at  every 
opportunity,  and  the  sand  was  flying  over  everything, 
and  the  general  noise  and  confusion  incident  on  such 
occasions  all  tended  to  keep  me  from  writing  more. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th,  about  an  hour  before  day, 
we  received  orders  to  leave  our  camp  and  move  up  to 
our  place  in  the  breastworks  (which  was  about  one  hun- 
dred yards  distant),  and  to  be  prepared  for  an  attack. 
Nothing  unusual  occurred.  The  skirmishing  was  about 
as  usual,  and  so  was  the  cannonading,  until  just  about 
5 o'clock  a.m.,  the  earth  seemed  to  tremble,  and  the 
next  instant  there  was  a report  that  seemed  to  deafen 
all  nature.  Everything  for  a while  remained  quiet, 
as  if  in  wonder  and  astonishment  at  such  an  explosion ; 
But  'twas  only  for  a moment;  then  the  artillery  from 
each  side  would  have  drowned  the  report  of  the  loudest 
thunderbolt.  Then  could  be  seen  horsemen  dashing  to 
and  fro,  bearing  dispatches  and  orders.  Every  man 
was  at  his  post  and  ready  for  anything. 

Soon  after  we  received  information  that  Grant  had 
sprung  a mine  under  one  of  our  forts,  and  a portion 
of  our  breastworks,  down  on  the  lines,  about  a mile 
to  our  left,  and  opposite  the  city,  which  was  held  by 
some  South  Carolinians,  Georgians  and  Virginians. 
This  scene  considerably  demoralized  the  troops  nearest 
the  fort  and  caused  them  to  give  way,  and  before  the 
smoke  from  the  explosion  had  cleared  away,  the  enemy, 


19  7 7 


1G7 


having  their  infantry  massed,  hurled  brigade  after  bri- 
gade through  the  breach  thus  effected,  until  the  entire 
place  was  alive  with  them. 

Three  brigades  (Wright’s  Georgia,  Mahone’s  Virginia 
and  Sander’s  Alabama  (Wilcox’s  old)),  of  our  (Ma- 
hone’s) Division)  were  ordered  to  move  down  quickly 
and  retake  the  works  at  all  hazards.  We  moved  down 
and  took  our  position  in  a little  ravine  in  front  of  the 
works  held  by  the  enemy.  The  artillery  from  both 
sides  was  being  used  most  vigorously.  Soon  Mahone’s 
brigade  and  Wright’s  were  ordered  to  charge  the  breast- 
works on  the  left  of  the  fort.  These  two  brigades 
charged  in  gallant  style,  and  after  a severe  fight  suc- 
ceeded in  retaking  the  breastworks  on  the  left  of  the 
fort.  As  soon  as  they  were  safely  lodged  in  the  works 
the  prisoners  commenced  coming  back,  and  to  our  very 
astonishment  a large  number  of  negroes,  as  black  as 
the  ace  of  spades,  with  cartridge  boxes  on  and  in  every 
sense  of  the  word  equipped  as  soldiers. 

After  the  works  on  the  left  of  the  fort  were  recaptured, 
we,  Wilcox’s  old  brigade,  were  then  ordered  to  storm 
the  fort.  Everything  was  fully  explained  to  the  offi- 
cers and  men.  Desperate  as  it  seemed,  when  the  com- 
mand “Forward!”  was  given  all  moved  up  the  hill  as 
though  we  were  on  drill.  As  soon  as  we  arose  the  hill 
we  saw  the  fort,  about  two  hundred  yards  distant. 
The  ground  was  perfectly  level. 

The  fort  was  literally  covered  with  Yankees  and  bris- 
tled with  bayonets  as  the  quills  of  the  “fretful  porcur 
pine.”  As  soon  as  we  became  visible  the  infantry  and 
the  artillery  opened  up  a most  destructive  fire,  then 
the  command,  “Charge”  rang  out  along  the  line,  and 
on  we  went  like  a terrible  avalanche  and  as  fast  as  pos- 
sible, no  man  being  permitted  to  fire  until  he  reached 
the  fort.  In  the  fort  the  enemy  were  crowded,  but  un- 
daunted by  numbers,  our  boys  commenced  scaling  the 
sides  of  the  fort.  The  enemy  kept  up  such  a fire  that 
it  seemed  like  a second  Vesuvius  belching  forth  its  fire. 
Then  came  the  “tug  of  war.”  The  enemy  had  shouted 


168 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


“No  quarters.”  We  then  gave  them  what  they  justly 
deserved.  There  we  were  on  one  side  of  the  walls  of 
the  fort  and  the  Yankees  on  the  other.  The  fight  was 
thus  the  bloodiest  of  the  war,  considering  the  numbers 
engaged.  The  fight  lasted  in  this  manner  for  nearly 
half  an  hour,  wrhen  they  called  for  quarters,  and  we, 
being  sickened  by  the  slaughter  as  well  as  awfully  tired 
of  the  fight,  granted  them  quarters.  All  that  we  had 
not  killed  surrendered,  and  i must  say  we  took  some 
of  the  negroes  prisoners.  But  we  will  not  be  held  cul- 
pable for  this  when  it  is  considered  the  numbers  we 
had  already  slain,  also  the  number  of  good  men  we  were 
losing  by  the  enemy’s  dreadful  artillery  fire.  The 
shells  were  bursting  in  our  midst  all  the  time  killing 
men  on  both  sides. 

As  soon  as  they  surrendered  we  hoisted  our  flag 
from  the  ramparts  and  took  ten  of  their  stands  of 
colors  down  and  sent  them  to  the  rear  in  triumph. 
Then  a shout  rang  out  along  our  lines  from  one  end 
to  the  other.  It  is  said  that  General  Lee,  who  was 
looking  on  when  he  saw  we  were  successful,  pulled  off 
his  hat  and  waved  it,  and  said:  “Well  done.”  I heard 

(Brigadier)  General  (William  N.)  Pendleton  of  the 
artillery  say  it  was  “one  of  the  most  brilliant  successes 
of  the  campaign,  for  the  enemy  expected  great  results 
from  it,  and  had  been  caught  in  their  own  trap.” 

Our  loss  is  about  1,000  in  all.  That  of  the  enemy 
about  4,000  or  5,000.  One  thousand  being  killed  dead, 
about  1,200  or  1,500  taken  prisoners,  and  the  remainder 
wounded.  We  captured  ten  stands  of  colors,  and  a large 
number  of  small  arms. 

The  fighting  was  kept  up  until  near  night  from  the 
breastworks,  which  was  only  distant  about  seventy- 
five  yards,  and  the  wounded  (enemy’s)  had  to  lie  out 
between  the  two  lines  all  night.  About  2 o’clock  the 
next  day  (Sunday)  they  sent  over  a flag  of  truce,  and 
one  of  our  officers,  Captain  Clark,  A.  A.  Gen.,  met  the 
flag  half  way  and  demanded  the  nature  of  it.  He  was 
told  that  the  Federal  general  wished  to  communicate 


19  7 7 


169 


with  General  Lee,  which  was  granted,  and  the  corre- 
spondence was  kept  until  Sunday  night.  The  wounded 
had  to  lie  out  another  night  and  day,  but  on  Monday 
the  flag  of  truce  again  appeared  and  the  terms  agreed 
on.  Then  and  there  was  one  of  the  grandest  sights 
I ever  saw.  Both  armies,  within  seventy-five  yards 
of  each  other,  though  invisible  now  arose  up  out  of  the 
ground  as  if  by  magic,  and  it  seemed  that  the  world 
was  filled  with  people  in  a moment.  A center  line  was 
established,  and  our  men  would  carry  their  dead  and 
wounded  to  the  line  and  their  men  would  bury  their 
dead  and  both  armies  met  between  the  lines  and  were  in 
conversation  with  each  other  all  the  time  (four  hours). 
They  acknowledged  we  had  whipped  them  badly  and 
caught  them  in  their  own  trap. 

We  are  all  confident  of  our  ability  to  whip  them  any 
way  they  may  come. 

Since  we  whipped  them  so  badly,  they  have  become  as 
quiet  as  possible,  more  so  than  usual. 

Our  brigade  is  sent  here  where  we  will  have  little  to 
do  and  can  rest,  and  let  the  others  handle  the  Yankees 
for  awhile. 

My  health  is  good.  I got  a terrible  fall  in  the  fight  the 
other  day,  and  I think  it  occurred  from  the  explosion 
of  a shell  near  me.  I have  nearly  recovered  from  it 
now. 


Your  affectionate  husband, 
J.  C.  Featherston 

P.  S.  Here  is  the  congratulatory  order  sent  by  Gen- 
eral A.  P.  Hill  a few  days  after  the  battle: 
Headquarters  Third  Army  Corps,  August  4,  1864. 
General  Order  No.  17: 

Anderson’s  Division,  commanded  by  Brigadier  General 
Mahone,  so  distinguished  itself  by  its  successes  during 
the  present  campaign  as  to  merit  the  special  mention 


170 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


of  the  corps  commander,  and  he  tenders  to  the  division, 
its  officers  and  men,  his  thanks  for  the  gallantry  dis- 
played by  them  whether  attacking  or  attacked.  Thirty- 
one  stands  of  colors,  fifteen  pieces  of  artillery  and 
4,000  prisoners  are  the  proud  mementoes  which  sig- 
nalize its  valor  and  entitle  it  to  the  admiration  and 
gratitude  of  our  country. 


A.  P.  Hill 

The  greatest  failure  of  General  Grant  in  all  his  military 
career  was  undoubtedly  the  disastrous  repulse  of  his  assault  on 
Lee  at  the  Crater.  General  E.  P.  Alexander,  though  at  the  time 
absent  on  wounded  furlough  had  been  in  charge  of  the  Con- 
federate artillery  defenses  at  that  point,  and  with  a thorough 
knowledge  of  the  situation,  he  has  in  his  Memoirs  given  an 
exceedingly  clear  and  comprehensive  account  of  the  assault 
and  the  reason  of  its  non-success.  The  life-like  pictures  by 
Captains  Fagan,  Featherston  and  Young  of  the  recapture  of 
the  crater  proper  by  the  Alabama  brigade  should  be  studied  in 
connection  with  the  general  situation  pictured  by  Alexander. 
It  is  certain  that  Lee  was  surprised.  He  did  believe  that  the 
enemy  were  undermining  and  for  weeks  had  been  countermining 
at  various  points,  and  though  his  engineers  had  been  cautioned 
to  guard  Elliot’s  salient  where  the  explosion  occurred,  they 
had  been  unsuccessful.  The  Alabama  brigade  had  indeed  been 
kept  under  arms  for  hours  just  before  the  explosion,  as  told 
by  Captain  Featherston,  but  the  brigade  was  far  away  from 
the  actual  site  of  this  mine.  It  was  under  arms  to  go  wherever 
it  might  be  needed.  Lee  knew  a blow  was  impending.  Grant, 
by  massing  heavy  forces  near  Deep  Bottom  north  of  the  James, 
•and  seriously  threatening  Richmond,  had  with  fine  strategy 
induced  the  Confederate  leader  to  reinforce  that  point  until  at 
the  time  of  the  explosion,  Lee  had  left  for  the  ten  miles  of  his 
Petersburg  lines  only  18,000  men,  1,800  to  a mile;  which,  ex- 
cluding officers,  would  not  leave  him  quite  a man  to  each  yard 
of  his  defenses;  whereas  Grant  had  quietly  brought  back  his 
Deep  Bottom  reinforcements  and  now  had  60,000  men  massed 
near  the  mine  when  it  exploded.  “Heavy  guns  and  mortars, 
81  in  all,  and  about  the  same  number  of  field  guns”  had  been 
placed  in  position  so  as  to  concentrate  their  fire;  sand-bags, 
gabions,  fascines,  etc.,  had  been  prepared  and  even  pontoon 


19  7 7 


171 


trains  had  been  made  ready  to  lay  bridges  over  which  to  pursue 
Lee’s  army  when,  after  being  driven  from  its  entrenchments, 
it  should  be  flying  over  the  Appomattox  River. 

The  mine  was  fired  successfully  while  the  Confederates 
were  asleep,  and  yet  the  assailants  were  repulsed  with  a loss 
of  nearly  5,000.  Truly  does  General  Alexander  say  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  account  for  this  result.  The  reasons  he  gives  are,  first, 
there  were  too  many  of  the  assailants  — they  were  in  each 
other’s  way.  Secondly,  the  wonderful  coolness  and  courage  of 
the  Confederates,  parts  of  which  was  blown  up,  was  not  de- 
moralized. Thirdly,  on  the  right  of  the  crater  was  one  Con- 
federate gun  protected  by  an  embrazure,  and  on  the  left  .500 
yards  off  in  a depression  behind  our  lines  were  four  guns  that 
bore  upon  the  assailants,  besides  some  half  a dozen  Coehorn 
mortars  in  different  ravines,  and  sixteen  guns  in  the  sunken 
Jerusalem  plank  road  600  yards  to  the  rear. 

But  the  Confederates  appear  to  have  had  no  reserve  in- 
fantry at  hand.  They  collected  as  soon  as  possible  a small  force 
in  a trench  250  yards  in  the  rear  and  with  these  and  with  the 
men  in  the  trenches,  right  and  left,  resisted  such  feeble  at- 
tempts as  were  made  to  advance  from  the  crater,  until  four 
small  regiments  were  brought  in  from  the  left.  And  thus  the 
Federals  were  kept  in  the  crater  and  such  trenches  as  they  had 
been  able  to  capture  for  over  five  hours  until  Mahone  arrived  at 
10  to  begin  the  effort  to  recapture  the  ground.  The  Virginians 
promptly  drove  them  from  a portion  of  the  trenches.  The  Ala- 
bamians came  and  at  one  o’clock  completed  the  work. 

The  assault  failed  because  it  was  not  made  as  General  Grant 
could  have  made  it  with  the  means  he  had  at  hand.  The  fault 
was  in  the  plan  of  attack.  It  should  have  been  considered  be- 
forehand that  it  would  be  extremely  difficult  to  march  a storm- 
ing party  across  such  an  obstacle  as  would  be  a crater  formed  by 
the  expected  explosion  — the  best  disciplined  troops  would 
be  thrown  into  utter  confusion  in  crossing  and  must  reform 
beyond;  that  one  line  should  cross  before  becoming  confused 
with  another,  and  that  only  under  the  most  competent  leader- 
ship would  even  brave  men  willingly  step  out  of  and  beyond 
the  shelter  of  the  crater.  It  was  therefore  essential  that  the 
most  thoroughly  tested  troops  and  the  very  best  officers  should 


172 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


be  selected.  Think  of  Napoleon  or  General  Lee  selecting  by 
lot  the  men  and  the  leader  to  make  an  assault  that  might  decide 
the  campaign,  yet  that  was  the  outcome  of  preparations  that 
Grant  had  been  making  for  a month  and  three  days;  among 
them  they  selected  by  lot  (Brigadier  General  James  H.)  Ledlie’s 
division  to  lead.  As  it  was  Ledlie  himself  and  Ferrero,  lead- 
ing the  colored  division,  soon  took  to  bomb-proofs.  Of  course 
there  were  many  brave  men  and  gallant  officers,  like  General 
Bartlett  ,in  the  charge.  Ledlie’s  division,  as  far  as  the  men 
and  their  immediate  officers  were  concerned,  may  have  been 
as  good  as  any.  The  fault  was  in  the  leadership,  and  especi- 
ally in  the  plan.  However  gallant  the  troops,  they  were  helpless 
when  the  commingled  masses  in  the  crater  became,  as  they 
certainly  would  be,  when  jumbled  together,  a mob  instead  of  an 
integral  part  of  a great  army. 

The  assault,  from  which  so  much  was  expected,  was  really 
a failure  from,  the  moment  when  in  the  early  morning  the 
assailants  stopped  in  the  crater  huddled  into  a confused  mass. 
Nor  could  it  be  expected  that  these  troops  could  hold  the  posi- 
tion. The  crater  was  not  a fort;  it  had  no  guns  mounted,  no 
ditches  in  front,  no  ledges  for  men  to  stand  on,  and  it  could 
be  and  was  approached  by  the  confederates  coming  from  right 
and  left  under  the  protection  of  their  breastworks. 

It  is  not  strange  that  a military  court  should  afterwards 
censure  Generals  Burnside,  Ledlie,  Ferrero  and  (Brigadier 
General  Orlando  B.)  Willcox,  and  Colonel  (Zenas  R.)  Bliss, 
acting  Brigadier,  while  the  Confederate  authorities  compli- 
mented all  their  forces  that  were  in  this  engagement. 


19  7 7 


173 


CHAPTER  XVI 

From  August  1864  to  March  1865 

The  following  contemporaneous  account  is  given  in  a letter 
written  by  Captain  Fagan  to  his  sister,  of  two  battles  one  being 
the  Battle  of  Poplar  Springs  Church,  August  21,  1864. 

Petersburg,  Aug.  22,  1864 

Dear  Sister — 

For  the  past  week  we  have  had  stirring  times  and 
this  morning  is  our  first  day  of  rest.  The  weather  has 
been  miserable,  raining.  The  roads  are  almost  impas- 
sable. We  returned  last  night  from  another  bloody 
engagement. 

On  last  Thursday  Genl.  Mahone  with  (Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Thomas  L.)  Clingman’s,  (Brigadier  General  Al- 
fred H.)  Colquitt’s  and  his  Brigade,  cooperating  with 
(Major  General  Henry)  Heth,  commanding  (Brigadier 
General  Joseph  R.)  Davis,  (Brigadier  General  William 
H.)  Walker’s  and  (Brigadier  General  James  J.) 
Archer’s  Brigades  of  his  Division,  attempted  to  dis- 
lodge the  enemy  from  his  position  on  the  Weldon 
R.R.  The  point  held  by  the  enemy  is  a dense  wood, 
with  gallberry  swamps.  A heavy  rain  fell  during  the 
entire  day  of  the  engagement.  By  a flank  movement 
Gen.  Mahone  succeeded  in  capturing  600  of  the  Yanks 
and  Gen.  Heth  1600,  making  2000  men,  and  96  officers, 
among  whom  was  Bgd.  Gen.  Hays,  and  severals  Cols, 
and  Brigadiers.  Our  loss  was  very  light.  Not  having 
enough  troops  we  were  unable  to  follow  up  our  success, 
and  night  came  in  ending  a brilliant  affair  on  our  part. 

During  this  engagement  Wilcox’s,  Harris’  and  Wright’s 
Brigades  of  this  Division  were  on  the  James  River, 
repelling  the  attempts  of  the  enemy  to  effect  a lodg- 
ment there.  On  the  night  of  the  20th  these  Brigades 
returned  to  this  point,  worn  down  with  marching  and 
fighting,  having  been  exposed  to  drenching  rains  for 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

several  days  and  nights.  In  the  meantime  the  enemy 
still  held  possession  of  the  Railroad. 

Yesterday  was  Sunday,  and  to  us  a bloody  day.  At 
1 o’clock  in  the  morning  Wilcox’s,  Harris’,  Finegan’s, 
Perrins’  and  Wright’s  Brigades  of  this  Division  worn 
out  and  drenched  with  rain  started  on  a flank  move- 
ment around  the  enemy  on  the  railroad.  (Brigadier 
General  Johnson)  Hagood’s  S.  C.  and  (Brigadier  Gen- 
eral Alfred  M.)  Scales’  N.  C.  with  a part  of  (Brigadier 
General  Edward  L.)  Thomas’  Ga.  Brigades  accom- 
panied the  expedition,  all  under  the  command  of  Maj. 
Genl.  Mahone.  About  12  m.  this  force  was  in  position 
near  the  Poplar  Spring  Church,  on  the  Vaughan  Road, 
wfr’ch  makes  with  the  R.  Road  an  obtuse  angle.  The 
command  advanced  in  fine  order,  driving  the  enemy’s 
pickets,  capturing  about  50  of  them.  The  enemy’s 
picket  line  was  about  a half  mile  in  front  of  their  for- 
tified position.  The  command  advanced  through  an 
open  field  and  when  within  about  500  yards  of  the 
enemy’s  works  he  opened  on  our  command  with  grape 
and  cannister.  The  command  pressed  forward,  and 
reached  the  enemy’s  works.  The  fire  poured  on  our 
ranks  was  the  most  severe  of  the  war.  The  enemy 
were  in  three  lines,  strongly  fortified,  with  scores  of 
guns  in  position.  Finnegan’s  and  Hagood’s  Brigades 
in  front,  broke  in  confusion,  which  created  a panic 
among  the  supporting  lines.  Soon  the  entire  line  gave 
way,  and  the  enemy  executing  a fine  flank  movement 
succeeded  in  capturing  nearly  all  of  Finegan’s  and 
Hagood’s  Brigades.  Every  effort  was  made  to  rally 
the  men,  Brg.  Genl.  J.  C.  C.  Saunders,  comd.  Wilcox’ 
Brigade  was  killed;  also  Capt.  Shaun,  A.  A.  Genl.  of 
F:nnegan’s  Brigade.  The  troops  after  falling  back 
beyond  range  rallied,  but  their  loss  was  so  severe  that 
the  attack  was  not  renewed.  Our  loss  was  between 
12  and  1800  men.  We  accomplished  nothing.  Gen- 
eral Heth  attacked  the  enemy  on  the  left,  capturing 
about  400  prisoners.  Such  “brilliant”  movements  as 
these  will  so  deplete  our  army  that  Grant  will  soon 
take  Richmond. 


19  7 7 


175 


Sanders,  then  a student  at  the  University  of  Alabama,  left 
it  when  the  war  began,  to  come  into  the  army  as  a Captain 
of  the  11th  Alabama.  He  had  risen  to  the  command  of  his 
regiment  at  Spotsylvania  after  Perrin  had  fallen  and  led  the 
Brigade  in  the  charge  for  the  recapture  of  the  salient.  For 
his  gallantry  he  was  made  Brigadier  General  May  31,  1864, 
succeeding  General  Perrin.  Sanders  was  a born  soldier,  straight 
as  an  arrow,  and  was  especially  attractive  in  person  and  man- 
ner. He  was  said  by  the  Federal  soldiers  who  saw  him  during 
the  truce  after  the  Crater  to  be  the  handsomest  and  best  dressed 
man  they  saw.  Intellect  sparkled  in  his  clear  blue  eyes,  and 
he  was  as  modest  and  unassuming  in  private  intercourse  as 
he  was  chivalrous  and  daring  in  battle.  His  loss  to  the  .army 
and  to  the  State  of  Alabama  was  irreparable.  Our  loss  in  the 
battle  above  described  by  Captain  Fagan  was  11,  killed,  wounded 
and  missing. 

At  the  battle  of  Reams'  Station  on  August  25th,  the  8th 
was  in  reserve  and  lost  nothing. 

From  this  point  the  regiment  returned  to  Petersburg,  and 
our  Brigade,  relieving  Finegan’s,  was  stationed  near  Battery 
No.  27,  where  it  remained  until  October  27,  when  at  the  battle 
of  Burgess  Mills  it  was  only  slightly  engaged  and  lost  7 men, 
wounded.  After  this  fight  it  returned  to  its  old  position  near 
Battery  No.  30,  where  it  stayed  until  November  7,  when  it 
was  removed  to  the  right  of  our  lines  in  front  of  Petersburg, 
and  there  built  huts  for  the  winter. 

Hilary  A.  Herbert,  still  at  home  and  suffering  from  the 
wound  received  at  the  Wilderness,  was  promoted  to  be  Colonel 
of  the  Regiment  November  2,  1864,  and  shortly  thereafter  was 
retired  for  disability,  incident  to  the  service.  Major  John  P. 
Emrich,  who  at  the  Wilderness  was  absent  on  account  of  sick- 
ness, shortly  afterwards  returned  to  the  regiment  and  was  in 
command  of  it  as  Major  until  November  2,  1864,  when  he  was 
promoted  to  be  Lieutenant-Colonel.  On  the  same  day  Captain 
Duke  Nall,  of  Co.  K.,  was  promoted  to  be  Major.  Captain  Nall 
at  the  Wilderness  was  shot  through  the  lungs,  but  it  was  sup- 
posed he  had  entirely  recovered  and  as  he  returned  to  the 
regiment,  where  he  did  gallant  service  until  after  his  promo- 
tion ; during  the  winter  of  1863-64  he  was  attacked  by  pneu- 


176 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


monia.  Inflammation  set  up  in  his  old  wound,  and  his  death 
resulted.  The  regiment  never  had  two  braver  or  more  faithful 
officers  than  Colonel  Emrich  and  Major  Nall. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Emrich  remained  in  command  up  to 
Appomattox,  where  he  was  parolled.  By  the  promotion  of 
Captain  Nall  of  Co.  K,  to  be  Major,  Lieutenant  William  L. 
Fagan  (whose  diary  is  so  often  quoted  in  these  records  as 
“Captain”  Fagan’s)  ceased  to  be  lieutenant  and  became  Captain 
of  Co.  K,  and  he  too  was  at  Appomattox,  as  will  hereafter 
appear. 

On  December  6th  Mahone’s  Division,  including  the  8th  Ala- 
bama marched  on  an  expedition  the  purpose  of  which  was  to 
intercept  a large  body  of  the  enemy  under  (Brigadier)  General 
(Gouverneur  Kemble)  Warren  which  was  raiding  to  destroy 
the  railroad.  It  reached  Barbour’s  Mill  December  8,  and  went 
through  Dinwiddie  C.  H.  On  the  9th  it  left  camp  at  dawn.  On 
Saturday  it  again  left  camp  at  dawn,  moving  parallel  with  the 
railroad  and  skirmishing  with  the  enemy.  It  returned  to  camp 
on  December  12,  having  marched  that  day  20  miles.  This  march 
was  through  rain  and  sleet  and  snow,  was  altogether  one  of 
the  most  distressing  and  fatiguing  marches  made  by  our  men. 

It  was  while  the  regiment  was  before  Petersburg  that  the 
Historical  Memoranda  from  which  many  of  the  facts  above 
narrated  are  gleamed,  were  made  out  and  signed  by  Lieutenant 
Colonel  John  P.  Enrich,  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1865. 

Here  follows  the  consolidated  roll  of  the  regiment,  “Exclu- 
sive of  Field  and  Staff,”  dated  the  31st  day  of  December,  1864, 
(see  Appendix  A),  and  then  a recapitulation,  including  field 
and  staff,  made  out  and  signed  by  Colonel  Emrich  on  the  next 
day,  the  1st  of  January,  1865.  A study  of  these  casualties 
will  prove  instructive  and  it  is  highly  creditable  to  the  con- 
scripts, most  of  whom  no  doubt  were  native  Alabamians.  The 
conscripts  came  to  the  regiment  at  Bank’s  Ford,  sometime  prior 
to  the  battle  of  Salem  Church.  They  had  been  in  none  of  the 
bloody  battles  of  1862.  They  numbered  altogether  167.  On 
the  1st  day  of  January,  1865,  only  three  of  them  had  deserted — 
not  114  percent — a much  less  percentage  than  of  the  volunteers. 
They  had  lost  in  killed  and  died  of  wounds  seventeen;  while 
fifteen  of  their  number  had  died  of  disease. 


19  7 7 


177 


It  will  be  observed  that  up  to  the  time  of  Colonel  Emrich’s 
recapitulation  the  killed,  died  of  wounds  and  disease,  amount 
to  448,  which  is  more  than  31  percent  of  the  actual  number 
of  officers  and  men  mustered  into  the  regiment. 

Colonel  Emrich’s  report  it  is  proper  to  state,  that  most 
of  the  deserters  from  the  regiment  are  still  in  the  Confederate 
service : 

Recapitulation 

Total  commissioned  officers  102 

Total  originally  enlisted  men  879 

Total  recruits  received  440 


Aggregate  1,421 

Deduct  casualties  921 


Aggregate  remaining  500 

Killed  226 

Died  of  disease  - 151 

Died  of  wounds  71 

Resigned  24 

Discharged  145 

Transferred  98 

Missing  by  capture  or  otherwise  41 


Total  Casualties  921 

Aggregate  wounded  734 

Aggregate  disabled  85 

Captured  257 

Exchanged  124 

Died  24 

Oath  to  United  States  „ 26 


Total  174 


Not  returned 


83 


178 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


I hereby  certify  that  the  foregoing  record  of  names,  dates, 
facts  and  historical  memoranda,  is  correctly  given. 

John  P.  Emrich,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Commanding 
Station:  Near  Petersburg,  Virginia 
Dated:  January  1,  1865 

January  25,  1865 — Captain  Fagan’s  diary  records  that  the 
division  left  camp  and  marched,  up  the  Darbytown  road  by 
Burgess’s  Mill,  in  another  effort  to  intercept  raiders  who  were 
going  in  the  direction  of  Weldon,  N.  C.  This  march  was  con- 
tinued through  Dinwiddie  C.H.,  passing  by  “Smoky  Ordinary” 
and  to  within  five  miles  of  Belleville,  without  seeing  the  enemy ; 
and  the  division  only  got  back  to  camp  on  January  31th.  The 
roads  had  been  badly  cut  up  by  passing  wagon  trains  and  were 
now  frozen  hard.  The  weather  was  intensely  cold,  and  men 
and  officers  suffered  agonies  from  sore  feet.  Our  troops  did 
not  succeed  in  overtaking  the  raiders. 

Again  on  February  6,  the  regiment  made  another  forced 
march  and  it  arrived  at  Hatcher’s  Run,  after  (Major)  General 
(John  B.)  Gordon  had  been  repulsed  at  that  place,  in  time  to 
check  the  pursuing  enemy.  In  the  fight  here  Captain  (Robert 
W.)  Sanders  of  Co.  A.,  was  wounded  and  two  men  killed.  During 
the  remainder  of  this  month  the  regiment  was  most  of  the 
time  under  random  artillery  fire.  Rations  were  short  and  the 
weather  often  very  bad;  but  nothing  of  special  importance  to 
the  regiment  occurred  until  March  4,  from  which  time  on  I 
shall  be  able  later  to  present  to  my  readers  a graphic  descrip- 
tion of  the  last  days  of  the  regiment,  from  the  pen  of  Captain 
Fagan.  But  consider  here 

Conditions  At  Petersburg  in  Spring  of  1865 

The  situation  of  our  army  at  Petersburg  in  the  months  of 
January,  February  and  March,  1865,  was  truly  forlorn.  For 
months  and  months,  now  nearing  a year,  Lee’s  forces  had  held 
Grant’s  army  at  bay,  but  attrition  was  doing  its  work.  Grant’s 
losses  had  been  appalling,  but  he  was  from  time  to  time 
receiving  recruits.  Our  losses  had  been  heavy,  and  we  had  no 
means  of  making  them  good.  Horses  were  dying  from  starva- 


19  7 7 


179 


tion  and  men  suffering  from  want  of  clothing  and  shelter  and 
food.  Grant  might  undermine  and  explode,  we  had  no  powder 
to  spare  for  countermining.  Grant  was  continually  extending 
his  lines  to  our  right  and  sending  out  his  cavalry,  now  armed 
with  magazine  Spencer  rifles,  to  raid  our  communications, 
when  we  were  without  infantry  or  artillery  with  which  to 
extend  our  lines  except  by  weakening  them  elsewhere,  and  had 
not  cavalry  sufficient  either  in  number  or  equipment  to  meet 
the  enemy’s.  And  if  this  was  the  condition  where  we  were 
defending  the  Capital  of  the  Confederacy,  how  was  it  else- 
where? (General  Edmund)  Kirby  Smith  was  somewhere  in  the 
west  with  an  army,  but  he  was  in  no  condition  to  help  or  be 
helped.  The  Mississippi  rolled  between,  and  was  patrolled  by 
ironclads.  Atlanta  had  fallen,  Hood’s  army  had  been  almost 
destroyed  at  Franklin  and  Nashville.  Sherman  had  made  waste 
in  Georgia  and  destroyed  its  principal  railroads.  Charleston 
had  been  evacuated,  and  in  Captain  Fagan’s  diary  entries  were 
being  made  like  this:  “December  25,  1864.  Savannah  and 

Fort  Fisher  have  fallen.”  “February  14,  1865,  Sherman  re- 
ported to  have  cut  the  railroad  below  Branchville.” 

Long  before,  Captain  Fagan  had  recorded,  “July  10,  1864. 
The  Alabama  sunk  miles  off  Cherbourg  by  the  Kearsage.”  The 
wonderful  exploits  of  the  Alabama  and  her  sister  ships  in 
destroying  the  enemy’s  commerce  had  for  a time  greatly  an- 
noyed the  enemy,  but  that  was  all;  and  now  even  the  Alabama 
was  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea. 

It  was,  after  all,  the  United  States  navy  with  which  the 
newly  born  government  in  the  South  lacking  naval  resources, 
had  never  been  able  to  cope.  Like  the  serpent  of  classic 
fable  that  strangled  Laocoon,  after  it  had  first  wound  itself 
about  and  pinioned  fast  his  arms  and  legs,  so  the  United  States 
navy  had,  by  penetrating  our  rivers,  deprived  our  armies  of 
the  power  to  help  each  other  and  by  winding  its  deadly  folds 
around  our  sea  coast  was  fast  strangling  the  life  out  of  the 
Confederacy.  Until  Sherman  started  from  Chattanooga  no 
signal  success  had  anywhere  been  achieved  by  any  Federal 
army,  east  of  the  Mississippi,  that  had  not  been  directly  aided 
by  the  navy.  It  was  the  gun  boats  that  enabled  Grant  to  cap- 
ture Fort  Donelson  and  Nashville,  and  made  successful  the 


130 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


expedition  to  Huntsville,  Ala.,  in  1862.  It  was  the  navy  that 
captured  Memphis,  Island  No.  10,  New  Orleans,  Fort  Fisher 
and  Mobile,  compassed  the  downfall  of  Vicksburg,  cut  off  Con- 
federate communications  across  the  Mississippi,  and  burned  our 
depots  of  supplies  along  nearly  all  the  navigable  streams  in  the 
Confederacy.  It  was  the  gun  boats  on  the  James  River  that 
saved  McClellan’s  army  when  he  had  been  disastrously  driven 
from  his  trenches  on  the  Chickahominy ; and  Grant  now  had 
these  gun  boats  at  his  back.  More  than  all  this,  the  navy  by 
the  blockade  had  destroyed  for  the  Confederacy  all  opportunity 
of  procuring  with  its  cotton  efficient  supplies  of  railroad 
material  and  munitions  of  war  from  abroad.  Our  railroads  and 
their  rolling  stock  were  wearing  out.  It  was  and  had  been 
impossible  without  better  railroads,  to  concentrate  rapidly  our 
troops,  and  even  to  supply  with  decent  food  and  clothing  our 
armies  where  they  were.  Grant  had  been  repulsed  all  along 
the  lines  from  the  Wilderness,  and  had  only  at  last  been  content 
to  cease  swinging  around  a circle  when  he  reached  Petersburg 
where  he  had  the  navy  in  the  James  river  to  support  him. 
Here  he  sat  down,  and  after  a few  repulses,  entrenched  and 
entrenched,  extending  his  lines  further  and  further  to  his  left. 
And  think  of  that  terrible  crater!  278  men  had  without  a 
moment’s  warning  been  blown  into  eternity,  and  every  Con- 
federate who  after  that  manned  our  trenches  knew  that  Grant 
had  powder  without  stint,  and  that  another  mine  might  explode 
at  any  moment  at  any  part  of  our  line,  and  still  our  men  did 
not  falter.  Attrition,  shot  and  shell  and  famine,  all  combined, 
were  doing  their  work.  Our  cavalry  was  melting  away,  and 
when  Sheridan’s  troopers  were  raiding  our  lines  of  communica- 
tion, it  was  Anderson’s — now  Mahone’s — division  of  infantry, 
in  which  was  the  8th  Alabama,  that  was  often  sent  out  tramp- 
ing, footsore,  along  frozen  roads,  in  a vain  effort  to  overtake 
the  raiders. 

This  is  but  a faint  picture  of  the  conditions  as  our  soldiers 
saw  them  when  our  army,  its  line  at  last  broken,  began  its 
retreat  from  Petersburg  to  Appomattox.  If  there  was  any 
hope  left  in  the  hearts  of  Lee’s  veterans,  who  can  fail  now  to 
see  that  it  was  only  such  hope  as  was  born  of  unconquerable 
courage  and  unfaltering  faith  in  their  leaders?  That  there 
were  many  who  fell  out  of  the  ranks  is  that  dreadful  march, 


19  7 7 


181 


some  because  of  physical  exhaustion  and  others  because  they 
had  lost  heart,  is  undeniable.  The  marvel  is  that  so  many  still 
had  the  physical  ability  to  march,  and  still  remain  faithful, 
tramping-  along  without  sleep  and  without  food,  and  fighting  to 
the  last;  the  pity  is  that  all  did  not  have  the  courage  and  the 
constancy  of  those  heroes  who  stood  by  the  flag  of  the  old 
regiment  until  General  Lee  had  surrendered,  and  then  cried 
like  children  as  they  tore  that  flag  into  tatters.  There  were 
at  the  surrender  153  men  and  sixteen  officers,  making  altogether 
169  men  of  the  8th  Alabama,  who  were  paroled.  These  figures 
are  official,  from  the  captured  archives,  and  they  show  that 
the  8th  Alabama  was  one  of  the  largest  Confederate  regiments 
at  Appomattox. 


182 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


CHAPTER  XVI I 
The  Last  Few  Days 

The  following  account  of  the  last  few  days  is  by  Captain 
Fagan,  and  I know  of  nothing  more  touching: 

From  the  diary  of  W.  L.  Fagan,  former  Captain  of  Co.  K, 
written  from  day  to  day  and  extended  in  1867,  with  notes  added 
in  1905. 

On  the  night  of  March  4,  1865,  Mahone’s  division  moved 
fr(  m their  winter  quarters  on  the  Boydton  plank  road, 
and  relieved  Pickett's  division  on  the  line  extending 
from  Appomattox  river  to  Howlett’s  home  battery,  on 
the  James  river.  This  battery  was  of  heavy  guns, 
built  in  a bluff  near  the  home  of  Dr.  Howlett,  opposite 
Farrow’s  Island,  and  within  range  of  Butler’s  Dutch 
Gan  Canal.  Wilcox’s  Brigade  on  the  left,  rested  on  this 
battery.  There  was  no  firing  along  the  line  and  the 
half  starved  men  enjoyed  the  rest  and  quiet.  Daily 
details  were  made  to  search  the  field  of  anti-scorbutics, 
which,  when  found,  were  wild  onions,  the  most  indiges- 
tible food  ever  eaten  by  man.  Our  rations  are  %. 
pound  of  canned  beef  and  a loaf  of  bread. 

April  1st.  — Last  night  the  enemy  gave  us  the  grand- 
est artillery  display  of  the  war.  For  several  hours  it 
seemed  that  every  battery  from  Hare’s  house  to  the 
Jerusalem  Plank  Road  was  in  action.  The  sky  out- 
lined the  path  of  the  thousands  of  hissing  mortar  shells 
thrown  into  the  city.  From  my  post  I watched  the 
terrific  cannonade. 

On  the  night  of  April  1st,  Grant  celebrated  the  victory 
of  Five  Forks.  Every  piece  of  artillery  in  the  thickly 
studded  forts,  batteries  and  mortar  beds  joined  in  the 
prodigious  clamor  — it  appeared  as  if  fiends  of  the 
air  were  engaged  in  the  sulphurous  conflict  (Pollard’s 
Lost  Cause). 

Sunday,  April  2nd,  1865.  — Everything  quiet  in  camp 
this  morning.  Sumpter  Williamson  of  Co.  A,  invited 


19  7 7 


183 


me  to  dine  with  him,  as  he  had  captured  some  fine 
“rats”  in  a barn  several  miles  to  the  rear.  I felt  grate- 
ful for  his  invitation,  but  I can't  eat  a rat.  There  are 
rumors  that  Grant  has  possession  of  the  South  Side 
Railroad  and  also  our  old  winter  quarters  and  that 
General  A.  P.  Hill  was  killed.  The  camp  is  full  of 
“grape  vine”  despatches,  while  men  and  officers  col- 
lect in  groups  to  hear  the  news. 

At  sunset,  orders  received  to  move  immediatelv  — as 
we  have  no  baggage  the  regiment  soon  formed.  We 
are  glad  t^  go.  since  the  entire  regiment  has  the  “itch” 
which  Pickett’s  division  left  as  an  inheritance.  At 
dark  marched  towards  the  Richmond  and  Petersburg 
Railroad.  Adjutant  Morgan  Cleveland  on  the  march 
whispered  to  me  to  watch  my  men,  lest  some  desert. 
I replied  with  some  irritation  that  I had  no  deserters  in 
my  company.  Before  reaching  the  railroad  Cleveland 
told  me  that  a number  of  our  people  had  deserted.  I 
was  sorry  for  my  reply  to  him  at  the  trenches,  and 
asked  for  forgiveness.  Marched  several  miles  along 
the  railroad  in  the  direction  of  Richmond.  The  rail- 
road filled  with  heavy  creaking  trains  headed  f°r  Rich- 
mond. The  sky  above  reflected  the  light  of  burning 
buildings  and  commissary  stores,  while  at  intervals  the 
earth  is  shaken  by  the  exploding  gun  boats  and  maga- 
zines on  the  James  river.  The  men  march  in  silence, 
not  a word  spoken  — • they,  like  myself,  are  awed  by 
the  complete  and  absolute  silence  that  surrounds  us.  I 
am  told  we  are  going  to  Burkeville,  Va.  We  marched 
all  night  and  took  a road  that  leads  to  Chesterfield, 
C.  H. 

April  3rd,  Monday.  — On  the  march.  This  morning 
about  8 a.m.,  passed  the  wagon  train.  Scores  of  am- 
bulances were  filled  with  women  and  children  and 
negro  girls.  The  men  are  spiteful  at  seeing  this  inno- 
vation, and  make  caustic  comments.  “That’s  the  crowd 
that  draws  our  rations.”  They  are  government  ambu- 
lances, and  might  be  used  to  help  along  some  tired  or 
sick  soldier.  Stubbs  was  a son  of  Commonwealth 
Attorney  Stubbs  of  Norfolk,  Va.,  who  had  been  im- 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


prisoned  by  General  (Benjamin  Franklin)  Butler.  His 
office  and  house  searched  by  F ederal  soldiers,  and  his 
wife  and  daughter  insulted.  Mrs.  Wright,  after  the 
execution  of  her  husband,  was  sent  to  Richmond,  and 
Miss  Stubbs  came  with  her,  and  wa-s  in  Petersburg 
at  the  evacuation.  Captain  Parker,  of  the  11th  Ala- 
bama, was  a near  relative.  Bill  Stubbs,  of  Norfolk, 
Va.,  standing  on  a fence  waved  his  hand  and  said: 
“Captain,  I promised  sister  last  night  that  I would 
stand  by  my  colors.  Most  of  the  boys  stayed  in  Peters- 
burg.” Noble  girl,  with  all  your  persecutions  you  are 
loyal  still!  Lieutenant  V.  41st  Va.,  caught  up  and  con- 
tradicted Stubbs'  statement  of  the  wholesale  desertions 
of  the  Virginians. 

These  men  think  the  evacuation  of  Richmond  insured 
the  downfall  of  the  Confederacy.  Some  Alabama  and 
Georgia  men  having  married  in  Petersburg,  remained. 

The  three  cotton  factories  at  Petersburg  employed 
hundreds  of  girls,  as  they  run  day  and  night.  The 
soldiers  married  these  factory  girls,  some  for  life, 
others  for  “during  the  war.”  Dr.  J.  D.  D.  Renfro,  the 
Chaplain  of  the  10th,  informed  me  that  he  married 
some  couples  of  this  class  every  night  while  the  army 
was  before  Petersburg. 

Marched  all  day  and  camped  at  dark  two  (2)  miles 
from  Chesterfield,  C.  H.  about  20  miles  from  Peters- 
burg. My  negro  boy  is  straggling  with  my  haversack. 
A piece  of  bread  from  a comrade,  and  some  cool  water, 
I slept  as  only  a tired  man  could  sleep,  after  being 
awake  60  hours. 

Tuesday,  April  4th  — Camp  near  Chesterfield,  C.  H. 
Left  camp  4 a.m.,  marched  by  Budd’s  store,  and  went 
into  camp  at  Goode's  Bridge,  on  the  Appomattox  river. 
The  men  are  without  rations  — ■ they  are  promised 
rations  tomorrow  at  Amelia,  C.  H.  Grant’s  army  has 
not  molested  us,  and  I suppose  we  are  leaving  him 
behind.  The  men  are  cheerful  and  make  no  com- 
plaints, for  we  believe  General  Lee  knows  what  he  is 
doing. 


19  7 7 


185 


Wednesday,  April  5,  1865  — Amelia,  C.  H.  About 
3 a.m.,  this  morning  the  familiar  cry  — “Fall  in, 
men”  — “Fall  in”  — was  given,  and  the  regiment 
moved  rapidly  toward  Amelia,  C.  H.  — arrived  about 
9 a.m.  Passed  Gordon's  corps  in  camp  near  the 
town.  Halted  in  the  streets  of  C.  House  for  some  time. 
The  entire  army  appears  to  be  concentrated  here,  mov- 
ing gently  toward  Farmville. 

I sat  on  the  curb  of  the  sidewalk  to  rest.  General  Lee 
is  near  me  in  his  carriage,  which  is  filled  with  bag- 
gage. Gordon  is  in  earnest  conversation  with  him 
which  continues  nearly  an  hour.  General  Longstreet 
is  nearby.  Seated  on  his  horse  he  has  a tired  look. 
He  strokes  his  arm  with  his  hand,  the  other  resting 
on  the  pommel  of  his  saddle.  His  horse  with  his  nose 
nearly  to  the  ground  is  asleep.  He  is  greatly  changed 
since  1862,  when  Major  Fairfax  by  his  orders,  at 
Gaines’  Mill,  sent  me  after  the  Pennsylvania  Buck 
Tails.  General  Mahone  has  a quiet,  subdued  look.  I 
have  not  heard  him  “yell”  at  anybody  since  we  started. 
There  are  no  commissary  trains  here,  only  artillery 
and  ordnance  wagons.  No  rations  issued. 

NOTE:  Several  days  before  General  Lee  had 

despatched  most  urgent  orders  that  commissary  stores 
be  sent  from  Danville  to  Amelia,  C.  H.  The  au- 
thorities in  Richmond  bungled  the  command.  General 
Lee  found  there  not  a single  ration  for  his  army.  It 
was  a terrible  revelation  (Pollard’s  “Lost  Cause.”) 

(Major  General  Charles  W.)  Fields’,  Mahone’s  and 
Pickett’s  division,  at  12  m.  moved  down  the  railroad 
toward  Farmville.  When  several  miles  from  the  town 
the  Yankee  Cavalry  attacked  Wilcox’s  Brigade  but 
were  repulsed.  Marched  all  the  evening  and  at  dark 
we  are  still  moving. 

April  6,  Thursday.  On  the  march.  Having  marched 
all  night,  this  morning  at  8 a.m.  we  are  at  a point 
seventeen  miles  from  Burkeville,  and  eighteen  miles 
from  Farmville.  General  Lee  passed  to  the  front  fol- 


186 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


lowed  by  large  escort  of  cavalry.  The  weather  very 
warm,  no  rest  — the  halts  are  only  for  a moment  for 
the  artillery  to  pull  the  hills. 

I suffered  this  morning,  with  intense  nausea,  followed 
by  giddiness  and  ringing  in  my  ears.  The  sensations 
are  peculiar  and  distressing.  I walk  along  supported 
by  one  of  my  comrades,  without  any  apparent  volition. 
My  men  drag  themselves  along  the  road,  making  no 
complaints  — they  do  not  straggle.  The  country  is 
apparently  poor  and  thinly  settled  and  there  is  nothing 
to  be  gained  by  foraging.  After  marching  nearly 
seventeen  miles  today,  at  4 p.m.,  two  and  a half  miles 
from  High  Bridge,  we  formed  line  of  battle  along  the 
Lynchburg  Railroad.  Before  we  could  perfect  our  line, 
we  were  hurried  toward  Sarlow  Creek.  Gordon’s  corps 
had  been  routed  and  Sheridan  had  captured  about  400 
wagons  of  our  army,  which  were  parked  waiting  to 
cross  the  bridge.  General  Mahone’s  baggage  was  cap- 
tured. I am  told  he  had  a large  sum  of  Confederate 
money,  also  money  of  several  Richmond  banks.  The 
Federal  signal  lights  are  seen  in  front  and  over  each 
flank.  They  are  powerful  lights  of  different  colors, 
as  reflected  on  the  sky.  We  lay  in  line  of  battle  until 
3 a.m. 

We  found  a hogshead  of  tobacco,  and  we  could  smoke, 
although  we  had  nothing  to  eat.  The  night  was  in- 
tensely dark,  with  the  wind  blowing  a stiff  breeze. 
About  four  in  the  morning  crossed  High  Bridge.  This 
bridge  is  over  100  feet  high  and  one-half  mile  long, 
and  I felt  uneasy  groping  my  way  along  its  tin-covered 
floor  in  the  darkness.  We  rested  near  the  bridge  — 
two  companies  of  the  9th  Alabama  regiment  were 
posted  on  it  with  orders  to  burn  it  at  day  light. 

April  7th.  Farmville,  Va.  We  secured  a short  rest, 
but  no  sleep.  Before  sunrise  the  Yankees  were  mov- 
ing and  crowding  along  the  burning  bridge  as  the 
9th  Alabama  had  fired  two  spans.  Along  the  crest  of 
the  hill,  and  country  roads  thousands  of  soldiers  in  blue 


19  7 7 


187 


were  moving  forward.  The  8th  Alabama  was  now  the 
rear  of  the  Army,  moving  backwards  towards  the 
Heights  of  Farmville.  Our  skirmish  line  was  captured 
to  a man,  within  a few  hundred  yards  of  our  retreating 
columns.  We  halted  near  Cumberland  Church,  and 
threw  forward  another  line  of  skirmishers,  commanded 
by  Captain  (G.  T.  L.)  Robinson  of  Co.  B.  The  enemy 
changed  their  line  of  pursuit,  and  moved  towards  our 
right  wing.  We  built  a breastwork  of  fence  rails,  us- 
ing tin  plates  and  bayonets  to  remove  the  dirt.  A con- 
tinued fire  was  exchanged  on  the  picket  line,  and  E.  W. 
McDaniel  of  my  company  was  killed,  and  James  Oakes 
wounded.  About  2 p.m.  the  enemy  made  vigorous  as- 
sault to  our  right.  From  my  position  I could  see  Gen- 
eral Mahone,  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight  leading  his  men 
forward.  The  enemy  was  driven  back,  and  the  balance 
of  the  day  was  quiet. 

NOTE:  “He,  (Brigadier  General  Andrew  A.)  Hum- 

phreys, was  up  with  the  light  of  day,  7 April,  and  it 
was  the  combined  2nd  and  3rd  corps  that  saved  High 
Bridge,  and  continued  to  fight  and  drive  Lee  all  day 
long.  — At  Cumberland  Church  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
7th,  occurred  the  last  stand  up  fight  and  pitched  battle 
between  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  under  Lee, 
and  the  army  of  the  Potomac.  Humphreys  struck  at 
Lee  at  1 :30  p.m.,  and  asked  for  reinforcements.”  (Ma- 
gazine of  American  History,  October,  1886.) 

We  held  our  position  until  midnight.  Details  were  sent 
after  rations.  The  tired  exhausted  men  returned  at 
midnight  and  reported  that  they  had  been  destroying 
wagon  trains  and  cutting  the  spokes  from  the  wheels 
of  artillery.  They  did  not  find  a crust  of  bread  or  a 
grain  of  corn.  I am  told  the  army  is  demoralized,  de- 
serting and  straggling.  It  is  56  hours  since  I have  had 
food  or  sleep.  1 suffer  from  giddiness  and  weakness  — 
my  men  lay  about  in  a stupor  — they  do  not  complain, 
they  obey  orders,  as  if  asleep.  A soldier  tells  me  that 
he  saw  a Captain  of  artillery  spike  his  guns,  and  dis- 
band his  company,  telling  them  to  take  the  battery 
horses  and  go  home. 


188 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


April  8.  Saturday.  Made  a long  march  of  twenty 
miles,  passing  through  New  Store,  and  camped  at  dark. 
The  famished,  tired  men  lay  down  in  the  woods,  in 
•silence.  Not  a word  is  spoken,  and  the  men  are  soon 
asleep.  Colonel  Emrich,  Captain  Mordecai,  Adjutant 
Cleveland  and  myself  gathered  around  a little  fire  and 
smoked  our  pipes.  Captain  Spencer  of  Longstreets’ 
staff,  joins  our  group,  and  tells  us  that  the  enemy  are 
across  our  front,  and  that  Gordon  will  attack  at  day- 
light, and  that  we  will  assist  Gordon.  About  a bushel 
of  rations  were  given  the  regiment  during  the  night. 
This  morning  at  daylight  a cavalryman  waked  me.  I 
was  across  a pile  of  bush  near  the  road.  I must  have 
been  asleep  where  I fell.  Today’s  march  was  dread- 
ful — the  men  slept  as  they  walked,  and  when  a tem- 
porary halt  was  made  they  fell  down.  Nobody  laughs, 
and  nobody  comments.  Officers  ask  no  questions  about 
their  companies  — each  man  seems  absorbed  in  his 
individual  suffering. 

April  9th,  Sunday.  Left  camp  at  twelve  last  night  and 
marched  five  miles.  We  are  resting  by  the  roadside 
while  the  wagon  trains  are  moving  forward.  I am  told 
the  enemy  is  in  our  front,  across  our  road  to  Lynch- 
burg. And,  that  Gordon  is  driving  them  back.  We 
are  about  a mile  from  the  C.  House.  Near  me  is  an 
upgrade  in  the  road.  A battery  of  artillery  stalled,  al- 
though the  gunners  helped  at  the  wheels.  In  reply  to 
my  question  a driver  said:  “The  horses  have  had  no 

rest,  no  water  and  nothing  to  eat  since  we  left  Amelia 
C.  House.” 

A soldier  of  the  regiment  has  just  come  in  and  reports 
that  General  Lee  has  surrendered  the  army.  The  men 
are  indignant,  and  threaten  the  soldiers  with  a beating. 
He  is  told  with  much  profanity  that,  a skulker,  wagon- 
dog  and  hospital  rat  were  news  carriers.  Dr.  Robert 
Royston,  an  old  friend,  and  Brigade  Surgeon,  rode  to 
where  I was  lying  down.  His  face,  always  so  bright 
and  pleasant,  was  a study  — the  tears  were  in  his  eyes, 
and  choking  with  emotion,  he  said:  'General  Lee  has 

surrendered  the  army.’  I cannot  express  my  feel- 


19  7 7 


189 


ings  — the  tears  came  to  my  eyes  — the  only  tears 
during  the  entire  war.  The  men  crowded  around  Dr. 
Royston,  eagerly  asking  questions,  and  then  they  would 
go  away  with  tears  falling  down  their  dirty,  bronzed 
faces.  A pathetic  sight  — these  starved  men,  who 
staggered  when  they  walked,  from  exhaustion,  truly 
they  loved  their  land  with  a love  far  brought. 

The  Color  Sergeant  holding  the  flag  in  his  hand, 
cried  out,  ‘You  have  never  run  in  a battle,  and  you 
don’t  surrender.’  He  tore  the  flag  from  the  staff  and 
divided  it  anrrng  the  men.  A piece  about  ten  inches 
square  canie  to  me.  I have  it  still,  and  would  like  to 
know  who  have  the  other  pieces. 

NOTE:  “The  flag’s  streamers,  a red  and  white  ribbon 
with  tassels,  fell  to  John  A.  Browne  of  Co.  D,  who  mar- 
ried and  settled  in  Suffolk  Co.,  Virginia.  The  streamers 
with  the  names  of  the  battles  fought  had  been  given 
to  me  by  Miss  Nina  Cave  near  Orange  C.  H.,  Va.,  in 
April,  1864.  When  Browne,  32  years  afterwards  (in 
1896),  visited  me,  bringing  along  to  exhibit  his  much 
prized  trophies  and  learned  from  me  their  origin  he 
asked  me  to  decide  whether  they  were  mine  or  his. 
The  decision  was  in  his  favor.  With  tears  in  his  eyes 
and  much  hesitation  he  accepted  it,  declaring  that  at 
his  death  they  should  come  to  me  or  my  family.  His 
widow  has  since  sent  them  and,  pinned  with  the  Cross 
of  Honor  given  me  by  the  U.  D.  C.  with  their  story 
underneath,  the  frame  that  holds  them  now  hangs  in  my 
parlor. 


W.  A.  Herbert” 

I sent  Sergeants  George  Smith  and  Renas  Richardson 
to  learn  the  truth  of  the  matter,  for  I still  doubted  it. 
When  they  returned  they  confirmed  the  report.  Smith 
had  a billet  of  wood,  split  from  an  apple  tree.  He  stated 
that  he  saw  a crowd  of  soldiers  and  newspaper  corre- 
spondents, digging  up  an  apple  tree,  under  which  the 
surrender  had  been  arranged.  Smith  divided  his  billet 
with  the  Company.  I still  have  my  piece. 


190 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


In  the  afternoon,  the  Federals  were  driving  a bunch  of 
beef  cattle  along  the  road  near  the  Regiment.  The  men 
killed  two  (2)  beeves.  I explained  to  the  officers  in 
charge  that  the  men  were  very  hungry,  for  I was  afraid 
he  would  resent  our  conduct.  He  answered  that  it  was 
all  right  — that  he  always  knew  how  hungry  we  were. 
After  the  entails  were  taken  out,  the  beef  was  quar- 
tered, and  divided,  and  before  the  hide  could  be  re- 
moved, the  men  were  cutting  slices  of  warm  raw  beef 
which  was  greedily  eaten.  We  had  no  salt  — no  fire  — 
no  bread  — all  too  hungry  to  wait  for  these  things. 

April  10  — It  is  raining  this  morning.  The  surrender 
is  formally  announced  to  the  army,  the  regiment 
marched  to  the  field,  and  stacked  their  arms.  I did 
not  go,  as  that  raw  beef  got  in  its  perfect  work,  and 
I was  too  unwell  to  walk. 

General  Mahone  ordered  his  division  to  be  formed  in 
a square  and  made  then  a short  speech.  He  -said,  in 
part,  that  he  wanted  us  to  accept  the  surrender  in  good 
faith  — to  go  home  and  make  as  good  citizens  as  we 
had  soldiers. 

When  my  company  was  formed  for  the  last  time,  I was 
deeply  moved.  The  original  muster  roll  called  for  159 
men  and  they  were  as  good  and  true  as  ever  wore  the 
grey.  Not  one  had  ever  been  charged  with  failure  to 
do  his  duty  — not  a man  had  ever  been  arrested.  Along 
the  battlefields  of  Virginia,  were  sleeping  forty  one. 
Twenty-seven  had  died  of  diseases,  101  wounds.  Every 
officer  had  received  wounds,  and  every  private  except 
one. 

With  the  surrender  at  Appomattox,  ended  the  career  of 
the  8th  Alabama  volunteers.  But  its  trials  were  not  over,  even 
when  it  had  listened  to  the  immortal  words  of  Lee’s  farewell 
address  to  his  army.  It  was  still  without  food ; 28,000  men  and 
officers  had  surrendered  with  General  Lee.  General  Grant 
generously  issued  25,000  rations  to  General  Lee  (of  which  Gen- 
eral Horace  Porter  gives  an  account  in  the  November  Century, 
1887).  General  Lee  thought  this  would  be  sufficient,  but  he 


19  7 7 


191 


did  not  know  that  two  trains  of  rations  sent  to  his  army  from 
Lynchburg,  Va.,  had  been  captured  by  Sheridan  the  day  before 
the  surrender.  So  it  was  that  3,000  of  these  men  failed  to  share 
in  the  food  given  by  the  victors.  The  8th  Alabama  was  among 
the-se,  and  its  officers  and  soldiers  spent  their  last  day  at 
Appomattox  eating  parched  corn. 


Consolidated  Role  of  8th  Alabama  Regiment,  Exclusive  of  Field  and  Staff 
Recapitulation  of  strength,  casualties,  etc.,  of  the  8th  Regiment  of  Alabama  Volunteers, 
from  the  1st  day  of  May,  1861,  to  the  31st  day  of  December,  1864. 


192 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


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194 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


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197 


APPENDIX  C 

Captain  Wm.  B.  Young’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  the  Crater, 

7-30-64 


The  above  is  a rude  sketch  of  the  ground  as  I remember  it. 
The  redoubt  on  the  hill  in  rear  was  occupied  by  a confederate 
battery  of  field  pieces  when  Wilcox’s  brigade  reached  the  ground. 
The  “bank  of  dirt”  in  the  sketch  was  a high  bank  to  protect 
the  troops  in  going  to  and  from  the  ravine  to  the  covered  way. 
About  11  a.  m.,  July  30th,  1864,  Wilcox’s  Ala.  brigade  com- 
manded by  General  J.  C.  C.  Saunders  (Sanders)  was  quietly 
withdrawn  from  the  trenches  leaving  125  men  in  the  picket 
pits  in  front  and  an  equal  number  in  the  vacated  trenches,  to 
keep  up  the  appearance  of  their  occupation.  The  brigade 
marched  up  the  ravine  to  the  point  where  it  turned  to  our 
right  and  followed  it  until  the  brigade  was  opposite  the  crater 
and  the  trenches  then  occupied  by  the  enemy.  It  was  then 
halted,  fronted  and  ordered  to  lie  down.  Mahone’s  Virginia 
brigade  we  found  occupying  the  trenches  along  the  line  marked 
A.  C.  which  they  had  recaptured.  The  enemy  were  then  in  pos- 
session of  the  Crater  and  a portion  of  the  trenches  on  each  side. 


198 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


As  soon  as  the  brigade  had  lain  down  as  directed  Genl.  Mahone 
said  to  Genl.  Saunders,  “come  with  me  and  I will  show  you 
what  you  have  to  do.”  They  then  proceeded  to  the  high  bank 
of  dirt  marked  on  the  sketch  and  climbed  up  so  as  to  see  over 
the  top  of  it  and  get  a view  of  the  ground  that  the  brigade  was 
to  advance  over,  and  the  position  it  was  to  assault.  As  I was 
then  acting  as  aide  to  Genl.  Saunders,  I accompanied  him.  Genl. 
Mahone  then  said  to  Genl.  Saunders,  “General  your  brigade  must 
retake  that  ground,  Wright’s  brigade  assaulted  it  and  were  re- 
pulsed and  have  rallied  in  the  trenches  over  to  our  right,  when 
you  advance  they  will  be  ordered  to  move  down  the  trenches 
toward  the  crater  and  assist.”  “1  wish  you  to  call  all  your 
officers  together  and  tell  them  to  tell  their  men,  that  at  one 
o’clock  they  will  attack ; that  I wish  them  to  go  on  a trail  arms 
and  without  yelling  till  they  pass  the  crest  of  the  ridge  in  front, 
then  give  a yell  and  dash  into  the  trenches  and  crater  and  not 
fire  a shot  till  they  get  to  the  trenches  occupied  by  the  enemy, 
and  tell  them  that  there  are  no  reserves,  and  that  if  they  do 
not  retake  the  works  at  the  first  charge  they  will  have  to  keep 
charging  till  they  do  take  them.”  Genl.  Saunders  did  call  all 
the  officers  together  and  told  them  what  Genl.  Mahone  had 
said.  The  9th  Ala.  was  on  the  right  of  the  brigade  and  the 
11th  Ala.  on  the  left.  Genl.  Mahone’s  orders  were  carried  out 
to  the  letter,  and  at  one  o’clock,  by  the  watch,  the  brigade  ad- 
vanced at  a trail  arms  and  in  common  time  till  they  passed  the 
brow  of  the  hill  in  their  front,  when  they  gave  a yell  and  dashed 
for  the  works.  Our  advance  drove  all  the  enemy  who  were  in 
the  trenches  to  the  left  and  right  of  the  crater,  into  the  crater, 
except  some  who  jumped  over  the  works  and  undertook  to  es- 
cape to  their  lines.  The  brigade  closed  round  the  crater  on  the 
Confederate  side.  The  crater  had  a bank  of  earth  around  it 
like  a big  ant  hill,  and  this  bank  of  dirt  separated  our  men 
from  the  enemy.  Those  who  jumped  over  the  works  and  ran 
for  their  lines  were  shot  by  the  men  in  our  trenches  to  the 
right  and  left  of  the  crater.  Some  fine  shots  from  Mahone’s 
brigade  climbed  up  on  the  high  bank  of  earth  above  referred 
to  and  shot  at  all  who  attempted  to  escape,  and  few  escaped. 
The  men  grabbed  up  the  rifles  dropped  by  the  enemy  and  hurled 
them,  bayonet  foremost,  into  the  crater  and  poked  their  rifles 
over  and  fired  down  into  it.  As  fast  as  the  enemy  manned 
their  side  they  were  shot  down.  Genl.  Saunders  and  myself 
came  up  to  the  crater  near  where  the  covered  way  touched  it, 


19  7 7 


199 


marked  “B”  on  the  sketch.  Shortly  after  we  reached  the  crater 
Genl.  Saunders  went  to  the  right  of  the  line  and  I remained 
at  the  point  where  we  came  to  the  crater.  While  I was  stand- 
ing there  one  of  Mahone’s  couriers  came  up  to  me  and  asked 
for  Genl.  Saunders.  I told  him  that  the  General  had  gone  to- 
wards the  right  of  the  line.  He  said  General  Mahone  wishes 
to  know  the  exact  condition  of  affairs  here.  I said  “where  is 
the  General  ?”  He  replied  he  is  behind  the  high  bank  at  the 
end  of  the  covered  way.  I then  went  back  to  where  General 
Mahone  was  and  explained  to  him  the  exact  state  of  affairs.  He 
said  “why  do  the  men  not  jump  over  on  them  and  end  the 
fight?”  I replied  “General  they  are  so  thick  in  there  that  if 
men  jumped  over  they  would  jump  into  a bayonet  and  the  men 
know  it.”  He  then  to  me  “go  back  and  tell  Col.  Tayloe  I say  to 
call  for  volunteers  and  go  into  the  crater,  it  is  of  vital  im- 
portance to  have  our  lines  reestablished  at  once.”  I knew  that 
if  I delivered  this  message  to  Col.  Tayloe  he  would  undertake 
to  lead  the  way  into  the  crater  and  it  would  mean  almost  cer- 
tain death,  so  I determined  on  my  way  back,  to  try  another 
method  of  getting  possession  of  the  crater.  As  soon  as  I g^t 
back  I called  out  “Why  don’t  you  fools  surrender?”  “Y°u  will 
all  be  killed  if  you  do  not.”  One  of  their  officers  replied,  “we 
will  surrender  if  you  will  stop  your  men  from  firing.”  I stopped 
the  men  where  I was  standing  and  started  around  to  the  right  — 
stopping  the  firing  as  I went.  I had  gone  but  a short  distance 
when  I found  that  the  men  behind  me  had  commenced  again. 
I went  back  to  the  point  which  was  nearest  our  rear,  and  called 
to  them  that  I could  not  stop  the  firing  all  along  the  line,  but 
to  drop  their  arms  and  come  out  by  me  and  I would  protect 
them.  They  promptly  did  this  and  rushed  out  bv  me  to  our 
rear.  As  they  vacated  the  crater  our  men  rushed  in  and  the 
line  was  reestablished.  I then  went  back  and  reported  to  Genl. 
Mahone  that  we  were  in  possession  of  the  entire  line.  As  the 
prisoners  rushed  back  over  the  open  ground  in  our  rear  the 
enemy  opened  fire  with  cannister  and  killed  several  of  the 
prisoners.  General  Saunders  directed  me,  the  next  morning  to 
have  a detail  made  to  bury  the  dead  of  the  enemv  and  to  count 
the  bodies  and  report  to  him  the  number.  The  dead  bodies  in 
the  crater  were  piled  in  the  bottom  and  the  crater  was  then 
filled  up.  There  was  about  300  dead  in  the  crater.  We  had 
a detail  of  negro  prisoners  brought  back  and  made  them  dig 
a long  trench  in  rear  of  our  line,  gather  all  the  dead  enemy 


200 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


fallen  in  the  trenches  and  covered  way  and  bury  them.  I counted 
bodies.  The  next  day  Grant  asked  for  a truce  to  bury  the  dead 
lying  between  the  lines.  By  the  terms  of  the  truce  none  of  his 
men  were  to  come  over  his  trenches,  except  his  working  detail. 
We  to  establish  a line  of  sentinels  between  the  lines  and  deliver 
all  bodis  on  our  side  of  the  line  of  sentries  to  his  detail.  By 
direction  of  Genl.  Saunders  I established  the  line  of  armed 
sentries  and  instructed  them  to  allow  no  one  to  cross  the  line. 
We  had  a detail  of  negro  prisoners  brought  down  under  guard, 
and  made  them  gather  the  dead  up  and  deliver  them  to  the 
enemy  detail.  By  this  time  the  stench  from  the  dead  was  very 
bad.  The  next  day  after  dark  the  brigade  went  back  to  its 
former  position.  I counted  over  800  dead  bodies  which  were 
gathered  up  on  the  ground  where  we  fought.  We  took  about 
700  prisoners,  among  them  General  Bartlett  and  his  staff, 
they  being  the  last  prisoners  to  emerge  from  the  crater.  The 
brigade  did  not  carry  over  900  muskets  into  the  action. 


/'s/  Wm.  B.  Young 


19  7 7 


201 


APPENDIX  “D” 

ROSTER  OF  THE  OFFICERS  OF  EIGHTH  ALABAMA 
INFANTRY  REGIMENT,  C.  S.  A. 

Field  and  Staff 

Colonel  John  A.  Winston:  6-11-61  to  6-16-62.  In  command  of 
the  Regiment  at  the  Siege  of  Yorktown,  4-62,  and  the  battles 
of  Williamsburg  and  Seven  Pines.  Retired  6-16-62  due  to 
chronic  ill  health. 

Colonel  Young  L.  Royston:  Captain  of  Co.  “A”,  the  “Alabama 
Rangers”,  from  5-8-61  to  3-20-62.  Major  of  the  Regiment, 
3-20-62  to  5-5-62.  Lt.  Col.,  5-5-62  to  6-16-62.  Colonel, 
6-16-62  to  11-2-64.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm, 
6-30-61.  Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3- 
63,  Also  present  at  Siege  of  Yorktown,  and  battles  of  Seven 
Pines,  Gaines’  Mill,  and  Fredericksburg.  Retired,  11-2-64, 
due  to  permanent  physical  disability  caused  by  the  wound 
received  at  battle  of  Salem  Church. 

Colonel  Hilary  A.  Herbert:  Captain  of  Co.  “F”,  the  “Green- 
ville Guards”,  from  5-21-61  to  5-5-62.  Major  of  the  Regi- 
ment, 5-5-62  to  6-12-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines, 
6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged 
8-5-62.  Lt.  Col.,  6-12-62  to  11-2-64.  Acting  Colonel  5-3-63 
to  5-6-64.  Seriously  wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 
5-6-64.  Sent  home  and  retired,  11-2-64,  due  to  permanent 
physical  disability  caused  by  the  wound  received  at  battle 
of  the  Wilderness.  Also  at  Siege  of  Yorktown,  and  battle 
of  Williamsburg,  2nd  Manassas,  Sharpsburg,  Salem  Church, 
and  Gettysburg.  Paroled  at  Greenville,  Ala.,  5-65. 

Lt.  Col.  John  W.  Frazer:  6-17-61  to  3-20-62.  Graduate  of  the 
U.  S.  Military  Academy.  Resigned  to  accept  Colonelcy  of 
the  20th  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment  which  he  helped  to 
organize. 

Lt.  Col.  Thomas  E.  Irby:  Major,  6-17-61  to  3-20-62.  Lt.  Col., 
3-20-62  to  5-5-62.  Killed  at  the  battle  of  Williamsburg, 
5-5-62.  Also  present  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  4-62. 

Lt.  Col.  John  P.  Emrich : Captain  of  Co.  “C”,  the  “German  Fusi- 
liers, 5-25-61  to  6-16-62.  Major  of  the  Regiment,  6-16-62 
to  11-2-64.  Lt.  Col.,  11-2-64  to  4-9-65.  Wounded  at  battle 


202 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Also  present  at  Siege  of  York- 
town,  and  battles  of  Williamsburg,  Seven  Pines,  Sharpsburg, 
Fredericksburg,  Salem  Church,  Gettysburg,  Bristow  Sta- 
tion, Petersburg  Campaign.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 

4- 9-65. 

Major  Duke  Nall:  Captain,  Co.  “K”,  the  “Southern  Guards”, 

5- 16-61  to  11-2-64.  Promoted  to  Major,  11-2-64.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Seriously  wounded  at 
battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Also  present  at  the  Siege 
of  Yorktown,  and  the  battles  of  Gaines’  Mill,  Frazier’s  Farm, 
2nd  Manassas,  Fredericksburg,  Salem  Church,  and  Bristow 
Station.  Died  11-4-64,  from  complications  caused  by  wound 
received  at  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Adjutant  Thomas  Phelan:  9-28-61  to  4-15-62.  Promoted  to  Cap- 
tain of  Co.  “A”,  4-15-62  to  6-27-62.  Killed  at  the  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Also  present  at  the  siege  of  York- 
town, and  the  battles  of  Williamsburg  and  Seven  Pines. 
Adjutant  Daniel  Jones:  5-1-62  to  5-14-63.  Appointed  Assistant 
Quartermaster,  9th  Alabama  Infantry,  5-14-63.  Wounded 
at  the  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Also  present  at  siege 
of  Yorktown,  and  battles  of  Seven  Pines,  Chancellorship, 
and  Gettysburg. 

Adjutant  Morgan  S.  Cleveland:  Private,  Co.  “D”,  5-10-61  to  7-61. 
Quartermaster  Sergeant,  7-61  to  6-28-63.  Appointed  Ad- 
jutant of  the  Regiment,  6-28-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Weldon  Railroad,  8-20-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Assistant  Quartermaster  Julius  A.  Robbins:  6-12-61  to  9-30-63. 
Resigned. 

Assistant  Quartermaster  R.  P.  McCormick:  6-1-62  to  10-25-62. 
Dropped. 

Assistant  Quartermaster  H.  J.  Raphael:  11-10-63  to  2-1-64. 
Resigned. 

Assistant  Quartermaster  William  H.  Dunn:  1st  Corporal,  Co. 
“H”,  5-30-61  to  5-1-62.  Ordnance  Sergeant,  5-1-62  to 
10-24-62.  2nd  Lt.,  10-24-62  to  2-17-64.  Appointed  Assist- 
ant Quartermaster  (Captain)  of  Regiment,  2-17-64  to 

6- 14-64.  Appointment  expired. 

Assistant  Commissary  of  Subsistence  G.  W.  Privett:  3-28-62  to 
9-17-63.  Resigned. 

Assistant  Commissary  of  Subsistence  George  H.  Shorter : 6-12-61 
to  3-25-62.  Resigned. 


19  7 7 


203 


Surgeon  Robert  T.  Royston:  Private  Co.  “A”,  5-8-61  to  6-17-61. 
Appointed  Assistant  Surgeon  of  the  Regiment,  6-17-61.  Ap- 
pointed Surgeon  9-28-61.  Present  in  every  battle  in  which 
the  command  was  engaged  from,  thei  siege  of  Yorktown 
through  the  battle  of  Burgess’  Mill,  11-64.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Assistant  Surgeon  Darnel  Parker:  1st  Corporal  and  Sergeant  of 
Co.  “A”,  5-8-61  to  7-3-61.  Appointed  Assistant  Surgeon, 
7-3-61.  Assigned  to  the  10th  Alabama  Infantry,  5-5-64. 
Present  in  every  battle  in  which  the  command  was  engaged 
from  the  siege  of  Yorktown  through  the  battle  of  Burgess’ 
Mill,  11-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Assistant  Surgeon  Charles  W.  Truehart:  From  4-23-64.  Trans- 
ferred to  an  Engineer’s  Corps,  12-64.  Present  from  the 
battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64  through  the  battle  of  Bur- 
gess’ Mill,  11-64. 

Chaplain  Wilh’am  E.  Massey:  10-15-63  to  4-9-65.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Ensign  L.  P.  Ragsdale:  Private,  Co.  “F”,  5-21-61.  Sergeant, 
1863.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Ap- 
pointed Ensign  4-8-64  to  10-31-64.  No  other  record. 

Sergeant  Major  William  M.  Byrd,  Jr.:  From  5-10-61.  Present 
at  siege  of  Yorktown,  and  battles  of  Williamsburg,  Seven 
Pines,  Gaines’  Mill,  Frazier’s  Farm,  and  2nd  Manassas. 
Promoted  and  transferred  as  Assistant  Commissary  for 
Subsistence,  11-62. 

Sergeant  Major  J.  P.  Harris:  From  5-10-61.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Petersburg  Crater,  7-64.  Present  throughout  war. 

Quartermaster  Sergeant  John  H.  Aunspaugh:  Private,  Co.  “D”. 
Promoted  from  the  ranks,  8-63.  Present  throughout  war. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Hospital  Sergeant  John  Brown : Present  at  battles  of  Fredericks- 
burg, Salem  Church,  Gettysburg,  and  Bristow  Station. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Ordnance  Sergeant  David  Buell:  Quartermaster  Co.  “F”  from 
5-1-61.  Promoted  to  Ordnance  Sergeant  of  Regiment, 
11-8-62.  Present  at  siege  of  Yorktown,  and  battles  of 
Williamsburg,  Seven  Pines,  2nd  Manassas,  Fredericksburg, 
Salem  Church,  and  Gettysburg.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


294 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  E 

Company  “A”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company  was  raised  on  May  8,  1861,  at  Marion,  Perry 

County,  Alabama,  as  the  “Alabama  Rangers”,  and  was  mustered 

into  C.  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861,  for  the  period  of  the  war. 

Captain  Young  L.  Royston:  5-8-61  to  3-10-62.  Promoted  to 
Major  of  the  Regiment  3-20-62.  Promoted  to  Lt.  Col., 

5- 5-62.  Promoted  to  Colonel  6-16-62.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Frazier's  Farm,  6-30-62.  Seriously  wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Also  present  at  siege  of  York- 
town,  and  battles  of  Seven  Pines,  Gaines’  Mill,  and  Fred- 
ericksburg. Finally  retired,  11-2-64,  due  to  physical  dis- 
ability due  to  wound  received  at  battle  of  Salem  Church. 

Captain  Robert  W.  Sanders:  1st  Sergeant  5-23-61.  Promoted 
to  2nd  Lt.,  4-23-62.  1st  Lt.,  7-13-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Sharp-sburg,  9-17-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Petersburg, 

6- 22-64.  Promoted  to  Captain  12-15-64.  Hospitalized  in 
Richmond,  Va.,  when  war  ended. 

Captain  Thomas  R.  Heard,  Jr.:  2nd  Lt.,  5-8-61.  Captain  6-30-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Retired,  12-14-64,  due 
to  wound  received  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness. 

Captain  Thomas  Phelan:  1st  Sergeant  5-8-61.  Promoted  to 
Regimental  Adjutant  9-28-61.  Promoted  to  Captain  of 
Company  “A”,  4-15-62.  Killed  in  action  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62.  Also  present  at  siege  of  Yorktown,  and 
battles  of  Williamsburg  and  Seven  pines. 

1st  Lt.,  John  C.  Reid:  5-8-61  to  3-20-62.  Promoted  to  Lt.  Col., 
of  28th  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment,  3-20-62. 

1st  Lt.  John  D.  McLaughlin:  2nd  Lt.,  5-8-61.  Promoted  to  1st 
Lt.,  3-20-62.  Died  from  wounds  received  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

1st  Lt.,  C.  E.  Seawell:  Transferred  from  the  4th  Alabama  In- 
fantry and  made  the  Sergeant  Major  of  the  8th  Alabama 
Regiment,  10-62.  2nd  Lt.,  11-25-62.  1st  Lt.,  12-15-64. 
Paroled  at  Marion,  Alabama,  5-15-65. 

2nd  Lt.,  Martin  V.  Massey:  Private  5-21-62.  Corporal  8-14-61. 
Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Elected 
2nd  Lt.,  3-25-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  N.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


205 


Chaplain  William  E.  Massey:  Private  2-16-63.  Appointed  Chap- 
lain of  the  Regiment,  11-16-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Asst.  Surgeon  Daniel  Parker:  1st  Corporal  and  Sergeant  of 
Company  “A”,  5-8-61  to  7-3-61.  Appointed  Asst.  Surgeon 
of  the  Regiment,  7-3-61.  Assigned  to  the  10th  Alabama 
Infantry  Regiment,  5-5-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

2nd  Lt.,  David  B.  Cady:  9-10-62  to  2-27-63.  Cashiered  3-4-63. 
Deserted  to  the  enemy.  Sent  to  Old  Capitol  Prison,  Wash- 
ington, D.C.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  3-25-63. 

Surgeon  Robert  T.  Royston:  Private  Company  “A”,  5-8-61. 
Appointed  Asst.  Surgeon  of  the  Regiment,  6-17-61.  Ap- 
pointed Surgeon  9-28-61.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Adier,  Joseph  M. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  deceased 
soldiers  from  Alabama  which  was  filed  for  final  settlement 
with  family,  12-1-63. 

Ashley,  William  N.  6-25-64 — Russell  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript, 

paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Anbrey,  James,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala. : Died,  7-2-62,  of  wounds 
received  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Baber,  J.M. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  wrar 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  6-20-65. 

Bamburg,  Lysander  P.  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.:  Accidently  shot 
in  hand.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  8-61. 

Barefield,  Edmund  8-25-62 — Clifton,  Ala.,  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Hammond  General 
Hospital,  Point  Lookout,  Md.,  10-63.  Exchanged  and  hos- 
pitalized at  Chimborazo  Hospital  No.  5,  Richmond,  Va., 
3-64. 

Barefield,  John  8-25-62 — *Clifton,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Chose  not  to 
be  exchanged. 

Barrett,  David  W.,  9-27-61 — Died  of  wounds  received  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Barrett,  James,  8-11-62— Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Re- 
ported a deserter. 


206 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Blair,  James  H.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged  from  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.,  8-5-62.  Hospitalized  and  supposed  to  have 
died  at  South  Carolina  Hospital,  Petersburg,  Va. 

Blakely,  J.  T. : Corporal.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prison- 
ers of  war  paroled  at  Gainesville,  Ala.,  5-14-65. 

Boggs,  Benjamin  F.  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  6-1-61. 

Bolling,  Allen  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Exchanged,  1-63.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor 
for  gallantry.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  Joined  U.  S.  3rd 
Maryland  Cavalry. 

Bowline,  W.  R.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-30-65. 

Boykin,  M.  B.  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Present  through  1864. 

Bradburg,  George  W.  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at 
Culpepper  C.  H.,  11-11-62. 

Bradley,  James  W.  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Transfered  to  U.  S.  A.  Smallpox  Hospital,  Point  Lookout, 
Md.,  6-30-64.  Paroled,  10-64. 

Brown,  David,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of  Hanover 
Junction,  5-24-64. 

Brown,  Oliver  C.  5-21-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  11-11-61. 

Brown,  Thomas,  5-21-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  10-15-61. 

Brown,  William,  5-8-61 — Marion  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability,  12-15-61. 

Browning,  B.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Gainesville,  Ala.,  5-14-65. 

Burroughs,  Bryan,  11 -19-64- -Marion,  Ala.  Conscript.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Burt,  J.  F.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged, 
10-64.  Died  of  illness,  11-30-64. 

Bushard,  James  Duke,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Discharged  due  to  his  wounds, 
9-22-62. 


19  7 7 


207 


Caddell,  William  J.,  4-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  5th  Sergeant,  8-1-62. 
4th  Sergeant,  4-1-63.  2nd  Sergeant,  2-1-64.  Killed  at  battle 
of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-12-64. 

Cady,  George  N.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
South  Mountain  during  1st  Maryland  Campaign,  9-15-62. 
Exchanged,  1-63.  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  3-27-63. 

Caesar,  William,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Musician.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  10-62. 

Candle,  John  A.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
May  have  been  exchanged. 

Cariker,  Henry,  8-11-62 — Camp  WTatts,  Ala.  Substitute  for  a 
conscript.  Died  of  illness  in  Richmond,  Va.,  hospitai,  8-2-63. 

Carleton,  Reuben  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Sergeant  7-12. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Died,  6-12-64, 
from  wounds  received  5-12-64  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H. 

Cassidy,  John,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Severely  wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical  dis- 
ability caused  by  his  wounds,  11-15-62. 

Cavanaugh,  William.  Deserted  his  Company.  However  remained 
in  Confederate  service  by  joining  C.  S.  Navy. 

Clark,  Edmond,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  a battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  8-5-62.  Sergeant  4-1-63.  Detailed  as  Machinist 
at  Richmond,  Va.,  9-2-64. 

Clark,  William.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  paroled  Confed- 
erate soldiers,  6-65. 

Coche,  John  W.  Captured  7-3-62.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  U.  S.  A. 

Cochran,  J.  W.,  5-8-61 — Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  U.  S.  A.  at 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  5-65. 

Cochran,  Samuel,  9-2-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Colburn,  John  W.,  5-8-61  — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at 
Lynchburg,  Va.,  7-62. 

Coley,  Robert  F.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Corporal.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Paroled  at  Lynchburg,  Va.,  4-13-65. 

Cook,  John  J.,  5-21-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wagonmaster.  Transfered 
to  Co.  K.,  11th  Alabama  Regiment,  4-13-65. 


208 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Cook,  William  C.,  5-21-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  near 
Yorktown,  Va.,  12-61. 

Daly,  John,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62.  Froze  to  death  near  Fredericksburg,  Va., 
2-22-63. 

Dargan,  James,  5-8-61 — Marion.  2nd  Corporal.  4th  Sergeant 
8-14-61.  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Davis,  James  H.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  2nd  Sergeant,  6-5-62. 
Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged  3-1-64. 

Deal,  Lewis  0.  Conscript.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

DeBarleder,  A.  H.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-20-65. 

Donavan,  Thomas  J.,  6-4-61 — Gloucester  Point,  Va.  Died  of 
typhoid  fever  at  Richmond,  Va.,  12-25-62. 

Donovan,  Moses  E.,  6-4-61 — Gloucester  Point,  Va.  4th  Sergeant, 
6-5-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier's  Farm,  6-30-62.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged,  3-64.  2nd 
Sergeant,  9-1-64. 

Donovan,  Henry,  8-3-61 — Yorktown,  Va.  Mortally  wounded  at 
battle  of  Frazier's  Farm,  6-30-62.  Died,  7-27-62. 

Doremas,  T.  J.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director's  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  patient,  12-20-62. 

Draper,  William,  8-11-62 — McAndrew,  Ala.  Conscript.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Duke,  Perry  M.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Duke,  William  H.,  5-8-61  Marion.  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of  Wil- 
liamsburg, 5-5-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Duncan,  John,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, Va.,  3-62. 

Fleming,  J.  Q.,  3-21-62 — Rockford,  Ala.  Conscript.  Died  in  a 
Richmond  hospital,  12-15-62. 

Fleming,  R.  H.,  8-21-62 — Rockford,  Ala.  Conscript.  Died  of 
pneumonia  at  the  2nd  Alabama  hospital,  Richmond,  2-2-63. 

Fibry,  S.H.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Confederate 
soldiers  who  died  of  wounds  or  disease,  n.d.  n.p. 

Folter,  Elliott.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Sent 
to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  8-30-63'.  Transfered  to  a 
U.  S.  hospital,  1-15-64. 

Foster,  R.  M.,  5-23-61 — Decatur,  Ala.  Transfered  from  Company 
C.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Never  re- 
turned from  wounded  furlough  and  reported  a deserter. 


19  7 7 


209 


Fuller,  John,  2-12-64 — Demopolis,  Ala.  Wounded  (not  by  ene- 
my), 8-64,  at  Deep  Bottom,  Va.  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 

Gentry,  Jasper  M.,  5-8-61 — 'Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Gentry,  John  M.,  8-8-61— Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Died 
at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  1-16-64. 

Gentry,  Manly.  Detailed  as  Teamster  for  hospital. 

Gentry,  Reason  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Gilleland,  A.  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  pneumonia  at  2nd 
Alabama  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va,,  12-15-62. 

Golden,  G.  W.  Conscript.  Paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-65. 

Gregory,  S.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-25-65. 

Griffin,  Richard  C.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  3rd  Sergeant.  Died 
at  Bigler’s  Wharf,  York  Co.,  Va.,  11-16-61. 

Hamrick,  James,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Exchanged,  7-62.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  2-18-65. 

Hanney,  T.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical  Direc- 
tor’s Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  admitted  as  a patient, 
2-21-63. 

Harman,  A.  E.,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62. 

Harwood,  C.  F.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Retired,  12-21-62,  due 
to  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62. 

Heming,  R.  H.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  12,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  deceased. 

Hilston,  J.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical  Direc- 
tor’s Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-20-63. 

Hokes,  J.  D.  Corporal.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  How- 
ard’s Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-9-64. 

Holstead,  John,  8-28-62 — Clopton,  Ala.  Conscript.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  7-11-63. 

Howard,  Claudius  F.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  His  name  appears 
on  the  muster  roll  of  the  Company  for  3 months  in  1861. 

Hubbard,  Andrew  J.  Corporal.  Sergeant,  4-1-63.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  2-10-65. 

Huff,  Ira  H.  Conscript.  Discharged,  3-13-63. 


210 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Hutchins,  Michael,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Totopotomoy  Creek, 
6-8-64. 

Ivey,  Hinton,  C.  G.,  5-8-61  — Marion,  Ala.  Corporal,  8-1-62. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 
Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New 
York  Harbor.  Exchanged  2-64. 

Ivey,  William  H.  P.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle 
of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Exchanged,  7-16-62.  Died,  7-12-63, 
of  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Jackson,  Joseph,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  4th  Sergeant.  1st  Ser- 
geant, 4-31-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 
Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Jacksrn,  Love  (Lowe),  T.,  8-10-62 — Marble  Valley,  Ala.  Con- 
script. Present  throughout  war. 

Jackson,  William  L.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at 
Richmond,  Va.,  11-8-64. 

Jackson,  William  T.,  8-10-62 — Marble  Valley,  Ala.  Conscript. 
Died  of  illness  at  Howards  Grove  General  Hospital,  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  11-8-64. 

James,  Edward  Dargan,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Corporal.  4th 
Sergeant,  8-14-61.  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Jeffreys  (Jeffries),  James,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  6-19-62. 

Jennings,  Henry  W. — Lowndesboro,  Ala.  Transferred  from  3rd 
Alabama  Regiment,  9-13-61.  Died  of  illness  while  home, 
9-7-62. 

Jennings,  Samuel  K.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  3rd  Corporal.  1st 
Corporal,  8-14-61.  5th  Sergeant,  9-1-61.  Killed  at  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  5-5-64. 

Johnson,  C.  C.,  9-11-63 — Marion,  Ala.  Conscript.  Captured  at 
Burkesville,  Va.,  4-6-65.  Released,  6-14-65. 

Johnson,  Charles  P.,  9-11-63 — Conscript. 

Johnson,  D.  E.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-20-65. 

Johnson,  Henry  S.,  3-25-63 — Marion,  Ala.  Conscript.  Orderly 
for  the  Commanding  Officer. 

Johnson,  James,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Accidently  shot.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  9-61. 

Johnson,  Scott,  3-10-64 — Selma,  Ala.  Conscript.  Musician.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Hatcher’s  Run,  Va.,  2-6-65.  Sent  to  Point 
Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  and  paroled  6-14-65. 


19  7 7 


211 


Jones,  Harrison.  Died  of  illness  at  Amelia,  C.H.,  Va.,  5-12-62. 

Joy,  W.  H.  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war  on 
the  Steamer  Katskill,  8-5-62. 

Kelley,  Gully,  8-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. — Substitute.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Burgess’  Mill,  1-27-64. 

Kendrick,  D.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-19-65. 

Kirkland,  Moses  S.,  8-28-62 — Echo,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Paroled  at  Albany,  Ga., 
5-24-65. 

Latner,  John  V.,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of  illness  at  Fred- 
ericksburg, Va.,  11-21-62. 

Lee  (Lea),  Henry  C.,  6-11-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Transfered  from 
Company  K,  11th  Alabama,  3-12-62.  Detailed  to  Division 
Signal  Corps,  7-28-63. 

Linn,  W.  J.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-19-65. 

Lockwell,  J.  A.  4th  Corporal,  10-1-62.  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 

Logan,  George  W.,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Died,  2-64. 

Logan,  Henderson  B.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Corporal,  8-1-62. 
Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Paroled  n.d.  Died  at  Alabama  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va.,  4-3-65. 

Logan,  William  L.,  5-21-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  10-61. 

Martin,  William  E.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Permanently  disabled. 

McCullough,  Rufus,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

McDonald,  William,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  5-27-61. 

Milhouse,  Clarence  A.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  1st  Sergeant,  8-1-62.  Deserted, 
3-27-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance. 

Morrison,  William.  Conscript.  Deserted  and  took  oath  of  al- 
legiance to  U.  S.  A. 

Murphy,  Richard,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Fredericksburg,  12-13-62.  Promoted  to  1st  Corporal  for 
gallantry,  4-1-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 


212 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


5-6-64.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64. 
Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor.  Resigned,  12-64. 

Murray,  W.  E.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  payment  to 
discharged  soldiers,  1-25-64. 

Oakes,  J.  D.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  4th 
Corporal,  3-64.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Oakes,  John  L.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Severely  wounded  at  battle 
of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-9-64.  Discharged  and  died  from 
his  wounds  before  reaching  home. 

Oakes,  Marcus  D.  L.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64.  Captured  near  the  end 
of  the  war. 

Oakes,  William  Thomas,  5-16-61 — Marion,  Ala.  1st  Sergeant, 
4-1-63.  Accidently  wounded  with  an  axe,  11-16-64.  Paroled 
at  Lynchburg,  Va.,  4-15-65. 

Oats,  W.  S.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital. 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  discharged  to  duty,  5-5-64. 

Ogly,  W.  T.  Sergeant.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chim- 
borazo Hospital  No.  4,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-6-63. 

Orr,  James,  8-27-62 — Marion,  Ala.  Conscript. 

Orr,  Sample,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Teamster.  Killed  at  battle 
of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64. 

Owens,  Lewis  G.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  phy- 
sical disability,  3-62. 

Pearl,  Thomas.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chimborazo 
Hospital  No.  2,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-5-62. 

Pedigo,  Thomas  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  11-28-61. 

Perrin,  Jasper.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Tuscaloosa,  Ala.,  5-18-65. 

Philpot,  John  C.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  phy- 
sical disability,  7-62. 

Price,  F.  M. — His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  6-25-64. 

Rayel,  Eue-ene,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability,  9-61. 

Roberson,  (Robertson)  Lewis  J.,  8-14-62 — Elba,  Ala.  Substitute 
for  a Conscript. 

Rowe,  Fletcher,  8-19-62 — McAndrew,  Ala.  Conscript.  Died  of 
illness  near  Fredericksburg,  Va.,  1-21-63. 


19  7 7 


213 


Rutherford,  Thomas  (William)  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Died  of 
illness  at  Yorktown,  Va.,  12-61. 

Rutledge,  Benjamin  W.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged, 
9-27-62. 

Smelley  (Smiley),  Thomas  J.,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md. 
Transfered  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  10-27-63. 

Smelley  (Smiley),  Samuel,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability  from  C.  S.  A.  Hospital,  Danville, 
Va.,  7-62. 

Smith,  Aaron,  8-26-62 — «Clopton,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  the  Enemy's  Left  Flank,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64. 

Smith,  J.  E.  (L).  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chimborazo 
Hospital  No.  4,  as  admitted  as  patient,  2-20-63. 

Smith,  N.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard's  Grove 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  admitted  as  patient, 

6- 25-64. 

Snodly,  Samuel,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  phy- 
sical disability,  7-1-62. 

Speir,  John  P.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  of  illness  at  home,  9-18-62. 

Stack,  Richard,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of  2nd 
Manassas,  8-30-62.  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  9-5-62,  Took 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  9-12-62. 

Steele,  J,  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war  cap- 
tured at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Stevens,  John  M.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Detailed  as  guard  at 
Bartlett's  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  7-62. 

Stockwell,  John  (James)  A.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Exchanged, 

7- 16-62.  4th  Corporal  10-62.  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  3-27-63, 
near  Chancellorsville,  Va. 

Taylor,  Samuel.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Seminary 
Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  12-26-61. 

Thompson,  Samuel,  9-27-61— Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Tomblinson,  James,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Frazier's  Farm,  6-30-62.  Paroled,  10-2-62. 
Died  of  illness  at  Mt.  Jackson,  Va.,  21-11-62. 


214 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Tomblinson,  James  W.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  on  the 
picket  line  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  10-27-64. 

Tomblinson,  Ulysses,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
over  age,  7-64. 

Traywick,  William  H.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Tubb,  Felix  T.  Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of  Hatcher's  Run, 
2-7-65.  Sent  to  City  Point,  Va.,  2-8-65.  Released,  6-8-65, 
from  Point  Lookout,  Md. 

Tubb,  George  W.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  2nd  Sergeant.  Died, 
6-16-62,  from  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Williamsburg, 
5-5-62. 

Tucker,  David,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  4th  Corporal,  4-1-63.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll 
of  Honor. 

Tucker,  John,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability,  8-61. 

Vines,  James  A.  (V),  8-6-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala.  Conscript. 
Captured  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  2-65.  Released  at  Point 
Lookout,  Md.,  6-21-65. 

Wacher,  George.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of 
war  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Waddle,  Richard  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  5th  Sergeant.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Walker  (Wacher),  George  J.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Captured 
straggling  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,  9-62.  Exchanged,  11-10- 
62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Walker,  J.  E.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Small  Pox 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  12-62. 

Walstead,  J.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-20-63. 

Wamble,  George  W.,  5-8-61 — ‘Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Ward,  William  H.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Discharged  due  to  his  wounds,  8-62. 

Weeks,  Henry  J.,  8-8-62 — Elba,  Ala.  Conscript.  Deserted  to  the 
enemy,  8-2-64. 

Weeks,  John  W.,  8-22-62— Camp  Watts,  Ala.  Transfered  from 
Company  E,  1-1-64.  Deserted,  1-65. 

Whitus,  William  R.,  5-8-61— Marion,  Ala,  Sent  to  hospital  in 
Richmond,  Va.,  8-62.  Supposed  to  have  died. 


19  7 7 


215 


Wilkenson,  U.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of:  Seminary 
Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  12-26-61  as  returned  to  duty. 

Williams,  Francis  (Frank),  K.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Corporal, 
5-61.  2nd  Sergeant,  12-61.  Died,  7-16-62,  from  wounds 
received  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Name  placed 
on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Williams,  J.  H.  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-23-65. 

Williams,  Robert  M.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  8-1-61. 

Williamson,  Sumpter  M.,  7-17-63 — Richmond,  Va.  Transfered 
from  Richmond  City  Battalion,  8-64.  Wounded  on  picket 
line,  8-24-64. 

Wilson,  E.,  9-5-62 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.  Conscript.  Died  of  illness 
at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-9-63. 

Wilson,  Lewis  J.,  9-30-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Weldon  Railroad,  8-21-64. 

Woolly,  H.  A.,  2-13-63 — Marion,  Ala.  Conscript.  Seriously 
wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  7-2-63.  Leg  amputated 
and  discharged  due  to  physical  disability. 

Wyers,  John  Henry,  9-27-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Accidently  wounded, 
9-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  11-62. 

Winters,  Benjamin  F.,  5-8-61 — Marion,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Williamsburg,  5-6-62. 


216 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  F 

Company  “B”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company  was  raised  on  April  25,  1861,  at  Wetumpka, 

Coosa  County,  Alabama,  as  the  “Governor’s  Guard”  and  was 

mustered  in  C.  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861,  for  the  period 

of  the  war. 

Officers 

Captain  T.  W.  W.  Davies:  5-13-61  to  3-20-62.  Promoted  to 
Major  of  the  28th  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment,  3-20-62. 

Captain  C.  W.  Hannon:  1st  Lt.,  5-17-61.  Captain,  3-20-62, 
Died  8-8-62,  from  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62. 

Captain  M.  G.  McWilliams:  2nd  Lt.,  5-17-61.  1st  Lt.,  3-20-62, 
Captain,  8-8-62.  Died  of  illness,  1-10-64. 

Captain  G.  T.  L.  Robison:  1st  Sergeant,  5-13-61.  2nd  Lt.,  9-4- 
62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  1st  Lt., 
12-29-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64.  Cap- 
tain, 1-10-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.H.,  4-9-65. 

1st  Lt.  J.  B.  Hannon:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62, 
Promoted  to  2nd  Lt.,  12-29-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Spot- 
sylvania C.H.,  5-12-64.  1st.  Lt.,  1-10-64.  Paroled  at  Ap- 
pomattox C.H.,  4-9-65. 

2nd  Lt.  Louis  H.  Grumpier:  5-17-61  to  12-4-61.  Resigned  due  to 
physical  disability. 

2nd  Lt.  C.  M.  Maynard:  Jr.  2nd  Lt.,  5-17-61.  2nd  Lt.,  12-15-61. 
Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

2nd  Lt.  John  M.  Loyall:  2nd  Sergeant,  5-13-61.  Jr.  2nd  Lt., 
3-20-62.  2nd  Lt.,  5-2-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 

6-27-62. 

2nd  Lt.  William  J.  Canterbury:  3rd  Sergeant,  5-13-61.  Jr.  2nd 
Lt.,  6-30-62.  2nd  Lt.,  9-4-62.  Died,  12-29-62,  from  wounds 
received  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

2nd  Lt.  A.  M.  DeBardeleben : 4th  Sergeant,  5-13-61.  Captured 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Jr.  2nd  Lt.,  11-62.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Apparently 
paroled.  2nd  Lt.,  1-64.  Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.  5- 
19-65. 


1 9'  7 7 


217 


Enlisted  Ranks 

Arnold,  B.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  4th  quarter  of  1862. 

Arnold,  David  C.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-3-63. 

Arnold,  J.,  7-17-61— Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed,  6-22-64,  near  Pet- 
ersburg, Va. 

Arnold,  Robert  P.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Seriously  wounded 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Treated  at  various  U.  S. 
hospitals  in  and  about  Gettysburg,  Pa.  Apparently  given 
wounded  parole  and  sent  to  a Richmond  hospital  for  further 
treatment,  6-64. 

Bailey,  A.  V.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  4th  Corporal.  Dis- 
charged 9-21-61. 

Baker,  James  W.  8-15-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Detailed 
as  Teamster  with  forage  unit  throughout  war. 

Barron,  J.  B.:  Died  of  illness  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va.,  1-27-63. 

Barron,  T.  J.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Treated  at  Alabama  Hospital,  Rich- 
mond, Va.  Furloughed  to  Alabama  7-25-63.  Hospitalized 
in  Montgomery,  Ala.,  9-1-64. 

Barwick,  James  G.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  deceased 
soldiers  from  Alabama. 

Beck,  W.  E.:  Died  of  illness,  3-4-63,  at  Howard’s  Grove  General 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va. 

Bern,  D.  H.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  admitted  11-10-62. 

Benton,  B.  P.  5-14-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

Betts,  William  S.  9-1-61 — Yorktown,  Va.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

Biggs,  William,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Detailed  as  Shoe- 
maker to  Columbus,  Ga. 

Black,  J.  T. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-7-64. 

Black,  W.  E.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  dying  3-5-63. 

Blake,  William,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 


218 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Exchanged  8-5-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.  4-9-65. 

Bowdoin,  John  W.  8-22-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Detailed  to  Army 
pontoon  train. 

Bowley,  G.  W.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Bowley,  W.  H.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-2-63.  Released  from  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  6-14-65. 

Bowring,  John  W.  8-2-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  3rd  Corporal.  Dis- 
charged, 12-9-61,  due  to  physical  disability. 

Bowring,  Thompson.  5-15-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Musician.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  5-22-62. 

Brown,  N.  L.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Way  Hospital, 
Meridian,  Miss.,  1-1-65. 

Buckner,  Charles  G.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Buckner,  M.  W.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-2-63. 

Bulger,  L.  P.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 2-63. 

Burk,  Henry  W.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness,  7- 
15-62. 

Butler,  D.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Musician.  Died  of  illness, 

8- 14-61. 

Burton,  B.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Mobile,  Ala.,  6-18-65. 

Bush,  John  H.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Bush,  R.  T.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Paroled  at  Montgomery, 
Ala.,  5-16-65. 

Cain,  William  P.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Detailed  as  nurse 
at  Camp  Winder  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  V.,  12-14-62. 

Cakhela,  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war. 
Paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-22-65. 

Campbell,  G.  6-21-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness,  7-22-62. 

Campbell,  O.  H.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness.  9-20- 
62. 

Carden,  John,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Dropped  from  the  roll. 


19  7 7 


219 


7-30-63.  It  was  thought  that  he  died  in  a Richmond  hos- 
pital. 

Cariker,  George  W.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness, 
5-25-62. 

Cariker,  W.  W.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Carlton,  Seaborn  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Indications  are  that 
he  was  exchanged  for  record  indicates  he  was  paroled  at 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-19-65. 

Chaney,  J.  P. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  patient  12-62. 

Chappell,  James  L.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Captured  at  bat- 
tle of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Exchanged.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Captured  while  patient  in  hos- 
pital in  Richmond,  Va.,  4-3-65.  Sent  to  Newport  News 
Prison. 

Coker,  W.  P.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness,  7-10-61. 

Coleman,  R.  C.  5-11-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63.  Hospitalized  frequently  thereafter.  Pa- 
roled at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-30-65. 

Connor,  B.  F.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka.  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Killed  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  5-1-64. 

Cook,  Thomas  M.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Present  at  siege  of 
Yorktown,  and  battles  of  Williamsburg  and  Seven  Pines. 
Hospitalized  at  C.  S.  A,  General  Hospital,  Danville,  Va., 
4-63.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  9-6-63. 

Cooper,  R.  G.  D.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  9-6-62. 

Coulton,  S.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Captured  and  exchanged, 
No  other  information. 

Crittendon,  E(C).  T.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability, 
11-12-63. 

Crow,  W.  T.  1-17-63 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Present 
throughout  war.  Deserted  3-24-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  U.  S.  A.  Transportation  furnished  to  Goshen,  N.Y. 

Dallinger,  J.  G. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  3- 
3-63. 


220 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Darrah,  H.  T.  5-18-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Later  detailed  with  ambulance 
train.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Deason,  A.  J.  2-15-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Downs,  W.  W.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Present  throughout 
the  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Dukes,  William  2-24-64 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded 
near  Petersburg,  Va.,  8-16-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Edwards,  A.  5-11-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Peters- 
burg Crater,  7-30-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Edwards,  John  R.  5-11-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Chronically  ill. 
Dropped  from  the  roll,  8-62. 

Ensley,  J.  W.  5-11-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness,  1-26-62. 

Evans,  Bronson  R.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Apparently  given- 
wounded  parole  for  his  name  appears  on  a register  of 
C.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Farmville,  Va.,  8-28-63. 

Ferguson,  John  T.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Finn,  J.  His  name  appears  on  a muster  roll  of  Camp  Winder 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-31-62. 

Fleming,  G.  R.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Exchanged  at  Aiken's  Landing,  Va., 
11-10-62.  Killed  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-13-64. 

Floyd,  M (W).  C.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  A^a.  Promoted  to  2nd 
Corporal  8-31-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Forbus,  G.  F.  4-3-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Hospitalized  frequently 
thereafter.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Forbus,  Josiah,  S.  4-3-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability. 

Furgeson,  J.  T.  5-18-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Weldon  Rail- 
road, 8-21-64.  Paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-10-65. 

Gantt,  David  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  AJa.  Deserted  toward  end 
of  war,  3-19-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 
Transportation  furnished  to  Goshen,  N.  Y. 


19  7 7 


221 


Gav,  J.  N.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Gilland,  B.  F.  3-10-64 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  6-3-64. 

Ginn,  A.  V.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Physician.  Present 
throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Ginn,  W.  J.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  8-16-61. 

Goodwin,  J.  T.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Hatcher’s  Run, 
Va.,  2-7-65.  Sent  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Released 

6- 2-65. 

Hall,  Soseph,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Hall,  William  A.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 
Given  wounded  parole.  Deserted  1-10-64. 

Harold,  D. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital, 
Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64. 

Harris,  A.  C.  4-12-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-11-64.  Paroled  at  Mont- 
gomery, Ala.,  5-17-65. 

Harris,  B.  F.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Harris,  W.  J.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Died  of  illness,  9-22-62. 

Haynes,  John  H.  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Aia.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 2-63. 

Haynes,  Zachariah,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Captured  while 
detailed  to  care  for  wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent 
to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Exchanged  2-18-65.  Name 
placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Henden,  J. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-24-65. 

Hendrix,  A.  W.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church, 
5-3-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Hoffle,  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  4-17-64. 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Hopper,  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-23-65. 

Hopper,  W.  W.  5-16-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-2/7-62.  Transfered  to  Company 
E,  38th  Georgia  Regiment,  January  1864,  being  a citizen  of 
Georgia. 

Horton,  James  L.  4-5-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Paroled  or  exchanged  7-30-63.  Died  of 
illness  in  Richmond  hospital,  1-20-65. 

Horton,  William  H.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Right  leg  amputated. 
Given  wounded  parole.  Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5- 
20-65. 

Howard,  J.  N.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Present  throughout 
war.  Corporal  2-29-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Howard,  Wiley  M.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  1st  Corporal. 
Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Never 
returned  to  full  duty.  Paroled  at  Montgmery,  Ala.,  5-16-65. 

Hupps,  W.  W.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Transferred  to  38th 
Georgia  Regiment,  1-64. 

Isley,  S.  T. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  9-16-63. 

Jester,  Nathan,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  5th  Sergeant.  De- 
serted to  the  enemy.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Johnson,  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va..  6-11-63. 

Johnson,  J.:  Died  of  illness  at  Camp  Winder  General  Hospital, 
Richmond,  Va.,  11-28-62. 

Johnson,  William  I.:  Died  at  Fredericksburg,  Va.  n.d. 

Jordan,  J.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  in  a Rich- 
mond, Va.,  hospital,  7-15-62. 

Jordan,  William  R.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness, 
6-7-62. 

Jowers,  J.  A.  D.  M.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Fraziers’  Farm,  6-30-62.  Detailed  as  Provost  Guard  11- 
18-63. 

Kappel,  M.  G.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Discharged  9-12-61. 

Kelley,  C.  H.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  7-12-62. 


19  7 7 


223 


Kelly,  M.  J.  4-25-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Severely 
wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Detailed  to 
Brigade  wagon  yard. 

Leak,  T.  F 5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Present  with  Company 
throughout  war.  Promoted  to  Sergeant  2-29-64.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Lesenbo,  J.  L.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  for  pay  for  the 
period  of  5-1-63  to  6-30-63. 

Lewis,  W.  D.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Division 
Wagoner.  Killed  at  battle  of  Totopotomoy  Creek,  6-1-84. 

Lyle,  M.  P.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  3-15-62. 

Maddox,  S.  J.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Killed,  n.d. 

Martin,  John.  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.  Present  with  Company 
throughout  war.  Promoted  to  Corporal  2-29-64.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Matthews,  B.  K.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  6-2-64. 

Matthews,  H.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 
Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to 
duty  9-64. 

McCarly,  J. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  prisoners  of 
war  at  Hart’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor,  4-10-65. 

Melton,  John  W.:  Conscript.  Discharged,  3-13-63,  by  providing 
a substitute. 

Merritt,  J.  W. : Conscript.  Died  of  illness  11-28-62. 

Michaud,  P. : 4-25-64 — Conscript.  Detailed  to  hospital  duty  with 
3rd  Army  Corps. 

Miller,  John  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg.  Never  returned  to  active  duty. 

Morris,  W.  L.  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  n.d.  Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-31-65. 

Nall,  W.  A.,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Deserted  11-63.  Is  sup- 
posed to  have  remained  in  C.  S.  A. 

Paterson,  George:  Conscript.  Record  of  frequent  hospitalization 
but  no  combat  duty. 

Patten,  John:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-20-64. 

Patterson,  George:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 
Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-18-62. 


224 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Pennington,  J.,  4-25-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  5-15- 
62. 

Rainey,  W.  F.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  9-20- 
62. 

Rawls  (Rawles),  M.  D.,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Killed  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Reed,  J.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  as  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-4-63. 

Reneau,  John  H.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Present 
throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Reneau,  J.  W.,  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  11-1- 
61. 

Reves,  J.  H.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-24-65. 

Riddle,  D.  G.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  n.d. 

Robison,  A.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  11-30-61. 

Robison,  Joseph  S.,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness 
9-13-62. 

Robinson,  L.  D.,  2-26-64 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Trans- 
fered  to  Company  I,  12th  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment. 

Sasnett,  L.,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  7-8-62. 

Shackelford,  F.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines  6-1-62.  Promoted  to  Corporal  and  Sergeant 
n.d.  Wounded  on  enemy’s  left  flank  at  Petersburg,  Va., 
6-22-64. 

Smith,  John  T.,  3-30-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Never  fully  recovered 
from  his  wound  and  discharged  3-5-63. 

Smith,  J.  Y.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  discharged  1-1-63. 

Spears,  Daniel  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  claims  by 
family  of  deceased  soldiers.  Claim  filed  by  widow  Maria 
3-19-63. 

Spigner,  G.  M.,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Promoted  to  4th 
Sergeant  12-21-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness 
5-6-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Strock,  J.  S.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  12-16-61. 

Swindal,  D.  W.,  5-21-63 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  DeCamp  Gen- 


19  7 7 


225 


eral  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Not  ex- 
changed. 

Swindal,  John  G.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg  7-5-63.  Died  of  illness  at  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.,  12-24-63. 

Taylor,  J.  J.,  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm  6-30-62.  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy,  12-63. 

Towler,  H.  F.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  7-25-62. 

Trice,  F.  M.,  7-21-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Transfered  from  12th 
Alabama  Regiment.  Wounded  in  action  around  Petersburg, 
Va.,  6-22-64.  Deserted  to  the  enemy  3-65.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Trice,  T.  F.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Walkley,  E.  A.,  9-30-61— Wetumpka,  Ala. : Died  of  illness  6-22- 
62. 

Wallace,  F.  D.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg  9- 
17-62. 

Watkins,  R.  0.,  8-9-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Hospitalized 
in  Richmond  hospitals  almost  constantly  after  reporting  to 
Company. 

Weip,  John,  7-25-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg  7-5-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp 
General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Pa- 
roled 9-2-63. 

Whitaker,  W.  W.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  1- 
3-62. 

White,  J.  M.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gurley’s  Farm,  Va.,  6-23-64. 

White,  R.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  Chim- 
borazo General  Hospital  No.  3,  Richmond,  Va.,  4-15-62. 

White,  W.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-65. 

White,  W.  J.,  4-5-62 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Record  indicates  he 
was  ill  and  hospitalized  throughout  most  of  the  war. 

White,  W.  E.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 
Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  patient,  7-14-64. 

Wilf,  J.  W.,  5-13-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  8-31-62.  Captured  at  battle  of 


226 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Gettysburg  7-2-63.  Again  sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison. 
Released  6-14-65. 

Wright,  J.  L.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability  7-16-62. 

Wright,  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Camp  Winder 
General  Hospital  No.  4,  as  patient  from  10-27-62  to  11-28- 
62,  and  then  transfered  to  Camp  Lee,  Va. 

Yarbrough,  J.  R.,  5-17-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg  7-2-63. 

Yarbrough,  M.  B.,  9-30-61 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  bat- 
tle of  Hanover  Junction,  Va.,  5-24-64.  Paroled  at  Ap- 
pomattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


227 


APPENDIX  G 

Company  “C”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company  was  raised  on  May  18,  1861,  at  Mobile,  Mobile 
County,  Alabama,  as  the  “Alex  Stephens  Guards”  and  was  mus- 
tered in  C,  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861,  for  the  period  of 
the  war. 

OFFICERS 

Captain  Charles  T.  Ketchum:  5-18-61  to  11-8-61.  Resigned. 
Captain  Leonard  F.  Summers:  1st  Lt.,  5-18-61.  Captain,  11-13- 

61.  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Captain  W.  Ben  Briggs:  2nd  Lt.,  5-18-61.  1st  Lt.,  11-13-61. 

Captain,  6-1-62.  Resigned,  10-15-62. 

Captain  Henry  C,  Lea:  1st  Sergeant,  5-18-61.  2nd  Lt.,  11-13-61. 
1st  Lt.,  6-1-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 
Captain,  10-15-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 

5- 6-64.  Absent,  wounded,  thereafter. 

Captain  W.  T.  Pettus:  Private,  5-18-61.  Captain,  1-26-62.  De- 
tailed as  Provost  Marshall.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 

6- 27-62. 

1st  Lt.  Henry  McHugh:  3rd  Sergeant,  5-18-61.  Jt.  2nd  Lt.,  12- 
30-61.  2nd  Lt.,  6-4-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 
6-27-62.  1st  Lt.,  10-15-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  the  Peters- 
burg Crater,  7-30-64. 

2nd  Lt.  James  A.  Finch:  Dismissed  from  the  service,  12-23-61, 
as  the  result  of  a Court  Martial. 

2nd  Lt.  Frank  B.  Miller:  Private,  5-18-61.  Sergeant,  1-4-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  2nd  Lt.,  7-15- 

62.  Wounded  (loss  of  left  arm)  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

2nd  Lt.  Mike  D.  McDonald:  Private,  5-18-61.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  2nd  Lt.,  12-16-63.  Severely  wounded 
at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64.  Retired  8-3-64. 
2nd  Lt.  Robert  Gaddes:  Private,  5-18-61.  Sergeant,  1-63. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  2nd  Lt.,  1-12- 
65.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Enlisted  Ranks 


Andrews,  James  C.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  2nd  Manassas,  8-30-62.  Corporal,  2-1-64.  Wounded  at 


223 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Captured  while  a patient 
in  a Richmond  hospital,  4-B-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  at 
Newport  News,  Va.,  and  released,  6-24-65. 

Armstrong,  Charles,  6-13-64 — Jefferson  City,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Died  of  illness  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  2-15-65. 

Ashlock,  Henry,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  A good  soldier.  Cap- 
tured at  Jackson  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  4-3-65.  Paroled 
4-22-65. 

Baggett,  John,  6-13-64— Jefferson  City,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died 
of  illness,  9-3-64. 

Barton,  M.  C.,  6-13-64 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Listed  as 
a prisoner  of  war  at  Libby  Prison,  Richmond,  Va.,  4-10-65. 

Batchelor,  George  B.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
phvsical  disability,  6-26-61. 

Bates,  J.  R.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s  Grove 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-31-64. 

Bonnean,  (Benneau),  H.  S.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  A good 
soldier.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  9-30-64. 

Bolling,  Daniel,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : A good  and  brave  soldier. 
Killed  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Bonham,  Simeon,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  A good  soldier.  Died 
at  Chesapeake  General  Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  6-6-62. 

Brown,  H.  S. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-6-64. 

Brown,  John,  8-1-62:  Conscript.  Frequently  hospitalized  in 
Richmond. 

Bryant,  Henry,  6-13-64:  Conscript.  Wounded  at  the  breast- 
works near  Petersburg,  Va.,  9-6-64.  Captured  4-65. 

Callahan,  John  C.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  A brave  soldier. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Name  placed  on 
Roll  of  Honor  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Campbell,  John,  2-1-64 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Deserted  to 
the  enemy. 

Campbell,  Samuel:  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  8-64.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  9-29-64. 

Carney,  W.  S. : His  name  appears  on  a record  of  men  paroled 
at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-12-65. 

Cassey,  John  D.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  prisoners  of 
war  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-12-65. 


19  7 7 


229 


Caughlin,  John  A.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  from  the 
Company,  but  remained  in  C.  S.  A,  service. 

Clark,  Richard,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  old 
age. 

Cleveland,  Joseph  C.,  2-1-62 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  typhoid 
fever,  6-14-62. 

Clousett,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobhe,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Sergeant,  2-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  49-65. 

Cof field,  C.  W.  Jr.,  5-18-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal,  7-62. 

Connelly,  Patrick,  5-18-61 — Mobde,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Apparently  given  wounded 
parole.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  4-14-63. 

Cook,  William  R.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged,  12-26-61. 

Cooper,  Henry,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg 
Crater,  7-30-64.  A good  and  brave  soldier. 

Cooper,  J.  M.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Retired,  5-10-63,  due  to  his  wounds. 

Cortright  (Coatright),  A.  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  4th  Ser- 
geant. Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  De- 
tailed to  Engineer’s  Department,  Mobile,  Ala.,  9-7-63. 

Cox,  Francis,  5-18-62 — Mobile,  Ala,:  Detailed  at  Camp  Lee,  Va., 
as  Baker  throughout  most  of  the  war. 

Cummings,  J.  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Present  throughout 
war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65.  A good  and  brave 
soldier. 

Curmeitter,  C.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-2-63. 

Curry,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala,:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  A 
good  and  brave  soldier.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Curtis,  H.  K.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy, 
10-61,  while  detailed  to  work  on  gunboats. 

Dade,  Jerry,  5-23-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Musician.  Present  through 
1861. 

David,  L.  J. : His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-13-65. 

Dearman,  Thomas  L.,  7-2-64 — Sumter  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7- 
30-64. 


230 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Deeley,  John  H.:  Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 

6- 27-62. 

Denman,  Robert,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  typhoid  fever 
at  a Danville,  Va.,  hospital,  7-19-62. 

Denmark,  W.  B.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company, 
but  remained  in  C.  S.  A.  service. 

Denny,  Joseph  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  1st  Corporal.  Serious- 
ly wounded  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-9-64.  Retired 
due  to  loss  of  a leg. 

Dix,  Frisby  T.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 8-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  11- 
11-64.  Sergeant,  12-81-64. 

Donovan,  William  G.  (Donnavan),  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  De- 
serted his  Company,  but  remained  in  C.  S.  A.  service. 

Dupes,  C.  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-23-64. 

Dyer,  S.:  Conscript.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-9-64. 

Eastburn,  C.  R.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged,  12-16-61. 

Echols,  Lewis  B.,  6-20-64 — Shelby  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled 
at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-20-65. 

Ennis,  William,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  6-2-63. 

Farnor  (Farnon),  James,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died,  6-18-62, 
at  Mill  Creek  U.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Fort  Monroe,  Va., 
as  the  result  of  wound  received  in  skirmish  at  Mill  Creek, 
Va. 

Foster,  R.  M.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  Company  A. 

Foy,  Thomas,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged,  2-18-65.  A brave  soldier. 

Gallagher,  William  C.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due 
to  physical  disability,  4-2-62. 

Gardner,  George  P.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  3rd  Corporal.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability. 

Garrett,  B.  L.:  Died,  2-17-63,  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va. 

Gayle,  George  B.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company, 
but  remained  in  C.  S.  A. 


19  7 7 


231 


Gedling,  Fred:  Hospitalized  with  severe  scald  at  Seminary  Hos- 
pital, Williamsburg,  Va.,  12-12-61. 

Gill,  Joseph  K.,  6-8-64 — Jefferson  City,  Ala.:  Hospitalized  fre- 
quently, and  saw  little,  if  any,  active  service.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Goodwin,  Frederick  H.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the 
enemy.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  6-2-63. 

Gould,  H.  L.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company,  but 
remained  in  C.  S.  A. 

Gould,  M.  B.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  Enemy’s  Left  Flank, 
Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64.  A good  soldier. 

Graham,  Jesse  H.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Retired  due  to  his  wounds.  ' 

Griggs,  D.  M. : Corporal.  Recorded  as  a prisoner  of  war  and 
paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-65. 

Hammock,  James  H.,  8-1-62 — Camp  Watts,  Va.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  on  Enemy’s  Left  Flank,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64. 
A good  soldier. 

Hartley,  Daniel,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  2-16-62. 

Hartley,  Frank  E.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal,  2-1-64. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  6-4-64.  Paroled  at  Ap- 
pomattox C.  II.,  4-9-65. 

Hartley,  Henry  C.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wagoner.  Paroled  at 
Mobile,  Ala.,  6-12-65. 

Hartley,  James  G.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged,  4-31-62. 

Higglotten,  A.  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-65. 

Hobart,  Henry  J.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  4th  Corporal.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Hogan,  Patrick,  5-16-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  Joined  the  1st 
Connecticut  Cavalry. 

Jackson,  Henry:  Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-5-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Jackson,  John  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Deserted  to  the  enemy. 

James,  Henry,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 


232 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Jarvis,  John  W.,  8-1-62 — Coosa  Co.,  x\la.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died  at  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  2-21-64. 

Jordan,  F.  M.,  8-22-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  in 
Richmond,  Va.,  hospital,  5-31-63. 

Kennedy,  Thomas,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Sergeant,  2-64.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-9-64.  A good  soldier. 

Kirkland,  Benjamin  J.,  8-28-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Knott,  R.  F. : Captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Knox,  Asa  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  (or  deserted) 
at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Sent  to  Old  Capitol 
Prison,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Lacoste,  A.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  1861. 

Lane,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died,  6-10-63,  at  Chimborazo 
General  Hospital  No.  4,  Richmond,  Va. 

Langdon,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Mortally  wounded  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  A good  and  brave  soldier. 

Lappington,  Albert  P.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the 
enemy. 

Lassiter,  Joel,  8-1-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  10-14-63. 

LeGett,  S.  P.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of  the 
Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Apparently  never  returned  to  active 
duty. 

Libraham  (Lybram),  W.  J.,  6-26-64 — Conscript.  Deserted  to  the 
enemy.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Loveless,  Andrew  M.,  6-6-64 — Jefferson  City,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Deserted  to  the  enemy,  3-30-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  U.  S.  A.  Transportation  furnished  to  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Lyons,  Cornelius : Dropped  from  the  roll  as  a deserter.  Returned 
to  duty,  4-27-64. 

McCabe,  Thomas  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Musician.  Deserted 
to  the  enemy,  9-20-64.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
U.  S.  A. 

McClinton,  James  A.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Promoted  to  Ser- 
geant, 1-4-62.  A brave  soldier. 

McDonald,  Charles,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
general  physical  disability. 

McElroy,  A.  J.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Detailed  to  Ordnance  Department, 
Richmond,  Va. 


19  7 7 


233 


Mclnnerney,  P.  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.  Re- 
leased, 5-15-65. 

McKinzie,  H.  D.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged,  8-5-62. 

McLaine,  T.  L.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-19-65. 

Melton,  J.  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-8-65. 

Middlebrook,  W.  E.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Con- 
federate soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-13-65. 

Moore,  W.  D.:  Captured  near  Shipensburg,  Pa.,  6-28-63.  Sent  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout 
Prison,  Md.,  10-26-63. 

Morgan,  E.  C.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Detailed  as  Provost  Guard  for  re- 
mainder of  the  war. 

Morgan,  John,  8-8-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of 
typhoid  fever  in  a Richmond  hospital,  6-11-63. 

Morgan,  M.  V.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
2nd  Manassas,  8-30-62.  Never  returned  to  active  duty. 

Morman,  George  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Died  of  typhoid  fever  in  a Richmond 
hospital,  2-21-64. 

Morisson,  Everett  (Edward),  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Supposed  to  have  joined 
Morgan’s  Cavalry. 

Nesmith,  0.  W.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  prisoners  of 
war  who  died  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  8-29-63. 

Newman,  Thomas  D.,  5-21-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  (or  de- 
serted) after  battle  of  Gettysburg,  near  Fairfield,  Pa.,  7-8- 
63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Joined  U.  S.  3rd 
Maryland  Cavalry. 

Norman,  G.  W. : Died  at  General  Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond, 
Va.,  1864. 

Norres,  Matt,  4-28-64 — Chambers  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Hos- 
pitalized frequently.  Saw  little,  if  any,  active  service. 

Morris,  James  A.,  8-28-62- — Macon  Co.  Ala.:  Conscript.  Trans- 
fered from  Company  F,  2-1-64. 


234 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Norton,  James,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died  in  U.  S.  A.  Hospital, 
York,  Pa.,  1-11-64.  A good  soldier. 

O’Brien,  James,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Sergeant,  11-25-62. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Burgess’  Mill,  10-22-64. 

O’Connor,  Thomas,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Died 
of  pneumonia  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  8-13-63.  A 
good  soldier. 

Pagles,  John  F.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  2nd  Sergeant.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  6-20-62. 

Pate,  T.  W.,  8-16-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Pate,  W.  A.,  8-17-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Severely 
wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Paroled  at 
Talladega,  Ala.,  6-3-65.  A good  soldier. 

Pearson,  H.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chimborazo 
Hospital  No.  1,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  4-30-62. 

Peterson,  E.  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  C.  S.  A. 
General  Hospital,  Farmville,  Va.,  6-62. 

Peterson,  Jacob,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Pettus,  W.  T.,  5-18-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal,  1-26-62.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gaines  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Phealen,  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  5-6-63. 

Philebert  (Phillibert) , Oscar,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted 
to  the  enemy. 

Phillips,  John  R.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Name  placed  on  the 
Roll  of  Honor  at  the  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-6-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Powell,  Charles,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  2nd  Corporal.  Deserted 
his  Company  but  remained  in  C.  S.  service. 

Powell,  James  F.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  2nd  Manassas,  8-30-62.  Discharged  due  to  his 
wounds. 

Powers,  Mike,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-5-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Ra.wson,  Edward,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  A good  and  brave  soldier. 


19  7 7 


235 


Robinson,  Charles,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Com- 
pany, but  remained  in  C.  S.  service. 

Rodgers,  Edward  J.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Transfered  to  Company  I. 

Rogers,  J.  E. : A record  indicates  he  received  pay  in  1862. 

Rowland,  Robert,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Ryan,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wagoner.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Sanford,  Thad,  Jr.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal,  1-62.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Scanned,  Fred,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 

Scott,  Frank,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged. 

Shaw,  William,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  A good  and  brave  soldier.  Surrendered 
4-5-65. 

Shields,  John  G.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Simmons,  J. : Captured  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-68. 

Smith,  George,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  To- 
topotomoy  Creek,  6-1-64. 

Smith,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62.  A good  and  brave  soldier. 

Smith,  T.  R.:  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war 
captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Spears,  A.  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  deceased  Con- 
federate soldiers,  9-9-64. 

Spears,  J.  C.,  8-28-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala. : Transfered  to  Company  F. 

Steel,  Henry,  4-16-64 — Jackson  City,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Deserted 
to  the  enemy. 

Steel,  Jayson,  4-16-64 — Jackson  City,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of 
illness  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond, 
Va.,  8-3-64. 

Stillman,  John  F.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Sergeant,  3-1-64. 
Killed  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Stone,  William  D.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  12-18-61. 

Stone,  W.  R.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-24-65. 

Sutten,  J.  E.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-12-65. 


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ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Talleen  (Tallon),  Joseph  B.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of 
Honor.  Sergeant,  5-1-63.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-2-63. 

Theratt,  Hiram:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-12-65. 

Thomasson,  M.  D.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2- 
63.  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy  at  Mobile,  Ala. 

Truelove,  Elijah,  7-2-64 — Sumter  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Present 
in  the  late  stages  of  the  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 

4- 9-65. 

Tucker,  A.  W. : His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-10-65. 

Tyson,  A.  J.,  8-28-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.  Exchanged,  2-18-65. 

Vincent,  W.  H.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  A good  and  brave  soldier. 

Vinson,  James  H.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Deserted  4-65.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  Transportation  furnished  to 
Philadelphia. 

Wakefield,  W.  R.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Discharged  due  to  being  over  age. 
Webster,  Henry,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged. 

Welsh,  A.  J.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Present  throughout  war. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65.  A good  and  brave 
soldier. 

White,  Daniel,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 

5- 6-64.  A good  soldier.  Deserted  his  Company,  but  remained 
in  C.  S.  A.  service. 

Whitley,  John  J.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  A good  soldier. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Captured 
during  the  last  week  of  the  war.  Paroled  at  Farmville,  Va., 
4-65. 

Willingham,  William  T.,  8-28-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

A good  soldier.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Wilson,  E.  J.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Commissary  Sergeant. 
Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 


19  7 7 


237 


Winters,  Abram,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Detailed  as  Regimental  Wagoner. 
Deserted,  2-65. 

Womack,  N.  P.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged,  n.d. 

Wright,  D.  D.:  Captured  at  battle  of  South  Mountain  during 
the  1st  Maryland  Campaign,  9-14-62.  Exchanged  10-6-62. 

Wright,  Henry,  8-28-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  A good  soldier. 

Wright,  Reuben,  8-5-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del., 
9-21-63. 


233 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  H 

Company  “D”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

Tins  Company  was  raised  in  1838  as  an  independent  Company 
in  the  Alabama  State  Militia,  Selma,  Dallas  County,  Alabama, 
as  the  “Independent  Blues”.  On  March  2,  1861,  it  was  mustered 
into  the  Army  of  Alabama  for  State  defense.  It  was  mustered 
in  C.  S.  A.  service  June  9,  1861,  for  the  period  of  the  war. 

OFFICERS 

Captain  James  Kent:  5-10-61  to  11-1-61.  Resigned. 

Captain  Robert  A.  McCrary:  1st  Lt.,  5-10-61.  Captain,  11-8-61. 

Killed  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Captain  William  R.  Knox:  1st  Sergeant.  2nd  Lt.,  1-27-62.  Cap- 
tain, 5-3-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater, 
7-30-64.  Paroled  at  appomattox  C.  H.  4-9-65. 

1st  Lt.  Andrew  Bogle:  5-10-61  to  11-8-61.  Resigned. 

1st  Lt.  J.  Crane  Shermerhorn:  5-10-61  to  1-27-62.  Resigned. 
1st  Lt.  Charles  F.  Brown:  Corporal.  2nd  Lt.,  11-62.  1st  Lt.,  9- 
19-64.  Retired  due  to  physical  disability,  2-5-65.  Received 
Regimental  compliment  for  gallantry  at  battle  of  Sharps- 
burg. 

2nd  Lt.  Patrick  H.  Mayes:  Corporal.  Severely  wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Elected  2nd  Lt.,  5-8-63.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-12-64.  Name  placed  on  the 
Roll  of  Honor. 

2nd  Lt.  John  H.  Robinson:  Sergeant.  2nd  Lt.,  1-27-62.  Retired 
due  to  physical  disability,  11-1-62. 

2nd  Lt.  David  B.  Sullivan:  1st  Lt.,  5-3-63.  Detailed  to  the  Con- 
script Bureau,  10-23-63.  Dropped  from  the  Company  roll, 
9-19-64. 

2nd  Lt.  Charles  B.  Woods:  Sergeant.  2nd  Lt.,  1-27-62.  Seriously 
wounded  at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Retired  due  to 
physical  disability,  7-8-62. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Anderson,  David  L.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Seriously  injured, 
9-2-63.  Retired  due  to  physical  disability,  5-17-64.  Paroled 
at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-16-65. 


19  7 7 


239 


Anderson,  J.  N.,  6-1-64 — Talladega,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Deserted 
to  the  enemy,  9-24-64.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
U.  S.  A.  at  City  Point,  Va.,  9-28-64. 

Arnold.  Isaac,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  11-25-64.  Trans- 
portation furnished  to  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Aunspaugh,  John  H.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Promoted  to 

Quartermaster  of  the  Regiment,  8-63. 

Baker,  John,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Commissary 
Guard.  Promoted  to  Corporal,  1864.  Captured  in  late  weeks 
of  war.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  5-16-65. 
Transportation  furnished  to  New  York  City. 

Becker,  Winslow  P.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  On  Company  muster 
roll  of  original  Company. 

Bell,  John  G.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Confined  at  Old  Capitol  Prison, 
Washington,  D.  C.  Released.  Detailed  to  Quartermaster 
Dept.,  Talladega,  Ala.  Paroled  at  Talladega,  5-19-65. 

Bell,  W.  Randolph,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Sergeant.  Paro'ed  at 
Talladega,  Ala.,  6-1-65. 

Bill,  James  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma.  Ala.:  Detailed  to  C.  S.  A.  armory 
at  Selma,  Ala.,  11-62. 

Bohlia,  George  W.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Boley,  Marion  A.,  5-10-61- — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General 
Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Paroled.  As.- 
signed  to  C.  S.  A.  munition  armory,  Selma,  Ala.  Paroled  at 
Selma,  Ala.,  5-29-65. 

Bolles,  John  D.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Hospital 
Steward. 

Bosworth,  J.  Larry,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged;  n.d.  Detailed  to  C.  S. 
Ordnance  Dept.,  Columbus,  Ga.,  3-29-64. 

Boyle,  Maurice  J.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.  Detailed  as  Ward  Master 
in  Military  hospital. 

Brown,  John,  8-12-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured 
at  Richmond  during  last  weeks  of  the  war.  Paroled  at 
Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  6-65. 

Brown,  John  A.,  5-10-61- — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Hospital 
Steward,  5-9-63. 


240 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Bundy,  John,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Wounded  8-11-64 
in  Petersburg,  Va.,  area.  Died  as  the  result  of  his  wound 
at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  9-7-64. 

Burr,  Charles  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  4th  Corporal. 

Butler,  Sumner  E.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Wagon- 
master.  Captured  at  Wilhamsport,  Md.,  7-6-63,  during  Con- 
federate retreat  from  the  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Took  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Byrd,  William  M.  Jr.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Promoted  to  Ser- 
geant Major  of  the  Regiment,  6-15-61.  Promoted  and  trans- 
fered  as  Asst.  Commissary  Officer. 

Callen,  James  C.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged  10-2-62.  Died.  10-14-63,  of 
carditis. 

Cleveland,  Morgan  S.,  6-12-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Quartermaster  Ser- 
geant 7-61.  Promoted  to  Adjutant  of  the  Regiment  6-28-73. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Weldon  Railroad,  8-20-64.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Coggins,  David  C.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Mounted  orderly  for 
Colonel  of  the  Regiment.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison.  Died  of  illness  10-17-63. 

Colton,  Edward  G.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Hospital 
Steward.  Surrendered  and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
U.  S.  A.,  4-24-65. 

Coneley,  Louis  Alexander,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Transfered  to 
Colonel  Coneley’s  Regiment. 

Connelly,  Randolph,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Died  at  General  Hos- 
pital No.  21,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-5-62. 

Coville,  David  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Croswell,  Robert  H.  Jr.:  Transfered  to  a Mississippi  Regiment, 

3- 28-62. 

Cunningham,  G.  W.,  4-1-62 — Columbus,  Ala.:  Transfered  from 
Tennessee  Cavalry,  10-3-63. 

Curley,  W.  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  hospital, 
Richmond,  Va.,  5-7-64. 

Dalton,  A.  W. : Killed  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Daughtry,  William  T.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  to  C.  S.  A. 
armory,  Selma,  Ala.,  9-5-63. 

Day,  Marshall,  10-64:  Conscript.  Paroled  at  Aopomattox  C.  H., 

4- 9-65. 


19  7 7 


241 


Dees,  J.:  Died  of  illness  at  2nd  Alabama  Hospital,  Richmond, 
Va.,  6-1-63. 

Donaho,  William  E.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  5th  Sergeant.  Mor- 
tally wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Name 
placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Dougherty,  James  N.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded 
(loss  of  left  leg)  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Retired 
1-10-63. 

Dovely,  John : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  C.  S.  A.  Post 
Hospital  as  returned  to  duty,  12-17-62. 

Drake,  Norman  B.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  to  C.  S.  A. 
armory  at  Selma,  Ala. 

Dunlap,  G.  R.,  8-21-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Hos- 
pitalized frequently  throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.H.,  4-9-65. 

Edmonds,  J.  H. : Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-4-63.  Died,  8-28-63,  while  a prisoner  of  war  at  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del. 

Edmondson,  William  B.,  5-25-61 — Richmond,  Va.:  Color  Bearer. 

Edwards,  R.  H.,  11-10-62 — Culpepper,  Va.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died,  8-28-63,  while  a prisoner  of 
war  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Edwards,  S.  A.:  Transfered  from  22nd  Alabama  Regiment, 
10-7-63. 

Ellis,  Edward,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Deserted  and  captured  at 
Fairfield,  Pa.,  during  retreat  from  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-6-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Elmore,  R.  G.:  Conscript.  Captured  as  patient  in  hospital  in 
Richmond,  Va.,  4-3-65. 

Engar,  Charles:  Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-4-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged.  2- 
18-65. 

Evans,  W.  Hampton,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  courier 
for  Surgeon  General.  Killed  in  action  near  Petersburg,  Va., 
9-14-64. 

Ezell,  Joseph  W.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Detailed  as  Courier  for  General  A.  P. 
Hill.  Injured,  and  detailed  to  C.  S.  A.  arsenal,  Selma,  Ala. 

Faxon,  Henry  Jr.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Captured  at 
Falling  Waters,  Md.,  7-14-63.  Sent  to  Old  Capitol  Prison, 


242 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Washington,  D.  C.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A., 
12-7-63. 

Fitzgerald,  James,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala. : Wounded  .and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital, 
David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Apparently  given 
wounded  parole  for'  his  name  appears  on  a register  of 
Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  6-64. 
Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala.,  5-29-65. 

Foster,  J.  A.,  9-12-62 — Campt  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Foster,  Samuel  N.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Sergeant.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to 
DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Har- 
bor. Released  on  wounded  parole.  Detailed  to  C.  S.  A. 
arsenal,  Selma,  Ala.  Paroled  at  Selma,  6-65. 

Gardner,  Thomas  G.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  4th 
Alabama  Battalion,  2-8-62. 

Garrett,  William  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  7- 
-28-61. 

Coggins,  D.  C.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala. : Missing  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-3-63. 

Goodwin,  J.  R.:  Mortally  wounded  in  skirmish  in  Petersburg, 
Va.,  area,  9-13-64. 

Granger,  Luther  B.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Mortally  wounded 
at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Died  7-23-62. 

Granger,  William  H.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Record  of  frequent 
hospitalizations.  Discharged  3-4-63. 

Griffin,  James  A.,  8-20-62 — Tallapoosa,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md., 
10-26-63.  Paroled  2-18-65. 

Griffin,  Samuel  T.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  with  Com- 
pany through  August  1861. 

Guinn,  Green  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Died  at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  about  8-10-64. 

Guntry,  S.  C.:  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-2-63.  Treated  at  hospitals  in  and  about  Gettysburg,  Pa. 

Hadeler,  Adolphus  T.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-3-62. 

Haden,  Joel,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  with  Company 
through  August  1861. 


19  7 7 


243 


Hall,  B.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing  for 
the  3rd  quarter  of  1863. 

Hall,  J. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s  Grove 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty  10- 
11-64. 

Handley,  H.  H.,  8-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Reported 
missing  6-23-64. 

Handley,  J.  E.:  Severely  wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Apparently  released  to  Confederates 
for  treatment.  Died  in  Richmond  hospital  following  the 
amputation  of  his  right  arm. 

Harp,  Angus,  9-3-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Treated  at  U.  S. 
Army  General  Hospital,  Baltimore,  Md.  Transfered  to  a 
Richmond  hospital  as  wounded  parolee.  Leg  amputated  11- 
18-63. 

Harp,  Joseph,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on  an 
early  undated  muster  roll.  May  have  been  detailed  else- 
where as  Joiner. 

Harrington,  S. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  1st  Mis- 
sissippi C.  S.  A.  Hospital,  Jackson,  Miss.,  8-3-64. 

Harris,  Robert  T.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Sergeant.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-72.  Captured  near  Frederick,  Md.,  10-7-62. 
Paroled  about  11-29-62  from  Fort  McHenry,  Md. 

Harrison,  Benjamin  C.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Discharged  at 
Bethel,  Va.,  12-7-61. 

Hattery,  T.  J.:  Conscript.  His  name  appears  on  an  admission 
record  of  U.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Baltimore,  Md.,  as 
paroled. 

Hickman,  J.  H.,  8-1-61 — Yorktown,  Va.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  8-5-62.  Detailed  as  nurse  in  Confederate  Hos- 
pitals in  and  about  Richmond,  Va.  Paroled  at  Richmond, 
5-1-65. 

Holton,  Horace  W.,  5-10-61 — ;Selma,  Ala.:  1st  Sergeant.  Died 
4-5-62  from  wounds  received  while  on  picket  duty. 

Houghs,  J.  H.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-22-65. 

Huffman,  James  K.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 


244 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Hull,  Benjamin  F.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Detailed  to 
Quartermaster  Corps.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Ireland,  W.  W.,  3-12-62:  Transfered  from  28th  Alabama  Regi- 
ment, 10-63. 

Izell,  J.  W.,  8-1-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Jones,  Daniel,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Appointed  Assistant  Quartermaster, 
9th  Alabama  Infantry,  5-14-63.  Present  at  Siege  of  York- 
town,  and  battles  of  Seven  Pines  and  Salem  Church. 

Jones,  T.  C.,  8-8-62 — Macon,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Kelley,  J.  S.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-20-65. 

Kirkland,  W.  R.,  9-3-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  His  name  appears 
on  a Company  muster  roll,  9-3-63. 

Kirkpatrick,  James  M.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  in 
Richmond  hospital,  6-22-62. 

Kitchen,  R.  A.,  2-1-62 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  from  22nd 
Alabama  Regiment,  10-7-63. 

Kohn,  Frederick  M.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  7-18-61. 

Lapsley,  Robert  O.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Quartermaster.  Dis- 
charged 8-1-62. 

Leary,  J.:  Conscript.  Detailed  as  Hospital  Steward  to  General 
Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  8-23-64. 

Leroy,  Joseph,  3-9-63 — Fredericksburg,  Va. : Conscript.  Wounded 
near  Darbytown,  Va.,  and  leg  amputated  8-16-64.  Retired 
12-12-64. 

Lester,  J.  R.,  9-15-61 — Montgomery,  Ala.:  Transfered  from 
22nd  Alabama  Regiment,  10-7-63. 

Linebaugh,  William,  5-23-61 — Montgomery,  Ala.:  Color  Guard. 
Mortally  wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Locke,  D.  W.  L.,  9-3-62- — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died 
of  illness  at  General  Hospital  No.  2,  Lynchburg,  Va.,  5-22- 
64. 

Lockridge,  R.  G. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  cloth- 
ing for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Lundie,  Benjamin  M.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Assigned  as  Pro- 
vost Guard. 

Mack,  Otto:  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  2-19-62. 

Malone,  A.(J)  C. : Conscript.  Mortally  wounded  at  battle  of  the 
Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64. 


19  7 7 


245 


Maples,  William  S.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  with  original 
Company. 

Martin,  Joshua  L.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical  dis- 
ability, 8-2-62. 

Mays,  C.  H.:  Present  with  original  Company. 

McCurdy,  Lucius,  5-20-61 — Marion,  Ala.:  Sergeant  1863. 

Wounded  at  skirmish  at  St.  James  College,  Hagerstown, 
Md.,  7-12-63,  during  retreat  from  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Marritt,  J.  G.,  8-26-62 — Marion,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Released  6-14-65. 

Miller,  Charles  P.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  with  original 
Company. 

Moore,  Isaac  Tate,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Monroe,  Va. 
Apparently  given  wounded  parole.  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  10-15-62. 

Morris,  F.  R.,  8-15-62 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of  ill- 
ness in  Richmond  hospital,  6-63. 

Morris,  J.  A.  J.,  12-23-63 — Montgomery,  Ala. : Conscript. 

Deserted  to  the  enemy.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
U.  S A.,  10-23-64. 

Morris,  M.  W.,  9-11-62 — Marble  Valley,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at 
Gordonsville,  Va.,  5-17-64. 

Morris,  Zachariah  S.,  9-2-63 — Marble  Valley,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  7-31-63.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-12-64.  Again  sent 
to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Later  transfered  to  Elmira 
Prison,  N.  Y. 

Neil,  C.,  6-64 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Record  of  hos- 
pitalization at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond, 
Va.,  9-21-64. 

Norris,  Thomas  P.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Mon- 
roe, Va.  Subsequently  died  as  the  result  of  his  wound. 

Page,  Norborne,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Promoted  to 
1st  Sergeant,  n.d.  May  have  been  promoted  to  2nd  Lt.,  of 
1st  Alabama  Artillery  Battalion. 


246 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Penn,  E.  L.,  1-2-63 — Fredericksburg,  Va.:  Conscript.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  12-15-64. 

Pittman,  G.  P.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Porter,  Thomas  W.  D.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  8-5-62. 

Powell,  William  H.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Killed  at  the  battle 
of  Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Read,  W.  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
during  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Reeves,  William  L.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners 
of  war  captured  in  Alabama,  4-65. 

Reid,  W.  J.,  5-6-64 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on 
Company  muster  roll  for  September  and  October,  1864. 

Reynolds,  James  M.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  8-62. 

Riketson,  Oliver  R.,  3-2-62 — York  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Released  6-14-65. 

Rickland,  W.  R.,  9-3-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  1-64. 

Roach,  Milton  A.,  5-23-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Discharged  7-12-61  to 
accept  a promotion. 

Robbins,  Julius  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Appointed  Assistant 
Quartermaster  of  the  Regiment  6-12-61.  Resigned  9-30-63. 

Robinson,  A.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of 
war  paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-24-65. 

Rowe,  George  T. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  claims  by 
family  of  deceased  soldiers. 

Salmonds,  B.  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  claims  by 
family  of  deceased  soldiers. 

Satterfield,  James  R.,  2-18-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  4-2-63. 

Seligsburg,  Abraham,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Seriously  wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Given 
wounded  parole  from  Fort  Monroe,  Va.,  8-3-62.  Discharged 
due  to  disability  caused  by  his  wounds,  11-18-62. 

Senebaugh,  W.  H. : Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Shortridge,  Eli,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Mortally 

wounded  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Died  at  Mill 


19  7 7 


247 


Creek  U.  S.  A.  Hospital,  near  Fort  Monroe,  Va.,  6-29-62. 
Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Sides,  W.  R.:  Transfered  from  22nd  Alabama  Regiment,  5-3-63. 

Simmons,  A.,  8-20-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Smith,  Andrew  J.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Died  in  a Richmond 
hospital,  5-62. 

Smith,  J.  M.,  9-4-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on 
a register  of  Camp  Winder  General  Hospital,  9-4-62,  10-24- 
62,  and  1-15-63. 

Sommerville,  Walter  Jr.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as 
Medical  Assistant  at  Bigelow  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va. 

Spence,  D.  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 
Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.  n.d. 

Sterne,  Joseph,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Deserted  while  a patient 
in  hospital. 

Stevens,  J.  H.:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 
Transfered  as  Teamster  to  Regiment’s  Ordnance. 

Strange,  R.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-22-65. 

Stubbs,  James  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  cloth- 
ing for  4th  quarter  of  1864,  and  again  appears  on  a register 
of  the  Federal  Provost  Marshall’s  Office,  4th  District, 
Richmond,  Va.,  near  end  of  war. 

Sullivan,  Dennis,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  with  original 
Company. 

Sweeny,  William  H.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Assigned  as  Ward  Master  in  a 
Mobile,  Ala,,  hospital. 

Swindle,  E.  D.:  A record  indicates  he  was  on  duty  with  the 
Company  in  December,  1863,  as  transfered  from  56th  Ala- 
bama Regiment. 

Taylor,  F.  G.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Taylor,  J.  A.,  8-62 — Walker,  Ala.:  Transfered  from  56th  Ala- 
bama Regiment,  10-7-63. 

Taylor,  S.  P.,  11-22-63 — Jasper,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured  at 
battle  of  Hanover  Junction,  5-24-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison, 
N.  Y.,  where  he  died  of  illness,  8-20-64. 

Taylor,  Thomas  G.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  throughout 
war.  Captured  near  Farmville,  Va.,  4-6-65. 


248 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Tliomas,  Bruce  P.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  in  both  legs 
at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Thompson,  John  E.:  Died  of  illness  at  General  Hospital  No.  2, 
Lynchburg,  Va.,  11-17-62. 

Tilton,  Joshua  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Discharged  due  to  the  disability 
caused  by  his  wounds. 

Underwood,  Sylvanus  G.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Promoted  to  Sergeant,  1863. 
Discharged  by  furnishing  substitute,  3-9-63. 

Walker,  Jenk  R.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Carpenter 
in  Quartermaster  Corps,  8-61. 

Wallis,  J.  W.,  8-20-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Present 
with  Company  until  end  of  war.  Paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala., 

6- 20-65. 

Webster,  Robert  E.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Detailed  to  build 
houses  for  staff. 

West,  James,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability,  8-61. 

W'hatley,  Thomas,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Wounded 
and  captured  during  retreat  from  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 14-63.  Left  leg  amputated.  Given  wounded  parole.  Dis- 
charged 2-11-64. 

Whelen  (Wheelen),  John  P.,  5-10-61— -Selma,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability  caused  by  his  wounds.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of 
Honor. 

White,  Garland  A.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  1861. 

Williams,  W.  R.,  8-21-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Williamson,  J.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of 
war  captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Wise,  Frank  F.,  5-10-61 — Selma,  Ala.:  Present  throughout  war. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Wood,  J.  B.:  Transfered  from  2nd  Tennessee  Cavalry,  10-7-63. 

Wright,  J.  B.:  Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  7-7-63.  Paroled 
at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  2-18-65. 

Zell,  E.:  His  name  appears  on  a weekly  report  in  the  Hospital 
Department,  Selma,  Ala.,  for  extension  of  furlough,  1-8-63. 


19  7 7 


249 


APPENDIX  I 

Company  “E”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company  was  raised  on  May  8,  1861,  at  Mobile,  Mobile 

County,  Alabama,  as  the  “Hamp  Smith  Rifles”  and  was  mus- 
tered in  C.  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861. 

OFFICERS 

Captain  William  T.  Smith:  5-6-61  to  10-20-61.  Resigned. 

Captain  Crawford  Blackwood:  1st  Lt.,  5-6-61.  Captain,  12-27- 
61.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Resigned 
on  Surgeon’s  Certificate,  9-30-62. 

Captain  A.  H.  Ravesies:  2nd  Lt.,  5-6-61.  1st  Lt.,  12-28-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Captain,  9-30-62. 
Retired  9-17-64. 

1st  Lt.,  Eugene  Brooks:  2nd  Lt.,  5-6-61.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  1st  Lt.,  9-30-62.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Retired  11-15-64. 

1st  Lt.  William  R.  Sterling:  2nd  Sergeant,  5-6-61.  Jr.  2nd  Lt., 
1-62.  2nd  Lt.,  10-62.  1st  Lt.,  11-15-62.  Captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Later 
transfered  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  and  then  Johnson’s 
Island  Prison,  Ohio.  It  can  be  safely  assumed  that  he  was 
released  or  exchanged,  since  he  is  credited  with  compiling 
a roster  of  the  Company  12-31-64.  Mentioned  as  con- 
spicuous for  gallantry  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

2nd  Lt.  William  A.  Ryan:  Private,  5-6-61.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Promoted  to  2nd  Lt.,  for  gallantry, 
5-3-63.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  Point  Lookout  Prison, 
Md.  Later  transfered  to  Fort  McHenry  Prison,  then  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  then  Johnson’s  Island  Prison,  Ohio. 

2nd  Lt.  Francis  J.  Jones:  Private,  5-6-61.  Name  placed  on  Roll 
of  Honor  2nd  Lt.,  1-16-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 


Enlisted  Ranks 

Aarens,  A.  H.,  5-6-64 — Wetumpka,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  1-25-65. 


250 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Adams,  Robert,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H., 
5-14-64.  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  8-64.  Took  oath  of  al- 
legiance to  the  U.  S.  A.  Transportation  furnished  to  New 
York  City. 

Adams,  Thomas,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company, 
but  remained  in  the  service  of  the  C.  S.  A. 

Allen,  Benjamin  S.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S. 
Navy,  2-10-62. 

Ard,  James,  8-29-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of 
pneumonia,  2-10-63. 

Armstrong,  William  C.,  8-16-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Died 
at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  11- 
9-64. 

Arons,  Henry:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Baldwin,  James  W.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  3rd  Sergeant. 

Deserted  his  Company,  but  remained  in  C.  S.  A.  service. 

Baldwin,  William  J.,  8-27-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Bartlett,  E.  H.,  8-30-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died  while  a prisoner 
of  war  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Bice,  James,  9-14-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Bice,  James  M.,  8-21-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del., 
7-6-63.  Released,  6-7-65. 

Bice,  John  T.,  12-1-61 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Transfered  from  Com- 
pany B,  6th  Alabama  Infantry.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  McHenry  Prison,  Md.,  7- 
4-63.  Transfered  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  7-12-63. 
Released  from  Point  Lookout  Prison,  6-14-65. 

Bice,  William  J.,  8-28-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Bristow  Station,  10-14-63.  Detailed  to  Brigade 
Hospital.  Captured  near  Burkeville,  Va.,  4-6-65.  Sent  to 
Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Released,  6-9-65. 

Blackman,  Jonah,  5-10-64 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 


19  7 7 


251 


Bosworth,  M.  F.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Is  supposed  to  have  joined  C.  S.  A.  Cavalry,  Army  of 
Tennessee. 

Bouchelle,  Joseph  A.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  6-15-61. 

Bousson,  David,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Is  supposed  to  have  joined  a cavalry  unit  in  C.  S.  Army. 

Bowden,  John  W.,  8-27-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Detailed  at  Wagoner. 

Bracken,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  wounds  received 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Brinson,  Hiram  H.,  7-14-64 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured 
n.d.  Released  from  Libby  Prison,  Richmond,  n.d. 

Brooks,  Anderson  B.,  4-11-64 — Talladega,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died 
of  illness,  12-24-65,  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital, 
Richmond,  Va. 

Brown,  David,  8-28-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  Petersburg,  6-22-64. 

Brown,  Henry  C.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Remained  in  the  service  of  C.  S.  A. 

Brown,  Stephen,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Remained  in  the  service  of  C.  S.  A. 

Bryan,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Deserted  his  Company.  Remained  in 
the  service  of  C.  S.  A. 

Burnett,  William  A.,  8-7-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Captured  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Bynam,  Robert,  6-3-64 — Conscript.  Transfered  to  Harris’  Mis- 
sissippi Brigade. 

Cain,  J.  Berry,  8-22-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  skirmish  of  Mine  Run,  10-30-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Bristoe  Station,  10-14-63. 

Cameron,  James,  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  cloth- 
ing for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1864. 

Cameron,  William,  8-27-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Sick  throughout 
most  of  war. 

Canavan,  Patrick,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Detached  as  Wagonmaster 
for  remainder  of  the  war. 

Cannon,  William  J.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Com- 
pany. Remained  in  the  service  of  C.  S.  A. 


252 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Cattleton,  William:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Seminary 
Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  12-17-61. 

Cavanaugh,  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Com- 
pany to  join  C.  S.  Navy. 

Cenen,  P.  C.:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Richmond,  Va.,  4-7-65. 

Clement,  Joseph,  6-3-64 — Gaines’  Mill,  Va.:  Conscript.  Received 
sick  furlough  and  failed  to  return. 

Coffee,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability. 

Colburn,  George  W.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  4th  Corporal. 

Deserted  his  Company.  Joined  the  51st  Alabama  Regiment 
of  Cavalry,  Army  of  Tennessee. 

Coleman,  W.  J.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  9-20-62. 

Cooper,  John  H.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  4th  Sergeant.  Deserted 
his  Company.  Remained  in  the  service  of  C.  S.  A. 

Costello,  Joseph,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Cox,  T. : Assigned  to  the  Commissary  Department,  Camp  Lee, 
Va. 

Crooks,  Samuel  B.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted;  caught 
while  attempting  to  go  North,  and  drummed  out  of  the 
service. 

Cutts,  James  M.,  8-30-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  7-31-63.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Hanover  Junction,  5-24-64. 

Daley,  Robert  T.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  2nd  Corporal.  1st  Ser- 
geant 1-20-63.  Captured  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6- 
64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.  Paroled  or  exchanged, 
3-14-65. 

Deaton,  John  H.,  1-18-62 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Promoted  to 
Sergeant  n.d.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor  following  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Captured  during  retreat  from  battle  near  Cashtown,  Pa. 
Subsequently  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

DeHaven,  Robert,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Devaney,  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  3rd  Corporal.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 


19  7 7 


253 


Diamond,  Edward : His  name  appears  on  a record  of  reenlist- 
ment, 7-7-62. 

Diamond,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Cold  Harbor, 
6-64. 

Donelly  (Doneley),  John:  Deserted  his  Company.  Returned  to 
duty.  Died  of  illness,  7-20-63,  near  Gettysburg,  Pa. 

Doty,  Joseph  W.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  7-12-61.  Reenlisted,  but  again  discharged 
due  to  chronic  rheumatism,  5-3-62. 

Drayman,  J. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Stuart  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va.,  6-64. 

Durden,  John  W.,  10-31-64 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Dyers,  Thomas,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Remained  in  the  service  of  C.  S.  A. 

Eddins,  (Eddens),  Joseph,  9-10-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Con- 
script. Died  of  illness,  2-18-63. 

Ellis,  J.  S.:  Captured  in  hospital  at  end  of  war,  4-3-65. 

Embry,  David,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Drummed  out  of  service 
for  desertion. 

Engle,  Charles:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Estes,  W. : Conscript.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Way 
Hospital,  Meridian,  Miss.,  2-3-65. 

Fagan,  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63. 

Fahy,  John,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at  battle  of 
2nd  Manassas,  8-30-62.  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  5-21-63. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Finley,  Edgar  S.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi Legion,  6-9-61. 

Fitzgerald,  Michael,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Fitzpatrick,  Bernard,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Com- 
pany. Subsequently  died  in  Lynchburg,  Va. 

Frazer,  J.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Demopolis,  Ala.,  6-21-65. 

Fulmer,  Calvin  G.,  Conscript.  Severely  wounded  at  battle  of 
Totopotomoy  Creek,  6-1-64.  Never  returned  to  active  duty. 
Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-65. 


254 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Gaines,  H.  F.,  9-6-64 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Gallagher,  Charles,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  the 
C.  S.  Navy,  2-12-62. 

Gates,  Joseph,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  4-25-62. 

Gay,  Thomas  B.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison.  Died 
at  Point  Lookout  Prison  Hospital,  Md.,  12-63. 

Goldsby,  Jackson,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp 
General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor. 
Exchanged  n.d.  Captured  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H., 
5-12-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.  Exchanged  2-10-65. 

Gray,  B.  B.:  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Haas,  Augustus  A.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg.  Hospitalized  for  treatment  at  General  Hospital, 
Staunton,  Va.  Retired  due  to  physical  disability. 

Haley,  Timothy,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Remained  in  C.  S.  A.  service. 

Hark,  A.  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  admitted  wounded  10-16-63. 
Furloughed  home  the  next  day. 

Hart,  John,  12-3-63 — Montgomery,  Ala.:  Conscript,  Captured 
near  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64. 

Hayes,  Albert,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 

Hayes,  Timothy,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Name  placed 
on  Roll  of  Honor  n.d.  Afterwards  deserted  to  the  enemy. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  9-9-64. 

Hincher  (Heucher),  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to 
the  enemy,  n.d. 

Hicks,  Joseph,  8-28-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of 
pneumonia,  2-5-63,  at  2nd  Alabama  Hospital,  Richmond, 
Va. 

Hoey,  Michael,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Deserted  before  battle  of  Sharps- 
burg. 

Hood,  James,  5-6-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his  Company. 
Joined  the  C.  S.  Navy. 

Howard,  John,  3-22-64 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability. 


19  7 7 


255 


Hughes,  Patrick,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transferee!  to  the  C.  S. 
Navy,  2-12-62. 

Hurst,  Thomas  J.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Johnson,  John  J.,  8-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

Judah,  Henry  C.,  8-15-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-18-64. 

Juzand,  Pierre,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Released  from  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.,  6-14-65. 

Kelly,  Daniel  H,,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Detailed  as  Nurse  at  Staunton,  Va., 
hospital. 

Kelly,  Richard,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Kennedy,  William,  10-14-64 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  Chester  Station,  Va.,  4-3-65.  Released,  6-16-65. 

King,  Frank,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines' 
Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  of  illness  at  Stuart  Hospital,  Richmond, 
Va.,  7-8-64. 

Kirkland,  Abram,  8-12-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died  of  illness  while 
a prisoner  of  war  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Kirkland,  John  S.,  8-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Hos- 
pitalized frequently  in  Richmond  hospitals.  Paroled  at  Ap- 
pomattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Lacuntiguey,  Victor,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  at  battle  of 
Williamsburg,  5-5-62. 

Lampson,  E.:  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63. 
Exchanged  from  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  8-13-63. 

Lawler,  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S. 
Navy,  2-12-62. 

Lemblom  (Lemblau),  A.  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Trans- 
fered to  C.  S.  Navy,  2-12-62. 

Love,  William  H.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-12-64.  Exchanged,  11-1-64,  from  Point 
Lookout  Prison,  Md. 

Marnell,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at  battle 
of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Martin,  Patrick,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy, 
2-12-62. 


256 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Martin,  William  D.,  9-16-62 — Camp  Waits,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Paroled  at  Ap- 
pomattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

McCloskey,  Peter,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  10-20-61. 

McCudden,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Died,  9-13-62,  as  the  result  of  his 
wounds. 

McKnight,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

McMeeken,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Mercer,  J.,  5-25-64 — Henry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Merriam  (Marion),  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to 
C.  S.  Navy,  2-12-62. 

Mooney,  John,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Deserted  soon  after  arrival 
of  Company  in  Richmond,  Va. 

Moore,  Edward,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  5th  Sergeant,  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital, 
David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Exchanged  or  given 
wounded  parole.  Retired  due  to  physical  disability,  7-24-64. 

Moore,  James  M.,  8-12-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala:.  Conscript. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Deserted  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

Morris,  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  admitted  as  patient, 
2-25-63. 

O’Neal  (O’Neil),  Jessie  0.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to 
the  enemy.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

O’Neal  (O’Neil),  John,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

O’Neal  (O’Neil),  Thomas,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  siege 
of  Yorktown,  4-62. 

Padgett,  Lucas,  9*15-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Bristoe  Station,  10-14-63.  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-12-64. 

Page,  James  W.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  8-10-61. 

Perkins,  John,  8-6-64 — Barbour  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


257 


Phillips,  Benjamin  H.,  9-15-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala.,  Conscript. 
Killed,  possibly  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Prim,  James  H.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  at  Yorktown, 
Va.  Man  was  in  jail  on  charge  of  attempted  murder  and 
broke  jaii. 

Reed,  H.  J.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  3-65.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Reid,  James,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62. 

Rice,  W.  J. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  wounded  and  furloughed, 
10-31-63. 

Richards,  Peter,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy, 
8-64.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Rodriguez,  Philip,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Retired,  6-3-64. 

Rosson,  George  L.,  8-18-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 
Treated  at  Camp  Letterman  General  Hospital,  Gettysburg, 
Pa.  Apparently  exchanged  or  given  wounded  parole.  Died 
of  illness  at  General  Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  4-17-64. 

Rudd,  Charles:  Detached.  No  other  information. 

Ryan,  Thomas  S.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Ryan,  Timothy:  Died  at  General  Hospital,  Staunton,  Va.,  10- 
29-62. 

Shadix,  Benjamin  H.,  9-14-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Paroled  7-30-63. 

Sharp,  Peter  W.,  9-12-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  SubstituteB  Dis- 
charged due  to  old  age,  2-6-64. 

Skehan,  Edward,  5-6-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Captured  during  the  last  days  of  the 
war.  Transportation  furnished  to  New  York  City. 

Skipper,  Angus,  8-18-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Discharged  due  to  the  seriousness 
of  his  wounds. 

Smith,  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners*  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-25-65. 

Smith,  Peter,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  typhoid  fever,  12- 
19-62. 


258 


ALABAMA"  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Snow,  John  A.,  5-6-61— Mobile,  Ala,:  1st  Corporal.  Deserted  his 
Company  to  join  the  cavalry  service  of  C.  S.  A. 

Spradlin,  Frank  M.,  8-12-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Bristoe  Station,  10-14-63.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Stanton,  Jacob,  5-8-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  May  have  been  retired  early  in  1865. 

Strange,  R.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-25-65. 

Strickland,  James  R.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Deserted  at  battle  of  the  Wilder- 
ness, 5-6-64. 

Strickland,  J.  S. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  admitted  to  Chim- 
borazo Hospital  No.  5,  12-2-62. 

Summersell,  John  W.:  Chronically  ill.  Hospitalized  for  a long 
time.  Paroled  at  Farmville,  Va.,  4-18-65. 

Talbot,  William  T.,  8-20-62 — Montgomery,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Absent,  sick,  from  Company  much  of  the  time.  Captured 
at  a Richmond  hospital  at  end  of  war.  Paroled  at  Richmond, 
Va.,  5-18-65. 

Taylor,  William  S.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  1st  Sergeant.  Detached 
as-Telegraph  operator  to  Secretary  of  War,  UF21-6T:  = 

Teller,  Joshua  G.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  in  battle,  n.d.  n.p. 

Todd,  John,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Tompkins,  Charles  C.,  9-30-64 — Barbour  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Received  in  Company  11-64. 

Troutman,  W.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  for  pay,  3-64. 

Tulbird,  W.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Unger,  Solomon,  3-24-63 — Fredericksburg,  Va. : Conscript. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Never  in  action  again. 

Van  Meter,  Isaac,  5-8-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  1st  Sergeant.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Vice,  J.  R.  Jr.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Demopolis,  Ala.,  6-23-65. 

Wadkins,  Robert  0.,  8-9-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Absent,  sick,  through  most  of  war. 

Ward,  John  J.,  8-9-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Released  from  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 


19  7 7 


259 


Del.,  6-14-65. 

Ward,  Robert  J.,  7-2-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  White  Oak  Swamp  Bridge,  Va.,  6-13-64.  Retired  due  to 
disability.  Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-65. 

Warnicker  (Wanicker),  William,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Regi- 
mental Drummer  throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Warren,  J.  N. : Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent 
to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

Weeks,  John  W.,  8-22-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Trans- 
fered  to  Company  A.  Later  deserted  to  the  enemy. 

Wells,  P.  Vally,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Westron,  George  H.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  9-61. 

White,  William  W.  M.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Westron,  George  H.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  9-61. 

White,  William  W.  M.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Williams,  J.  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  4-15-64. 

Williams,  Peter,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy, 
2-10-62. 

Wood,  Henry  C.,  8-9-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to 
DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Har- 
bor. Paroled  8-24-63. 

Wood,  Hugh  A.,  8-29-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Ex- 
changed 11-1-64. 

Wright,  Albert  E.,  5-6-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  released  6-15-65. 

Wyncoop,  J.  W. : Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63. 
Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  2-18-65. 

Young,  Wallace  W.,  4-1-62— Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Took  oath  of  al- 
legiance to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  joined  U.  S.  3rd  Maryland 
Cavalry. 


260 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  J 

Company  “F”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company  was  raised  in  1831  as  an  independent  company, 
the  “Greenville  Guards”,  of  the  Alabama  State  Militia  in  Green- 
ville, Butler  County,  Alabama.  In  late  January,  1861,  it  was 
mustered  into  the  Army  of  Alabama  and  served  at  Pensacola, 
Florida.  Upon  returning  to  Greenville  it  was  reorganized  May 
21,  1861.  It  was  mustered  in  C.  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861. 

OFFICERS 

Colonel  Hilary  A.  Herbert:  Captain,  5-21-61.  Promoted  to  Major 
of  the  Regiment,  5-5-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines, 
6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged, 
8-5-62.  Promoted  to  Lt.  Col.  of  the  Regiment.  Received 
Regimental  compliment  for  gallantry  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63.  Acting  Colonel,  5-3-63.  Commended  for  his 
zeal  in  action  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Seriously  wounded 
at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Promoted  to  Colonel 
and  retired.  11-2-64. 

Captain  Lewis  A.  Livingston:  1st  Lt.,  5-21-61.  Captain,  5-5-62. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63. 
Died  as  the  result  of  his  wounds  at  Camp  Letterman  U.  S.  A. 
Hospital,  Gettysburg,  Pa.,  9-27-63. 

Captain  Ira  W.  Stott:  2nd  Lt.,  5-21-61.  1st  Lt.,  5-5-62.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Captain,  9-28-63. 
Retired,  10-19-64,  due  to  physical  disability  caused  by  his 
wounds.  Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  6-9-65. 

Captain  George  Hatch:  Private,  5-21-61.  Received  Regimental 
compliment  for  gallantry  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  8-17-62, 
and  promoted  to  2nd  Lt.,  9-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Apparently  paroled  or 
exchanged.  Captain,  10-19-64.  Captured  again  (place  not 
known).  Ordered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  3-14-65. 
2nd  Lt.  David  McKee:  5-21-61  to  3-6-62.  Resigned  to  form 
another  Company  in  Alabama. 

2nd  Lt.  W.  H.  A.  Lane:  1st  Sergeant,  5-21-61.  2nd  Lt.,  4-22-62. 

Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

2nd  Lt.,  Thomas  A.  Kelley:  Private,  5-21-61.  2nd  Lt.,  5-5-62. 
Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor  at  battle  of  Salem 


19  7 7 


261 


Church,  5-3-63.  He  was  either  captured  or  surrendered 
during  the  last  month  of  the  war.  Took  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  U.  S.  A.,  4-8-65.  Transportation  furnished  to  Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 

2nd  Lt.  D.  B.  Thornton:  Private,  5-21-61.  Severely  wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  2nd  Lt.,  1-15-63.  Killed 
on  Enemy’s  Left  Flank,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64. 

2nd  Lt.  J.  G.  Parsons:  Private,  5-21-61.  Sergeant,  1863.  2nd 
Lt.,  9-7-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Anderson,  Ezekial,  8-22-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured 
in  engagement  at  High  Bridge,  Appomattox  River,  Va., 
4-6-65.  Paroled  at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  6-9-65. 

Andrews,  J.  F.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  7-22-61. 

Andrews,  G.  D.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty  1- 
2-63. 

Baldwin,  James  A.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Car- 
penter. No  other  information. 

Barefield,  Charles,  10-11-62 — Macon  Co.  Ala.:  Conscript.  Killed 
at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64. 

Barnett,  W.  F.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Williamsburg,  Va.,  5-5-62. 

Bayzer,  T.  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  Bap- 
tist Church  Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  3-13-62. 

Benbow,  Adam  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Bozeman,  C.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Brogan,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Buell,  David,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Quartermaster.  Pro- 
moted to  Ordnance  Sergeant  of  Regiment  11-8-62.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Bussey,  D.  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  4th  Sergeant.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  9-5-61. 

Carr,  H.  C.:  Captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-15-65. 

Chavers,  G.  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the 
enemy,  n.d. 

Coleman,  J.  R.,  6-8-63 — Talladega,  Ala.:  Conscript.  With  Com- 
pany through  1864. 


262 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Cook,  W.  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  10-5-63. 

Cox,  Robert:  Detached  8-31-62. 

Crawford,  J.  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  9-31-61. 

Croft,  Edward  D.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala. : Discharged  due 

to  physical  disability,  9-3-61. 

Crowder,  H.  A.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala. : His  name  appears  on 
an  early  roster  of  the  Company  after  its  reorganization. 

Crowder,  T.  G.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on 
an  early  roster  of  the  Company  after  its  reorganization. 

Curb,  A.  C.:  Captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Danavan,  J.  T. : Died  of  illness  at  2nd  Alabama  Hospital,  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  12-21-62. 

Davis,  W,  S.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Detailed  to  duty  as 
Carpenter,  9-13-61. 

Dee,  G.  W.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing  for 
the  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Demins,  M. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chimborazo 
Hospital  No.  4,  as  transfered  to  Howard’s  Grove  Hospital, 
Richmond,  Va.,  8-8-63. 

Dixon,  Abraham  (Abram),  8-8-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Con- 
script. Present  throughout  remainder  of  the  war. 

Doswell,  F.,  8-29-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Severely 
wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Dunn,  H.,  5-20-62 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  of  illness,  12-6-62. 

Dunn,  Martin,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  10-1-63. 

Dunn,  John  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64.  Detailed  as  Nurse  in 
hospital.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Earnest,  J.  S.,  8-1-62 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 
Released  6-7-65. 

Garner,  W.  L.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Wounded 
sometimes  in  1864.  Captured  at  Farmville,  Va.,  4-6-65. 

Gallaway,  G.  W.:  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-3-63. 

Gambell,  S.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 


19  7 7 


263 


pital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  transfered  to  Howard’s  Grove 
Hospital,  7-10-64. 

Garner,  R.  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability, 
9-28-62. 

Glancy,  J.  R. : Sergeant.  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  paroled 
prisoners  of  war  at  Farmville,  Va.,  4-21-65. 

Gentry,  R.  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Retired  due  to  physical  disability, 
9-20-63. 

Gore,  C.  A.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  U.  S.  Convalescent 
Hospital,  Fort  Wood,  Bedloe  Island,  New  York  Harbor. 
Paroled  at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  n.d.  Retired  9-26-64. 

Gore,  William  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness, 
5-16-62. 

Hall,  George  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Teamster.  Died  of 
illness,  5-10-62. 

Hatch,  F. : Sergeant.  May  not  have  proceeded  to  Richmond  with 
Company. 

Hawkins,  Thomas:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital,  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  transfered  to  Camp 
Winder  Hospital,  5-8-63. 

Haynes,  William  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Captured  at 
battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-11-64.  Joined  U.  S.  service. 

Headley,  J.  M.,  3-31-62 — Troy,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Transfered  from 
Company  G,  6th  Alabama  Regiment.  Deserted  to  the  enemy 
9-64.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Henderson,  O.  S.,  8-8-62 — Wilcox  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Ill  fre- 
quently in  Richmond  hospitals. 

Hester,  Samuel  D.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness 
at  Yorktown,  Va.,  11-8-61. 

Holly,  William  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a report  of  2nd  Ala- 
bama Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  dying  on  12-21-62. 

Holyday,  D.  G. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of 
war  captured  in  and  about  Confederate  hospitals  in  Rich- 
mond. Va.,  4-3-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A., 
7-31-65. 

Howard,  William  H..  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Chronically  ill. 


264 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Dropped  from  the  roll  of  the  Company.  Subsequently  died, 
n.d. 

Ingram  (Ingraham),  J.  L.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died  of  illness 
while  prisoner  of  war  at  Fort  Delaware,  Del.,  1-22-64. 

Johnson,  H.  V.,  5-20-61— Greenville,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Jones,  A.:  Transfered  to  Company  F,  10-8-63.  Sent  off  sick  at 
Bristoe  Station,  10-15-63.  Returned  to  duty  2-19-64. 

Jones,  B.  M.,  11-11-62— Macon,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Chronically  ill. 
Dropped  from  the  roll  of  the  Company.  Died  of  illness 
5-16-63. 

Kelly,  Henry  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-2-63. 

Kelly,  Nathaniel  G.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  6-62.  No 
other  information. 

Kelly,  T.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Armorer. 

K;ng,  J.  T.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Hospitalized  5-12-62.  No 
additional  information. 

Land,  John  D.,  8-6-62 — Tallapoosa,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured 
at  engagement  at  High  Bridge,  Appomattox  River,  Va., 
4-6-65.  Released,  6-6-65,  from  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md. 

Lane,  R.  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  Gen- 
eral Hospital,  Greenville,  Ala.,  11-6-62. 

Lang,  T.  G.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Williamsburg,  Va.,  5-5-62.  Paroled  and  discharged  as  in- 
firm, 6-2-63. 

Lee,  George  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  4th  Corporal 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Name  placed  on 
Roll  of  Honor.  Killed  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater, 
7-30-64. 

Lee,  Joseph  M.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Hospitalized  with 
pneumonia  at  C.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Danville,  Va., 
9-9-62. 

Livingston,  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  approved 
furloughs  of  the  Medical  Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va., 
11-29-62. 

Loftis,  J.  M.  (F.),  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Discharged,  2-6- 
62,  apparently  due  to  chronic  illness. 


19  7 7 


265 


Long,  John  C.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  killed  or 
wounded. 

McCaskill,  W.  C.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  3rd  Sergeant.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  4-18-62. 

McCoo),  John,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  12-4-61. 

McDonald  (McDaniel),  James  P.,  8-8-62 — Pike  Co.,  Ala.:  Con- 
script. Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2- 
63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  11-1-64. 

McFay,  John,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  phys- 
ical disability,  12-4-61. 

McFarland,  John:  Captured  near  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

McGavin,  Frank:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Seminary 
Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  12-12-61. 

McLendon,  J.  J.,  8-8-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Hos- 
pitalized frequently.  Saw  little  active  service  except  guard 
duty.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Mighen,  M.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala. : Present  with  original 
Company.  May  not  have  gone  to  Richmond. 

Miller,  G.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Present  with  original 
Company  7-62. 

Mills,  L.,  8-30-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled  at  Ap- 
pomattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Milner,  E.  L.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-5-63,  while  detailed  as  Hospital  Steward  to 
care  for  Confederate  wounded.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

Milner,  J.  B.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  1st  Corporal.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Frazier's  Farm,  6-30-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll 
of  Honor.  Wounded  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  10-11-64.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Mims,  W.  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  1-23-62. 

Moore,  J.  F.,  8-11-62 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Paroled  at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md., 
2-18-65. 

Morris,  L.  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1863. 

Morris,  Richard  R.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Present  with 
Company  through  most  of  the  war.  Paroled  at  Montgomery, 
Ala.,  5-29-65. 


266 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Mullins,  G.  T.,  5-1-64 — Macon  Co.,  Ala. : Dropped  from  the  roll 
too  small  and  too  young  for  field  service. 

Murphy,  E.  S.:  His  name  appears  on  a payroll  list,  8-31-62. 

Murray,  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Neagle  (Nagle),  John  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  joined  the 
1st  Connecticut  Cavalry. 

Norman,  James  T.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Palmer,  W.  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  6-10-62.  No  ad- 
ditional information. 

Perry,  Edward:  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Sent 
‘ to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

Purifoy,  M.  C.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 
tuberculosis,  2-11-62. 

Ragsdale,  L.  P.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Sergeant  1863. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Appointed 
Ensign  of  the  Regiment  4-8-64.  Mentioned  for  bravery  at 
Gettysburg. 

Reeves,  George,  8-15-63 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Apparently 
given  wounded  parole.  Hospitalized  at  Howard’s  Grove  Gen- 
eral Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-17-64. 

Richardson,  John:  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of 
war  exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62. 

Riley,  Martin  S.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Present  with  Com- 
pany through  most  of  war. 

Rollo,  (Roller),  J.  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-217-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H„  4-9-65. 

Ross,  Asa,  5-21-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  2nd  Sergeant.  Seriously 
wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Sanson,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62. 

Sapp,  F (T).  M.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Died  at  DeCamp  General 
Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor,  9-63. 

Sapp,  William  S.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  6-4-61. 


19  7 7 


267 


Savage,  Robert,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  1862. 

Searcy,  J.  R.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  3rd  Corporal.  Name 
placed  on  Roll  of  Honor  for  his  actions  at  battle  of  Sharps- 
burg,  9-17-62.  Promoted  to  Sergeant  1864.  Captured  at 
Farmville,  Va.,  4-11-65.  Paroled  at  Farmville. 

Sessions,  J.  J.,  10-16-62 — Wilcox  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.,  10-22-63.  Exchanged  4-27-74.  Received 
further  treatment  at  General  Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond, 
Va.,  5-8-64. 

Shaw,  E.  J.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Musician.  Died 
of  illness  at  South  Carolina  Hospital,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6- 
25-62. 

Shoemake,  J.,  8-8-62 — Autauga,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Deserted  3-65. 

Sidners,  J.  H. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-6-63. 

Smith,  C.  O.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-18-65. 

Smith,  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Woodcutter  for  the  Reg- 
iment. Mortally  wounded  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Smith,  J.  J.,  n.  d. — Clopton,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Name  appears  on 
the  register  of  two  hospitals  in  Richmond,  Va.,  5-8-64  and 
8-20-64. 

Smith,  Seaborn,  8-29-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  His  name  is  entered 
as  patient  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  8-31-63. 
Apparently  never  returned  to  duty. 

Smith,  S.  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Present  with  original 
Company. 

Smitherman,  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of 
war  captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Smoke,  J.  L.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Present  with  original 
Company.  No  record  of  having  proceeded  to  Richmond  with 
Company. 

Spears,  J.  C.,  8-10-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Transfered 
from  Company  C,  1-20-64.  Wounded  in  some  battle,  n.d.  n.p. 

Spears,  J.  G.,  3-16-64 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of  illness, 
6-17-64. 

Stephens,  John  P.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Stevens,  J.  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Detached  and  detailed  as  Teamster 
in  Division  Ordnance  Train,  8-8-63. 


268 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Stott,  Stephen  W.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Strickland,  A.,  8-12-62 — Barbour  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  Farmville,  Va.,  4-6-65.  Paroled  from  Newport 
News,  Va. 

Stusom,  Thomas:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Camp 
Winder  General  Hospital  No.  2,  as  furloughed  9-24-62. 

Swint,  Joseph,  8-8-62 — Tallapoosa,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Assigned  to 
Division  Ordnance  Train. 

Tefepaugh,  H.  P.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Captured  at  Farmville,  Va.,  4-6- 
65.  Sent  to  Newport  News,  Va.  Signed  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  U.  S.  A.  6-24-65. 

Thomas,  Leroy,  8-12-62 — Barbour  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of 
illness  at  Orange  C.  H.  Hospital,  Va.,  8-19-64. 

Thornton,  J.  A.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Given  wounded  parole 
8-24-63. 

Tisdale,  Charles  C.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  of  illness  at  2nd  Alabama 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  12-16-62. 

Trice,  L.  S.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Present  with  Company 
through  8-61. 

Turner,  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing  for 
the  4th  quarter  of  1864. 

Wallace,  William  F.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp 
General  Hospital,  David's  Island,  New  York  Harbor,  for 
treatment. 

Walters,  John,  10-20-62 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Treated  at  Letter- 
man  General  Hospital,  Gettysburg,  Pa.  Transfered  to  Fort 
McHenry  Prison,  Md.  n.d.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout 
Prison,  Md.,  7-21-64.  Exchanged  2-18-65 

Ward,  Clinton  L.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at 
General  Hospital  No.  13,  Richmond,  Va.,  7-10-62. 

Ware,  James,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62,  sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  8-5-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg  9-17-62. 

Whitaker,  J.,  8-22-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Present  with 
Company  through  2-64. 


19  7 7 


269 


Wright,  John,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Musician.  Captured  at 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.  Exchanged  8-5-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Hospitalized  at  U.  S.  A.  General  Hos- 
pital, Chester,  Pa.,  7-9-63.  Apparently  given  wounded  pa- 
role for  he  appears  as  a patient  at  Episcopal  Christ  Church 
Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  8-20-63,  and  Howard’s  Grove 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-10-64,  where  an  arm 
was  amputated. 

William,  W.:  Died  of  illness  12-30-62. 

Willis,  L.  C.:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-25-65. 

Wilner,  J.  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1863. 

Wilson,  S.  T.,  8-9-62 — Pike  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of  illness 
at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  3- 
28-65. 

Wimbush,  J.  H.,  5-20-61 — Greenville,  Ala.:  Wagoner.  Deserted 
or  surrendered  4-65.  Transportation  furnished  to  Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 

Woodruff,  Luther:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  prisoners 
of  war  at  Camp  Douglas,  111.,  as  captured  at  Sand  Moun- 
tain, Ala.,  7-18-64.  Joined  6th  U.  S.  Volunteer  Cavalry, 
4-3-65. 

Wooten,  J.  T. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-23-64. 

W'right,  William,  8-20-62 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Chron- 
ically ill  at  Camp  Winder  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va., 
from  4-30-63  until  dropped  from  the  roll  of  the  Company. 


270 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  K 

Company  “G”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company,  made  up  mostly  of  the  German  population  of 

Mobile,  was  raised  in  1848  as  an  independent  Company  (Ger- 
man Fusiliers)  in  Mobile,  Mobile  County,  Alabama,  and  was 

mustered  in  C.  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861. 

OFFICERS 

Lt.  Col.  John  P.  Emrich:  Captain,  5-25-61.  Promoted  to  Major 
of  the  Regiment,  6-16-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62.  Lt.  Col.,  11-2-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Captain  Anthony  Kohler  (Kuehler)  : 1st  Lt.,  5-21-61.  Captain, 
6-16-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to 
Johnson’s  Island  Prison,  Ohio.  Transfered  to  Point  Look- 
out Prison,  Md.,  3-14-65. 

1st  Lt.  Alexander  Shedden:  Sergeant,  5-25-61.  1st  Lt.,  6-27-62. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63'. 
Sent  to  Johnson’s  Island  Prison,  Ohio. 

2nd  Lt.  Drury  Thompson : 5-25-61  to  6-12-62.  Resigned  due 

to  physical  disability. 

2nd  Lt.  Adam  Hippier:  5-25-61  to  10-19-61.  Resigned. 

2nd  Lt.  August  Jansen:  Private,  5-25-61.  2nd  Lt.,  10-29-61. 

Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

2nd  Lt.  Charles  F.  Walker  (Wacker)  : Corporal,  5-21-61.  1st 

Lt.,  10-12-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-4-63.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor.  Sent  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Johnson’s  Island 
Prison,  Ohio,  7-27-63.  Released  6-12-65. 

2nd  Lt.  George  Schwarz:  Sergeant,  5-25-61.  1st  Lt.,  10-12-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier's  Farm,  6-30-62.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

2nd  Lt.  B.  E.  Gould:  Private,  5-21-61.  2nd  Lt.,  12-23-63.  Re- 
ceived Regimental  compliment  for  gallantry  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Ahern,  Patrick,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Present  on  muster  roll 
throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


271 


Ackridge,  Joseph,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : His  name  appears  on 
a register  of  discharged  soldiers,  7-28-62. 

Anderson,  Alexander,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Hospitalized  8-61. 
No  other  information. 

Arnfeldt  (Arnfield),  Thomas,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Detailed 

as  Forage  Master  to  Quartermaster  Dept.  Discharged, 
1-22-62. 

Arnstein,  H. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Com- 

pany. 

Barkman,  John  T.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mills,  6-27-62. 

Barrier,  Jacob:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 

Hospital  No.  18,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  discharged  from  the 
service,  12-28-61. 

Bauer,  Charles:  Sergeant.  Present  with  Company  until  early 

1862. 

Bauman,  F. : Corporal.  Present  with  Company  in  1862. 

Benefield,  J. : Died  of  illness  at  Chimborazo  Hospital  No.  4, 

Richmond,  Va.,  3-3-63. 

Berger,  Jacob : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  discharged 

soldiers,  12-31-61. 

Blumenfield,  John,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged,  8-31-61. 

Braun,  J. : Sergeant.  His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the 
Company. 

Braun,  W. : Sergeant.  His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of 

the  Company. 

Broun,  Andrew:  His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the 

Company. 

Broun  (Brown),  Peter,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the 
enemy,  7-14-63,  near  Williamsport,  Md.,  during  retreat 
from  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Joined  U.  S.  service,  1-24-64. 

Broun  (Brown),  William,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  3rd  Sergeant.  Deserted  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
U.  S.  A. 

Bush,  C.  G.,  8-27-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  9-18-64. 

Callaway,  B.  C.,  8-7-62 — Macon  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Severely 
wounded  9-64. 

Cannon,  R.  J. : Died  of  illness,  12-21-62. 

Caskell,  J.  B.  McCoy:  His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Lin- 

coln U.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Washington,  D.C.,  as  pa- 
tient, 6-64. 


m 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Castello,  James,  5-25-61— ‘Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Chapman,  W.  S.,  8-22-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala. : Captured  at  battle 
of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Died  of  typhoid  fever  at  Elmira 
Prison,  N.  Y.,  8-16-64. 

Clark,  C.  A.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy, 
8-22-63. 

Clark,  H. : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war 

captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-14-65. 

Collins,  Benjamin,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Daubach,  John  H.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Sergeant.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Captured  at  battle  of 

I Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Deeley,  John  H.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  in  a Richmond  hos- 
pital, 7-2-62. 

Delth,  W. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Donavan,  Joseph:  His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the 

Company. 

Egger,  Francis,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Died  of  typhoid  fever 

at  Chimborazo  Hospital  No.  1,  Richmond,  Va.,  6-7-62. 

Elliott,  Toler : Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7-2-63.  Exchanged  3-64. 

Evans,  W.  H. : Conscript.  Hospitalized  at  Howard’s  Grove 

General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  8-23-64. 

Evans,  W.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1864. 

Failar  (Faeler),  Jerome,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Finley,  T.  J.,  8-15-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Present 

through  1864.  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  Confederate 
soldiers  paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-20-65. 

Fisher,  John:  Corporal.  Captured  at  battle  of  Salem  Church, 

5-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Foster,  William  M.,  9-2-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Pa- 
roled at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Franz,  Peter  C.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  as  Provost 

Guard.  Detailed  as  Carpenter,  2-24-62. 

Frasier,  William:  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  9-17-62. 


19  7 7 


273 


Frische,  William,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Assigned  to  duty  at 

various  mitlitary  hospitals  in  the  Richmond,  Va.,  Area. 

Galloway,  B.  C. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  cloth- 
ing for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1863. 

Ganbell,  S. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  7-9-64. 

Gealer,  S. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Gengenbach,  Gottlieb  (Gingenbach),  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.: 
Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  12-23-61. 

Gensler  (Gunsler),  Samuel,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Detached 

to  hospital  duty. 

Gilchrist,  John,  5-23-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S. 

Navy,  7-16-64. 

Gilfoy,  T. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Godwin,  James  P. : Captured  5-16-64.  Enlisted  in  U.  S.  Army, 
6-10-64. 

Goldsmith,  Robert  (Goldschmidt),  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 
and  released  5-10-65. 

Gottsmanshausen,  Gustave,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  to 

duty  as  a Butcher. 

Graham,  J.  L.,  7-4-64— Jefferson  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Pa- 

roled at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Graham,  W. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 

for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1864. 

Grandberry,  C.  F.,  8-5-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  His  name  appears 
on  a register  of  Howard’s  Grove  General,  Richmond,  Va., 
in  mid  1864. 

Grangentes,  G. : His  name  appears  on  a record  of  hospitalization 
at  Episcopal  Church  Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  12-17-61. 

Gratix,  Joseph,  5-21-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  and  paroled 
2-18-65. 

Grove,  D.  J. : Captured  at  a Richmond  hospital,  4-3-65.  Re- 

leased 4-25-65. 

Gunsler,  S. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Hachmeyer,  Heinrich  (Hachmeir),  5-21-61— Mobile,  Ala.: 
Killed  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 


274 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Hackman,  J. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Com- 

pany. 

Hamilton,  J.  L. : Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg',  7-3-63. 

Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Transferee  to  Point 
Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  10-26-63. 

Hancock,  N. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  2-18-64. 

Harrison,  John,  8-22-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  hos- 

pitalized, 10-8-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Hanlein  (Haelein),  Frank,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal. 

Sergeant,  6-30-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Hauck,  Nicholas,  5-21-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Musician.  Sergeant, 

1864. 

Hauersberger,  Jacob  (Hauersbeurger),  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.: 
Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  12-22-62. 

Henrich,  Sebastian,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  to  Ambu- 

lance Corps. 

Henry,  S. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  3-28-64. 

Hern,  P.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chimborazo 

General  Hospital  No.  4,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to 
duty,  6-26-63. 

Hippier,  A.,  7-3-64 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled  at  Ap- 

pomattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Hippier,  Charles  Jr.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Jensen  (Johnson),  Arthur,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered 

to  C.  S.  Navy,  2-12-62. 

Keefe,  Thomas,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Keinle,  John,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hos- 
pital, David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Given  wounded 
parole.  Treated  in  a Mobile  hospital.  Apparently  disabled. 

Kennedy,  T. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 

pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-28-64. 

Kidd,  William,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  as  clerk  in 

Quartermaster  Dept.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability, 
2-28-62. 

Kiefer,  Peter,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Corporal.  Killed  at  bat- 

tle of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 


19  7 7 


275 


King,  S.  J.,  8-29-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 

and  caotured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison.  Dal., Transferred  to  Point  Lookout  Prison, 
Md.,  10-26-63.  Exchanged,  11-11-64.  Paroled,  5-8-65. 

Klein  (Kline).  Ferdinand,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala:  Musician. 

Krause,  August.  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Kriebel,  F.,  2-13-62:  Enlisted  under  a false  name,  2-13-62. 

Was  apprehended  for  murder  the  next  day. 

Kruse,  Henrv,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hos- 
pital, David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Exchanged, 
8-11-63,  at  Camp  Lee,  Va. 

Lauder,  George,  5-25-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
U.  S.  A. 

Lee,  John  H.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Court  Martialled  8-14-62. 

Lohide  (Loheide),  John  C. : Wounded  and  captured  at  battle 

of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Given  wounded  parole  and  treated 
in  a Richmond  hospital.  Discharged  due  to  physical  dis- 
ability, 9-10-64. 

Lowenfeld,  Hammond  (Lohenfeldt),  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.  Pres- 
ent with  original  Company. 

Manning,  W.  J.,  9-8-62 — Chambers,  Ala. : Conscript.  Paroled 

at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Mattellac,  W.  E. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 

Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-2-63. 

McCaskill,  A.,  10-12-62 — Wilcox  Co.,  Ala,.:  Conscript.  Died 

of  pneumonia  at  General  Hospital  No.  9,  Lynchburg,  Va., 
5-12-64. 

McCaskill,  W.  E.,  10-12-62 — -Wilcox  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Cap- 

tured at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-10-64.  Sent  to  Old 
Capitol  Prison,  Washington,  D.  C.  Later  transfered  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Released,  6-14-65. 

McCosker,  Mathias  J.  (McCasker),  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del. 

McDonald,  J.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of 

war  paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-19-65. 

McGauren,  J.  His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Com- 
pany. 


276 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


McGregor,  John  J.,  5-21-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Present  with  origi- 
nal Company. 

Meier,  G. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Meyers,  Charles,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Sergeant.  Wounded 

at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Meyers  (Myers),  John,  8-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent 
to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York 
Harbor.  Given  wounded  parole,  8-24-63. 

Muller  (Miller),  Frederich,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Muller  (Miller),  Jacob,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Dis- 

charged due  to  physical  disability,  1-6-62. 

Moss,  J.  J.,  8-25-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala, : Conscript.  Seriously 

wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  Va.,  5-3-63.  Died  in 
a Richmond  hospital,  6-14-63. 

Moss,  J.  L.,  8-23-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.,  Deserted  while  a patient 
at  Chimborazo  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  7-14-63. 

Murray,  J. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Naile,  W.  B.,  8-23-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Nelson,  John,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Released,  5-10-65. 

Obering,  E.  F.,  5-25-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Died  of  illness  at  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  1-2-62. 

Partridge,  H.  H.,  8-29-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Miss- 
ing at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Pearson,  W.  A.  J. : Wounded  and  capturdd  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-4-63.  Paroled  from  DeCamp  General  Hospital, 
David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor,  9-27-63.  Severely 
wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64. 

Pfledger,  Philip,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Permanently  disabled. 

Poland,  William,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  to  45th 

Regiment  Georgia  Volunteers,  8-27-63. 

Prinz,  Charles,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded  at 

battle  of  Burgess’  Mill,  10-27-64. 

Ransey,  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 

pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  9-7-64. 

Redlick,  J. : Present  with  Company  12-31-61  to  2-28-62. 


19  7 7 


277 


Remus,  Peter,  5-21-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Detached  to  Division  Pioneer  Corps, 
12-63. 

Reynolds,  J.  R. : Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Treated  in  U.  S.  hospital  at  Gettysburg,  Pa. 

Roach,  C.  L. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-5-64. 

Roberts,  John,  5-21-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Present  with  Company 

only  until  8-61. 

Roberts,  William  E.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged, 

10-27-62.  Man  was  not  a citizen  of  the  Confederacy  or  of 
the  U.  S.  A. 

Robertson,  Lewis  J.,  5-25-51 — Mobile,  Ala. : Record  of  hospita- 
lization 5-62. 

Roh,  Charles  L.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Received  Regimental 

Honors  for  gallantry  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 
Sergeant,  4-1-64. 

Rothschild,  A.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken's  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Corporal,  1863. 
Died  7-17-63,  of  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Cited  for  conspicuous  bravery  during  the  battle. 

Ryales,  J.,  8-14-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Record  of 

hospitalization  at  Richmond,  Va.,  in  April  and  May,  1864. 

Schaaf,  Philip,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  while  in  service. 

Scharf,  Henry,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Deserted  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 
Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of  allegi- 
ance to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  released  3-29-65. 

Schmidt,  Frederick,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  His  name  appears 

on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company.  His  name  appears  on  a 
register  of  payment  as  1st  Sergeant,  6-13-62. 

Schmidt,  John,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Teamster 

for  the  Medical  Department  through  1864. 

Schneider,  August,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  as  Regi- 

mental Butcher.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Schneider,  George : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  payment, 
6-17-62. 

Schneider,  John,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Record  of  hospitaliza- 
tion and  return  to  duty,  1-62. 

Schultz,  August,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 


278 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Shreve,  S. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the  Company. 

Shrides,  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-5-64. 

Silenger,  C.  D. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  furloughed  for 
40  days,  9-28-64. 

Smith,  H.  W.,  8-24-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to  Point 
Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Transfered  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.,  10-27-63.  Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  2-18-65. 
Paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  6-5-65. 

Smith,  James,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of 
Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  12-20-64. 
Captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.,  4-15-65.  Sent  to  Macon,  Ga., 
prison,  4-23-65. 

Smith  (Schmidt),  Peter,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Name  placed 

on  Roll  Of  Honor  for  gallantry  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg, 
9-17-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-3-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island, 
New  York  Harbor.  Must  have  been  given  wounded  parole 
for  his  name  appears  on  the  register  of  the  Alabama  Hospi- 
tal, Richmond,  Va.,  10-31-63.  Furloughed  to  Mobile,  Ala. 
subsequently  died  cf  illness. 

Smith,  S.  T.,  8-28-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 

and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Apparently 
given  a wounded  parole.  Sent  home  as  disabled. 

Spikes,  J.  S.,  8-23-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 

and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
McHenry  Prison,  Md.  Transfered  to  Fort  Deleware  Prison, 
Del.,  n.d.  Given  wounded  parole  and  sent  to  hospital  at 
Lynchburg,  Va.  Received  wounded  furlough  home  to  New- 
ton, Ala.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Steidel,  Ferdinand,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Sergeant.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Stevenson,  C.  H. : His  name  appears  on  an  early  roll  of  the 

Company. 

Stringfellow,  Frank,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  Joined  U.  S.  3rd  Maryland 
Cavalry. 


19  7 7 


279 


Stringfellow,  James,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded 

at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Treated  in  Richmond, 
Va.,  and  Mobile,  Ala.,  hospitals.  Later  detailed  to  hospital 
duty. 

Stumm,  Gustave  A.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Swartz,  H. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  payment,  7-7-62. 

Taylor,  James  A. : Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettys- 

burg, 7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Ex- 
changed, 7-31-63.  Name  appears  on  a register  of  Epis- 
copal Church  Hospital,  Williamsburg,  Va.,  as  returned  to 
duty,  9-2-63. 

Taylor,  John,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 4th  Sergeant,  1863.  2nd 
Sergeant,  4-1-63.  1st  Sergeant,  1-9-64.  Retired  due  to 
physical  disability  caused  by  wounds. 

Taylor,  Neal,  10-25-63 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Hos- 

pitalized most  of  the  time  after  reporting  to  Company. 

Thomas,  William:  Died  of  illness  at  General  Hospital  No.  1, 

Lynchburg,  Va.,  6-16-63. 

Till,  James,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  due  to  chronic  illness, 

3- 22-62. 

Turner,  H.  R.,  8-14-62 — Tallapoosa,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Present 
with  Company,  10-63. 

Turner,  R. : Deserted,  4-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 

U.  S.  A. 

Turner,  R.  M.,  8-14-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded 
at  battle  of  Deep  Bottom,  Va.,  8-16-64. 

Walker,  S. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 

for  the  3rd  quarter  of  1864. 

Weiser,  Lewis,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Only  present  with  Com- 
pany through  8-61. 

White,  J.  B.,  8-15-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Died  of 

illness  at  General  Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  6-15-63. 

Wickham,  James  C.,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 

physical  disability,  5-9-63. 

Williams,  J.  W.,  8-15-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died 
of  pneumonia  at  General  Hospital  No.  1,  Richmond,  Va., 

4- 11-63. 

Wilson,  Charles,  5-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  to  C.  S. 

Navy,  4-2-62. 

Wilson,  Robert  L. : Conscript.  Severely  wounded  at  battle  of 

the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-30-64. 


280 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Wilson,  Samuel,  5-25-61 — ‘Mobile,  Ala.:  Retired,  10-20-64,  due 
to  physical  disability  from  wounds  received  in  action.  Pa- 
roled at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  6-17-65. 


19  7 7 


281 


APPENDIX  L 

Company  “H”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company  was  reorganized  and  raised  on  May  17,  1861,  at 
Mobile,  Mobile  County,  Alabama,  as  the  “Independent  Scouts”, 
and  was  mustered  in  C.  S.  A.  service  on  June  9,  1861,  for  the 
period  of  the  war. 

OFFICERS 

Captain  William  F.  Cleveland,  Jr.:  5-18-61  to  10-24-62.  Re- 

si  gned. 

Captain  William  VV.  Mordecai:  2nd  Lt.,  5-18-61.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  1st  Lt.,  6-1-62.  Captain, 
10-24-62.  Commended  as  conspicuous  for  gallantry  and 
bravery  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  near 
Petersburg,  Va.,  8-21-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 

4- 9-65. 

1st  Lt.  Joshua  Kennedy:  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 
1st  Lt.  Robert  R.  Scott:  1st  Sergeant.  2nd  Lt.,  10-30-61. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  1st  Lt., 
10-24-62.  Died,  7-22-63,  at  Letterman  U.  S.  A.  Hospital, 
Gettysburg,  Pa.,  from  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg. Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

1st  Lt.  Charles  R.  Rice:  3rd  Sergeant.  2nd  Lt.,  6-1-62. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Commended  as 
conspicuous  for  gallantry  and  bravery  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-2-63.  Sent  to  Johnson’s  Island  Prison,  Ohio.  Trans- 
fered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  for  exchange,  3-14-65. 
2nd  Lt.  John  D.  Collier:  5-18-61  to  10-21-61.  Resigned.  Sub- 
quently  died  of  illness. 

2nd  Lt.  William  H.  Dunn : 1st  Corporal.  Ordnance  Sergeant, 

5- 1-62.  2nd  Lt.,  10-24-62.  Assistant  Quartermaster  (Cap- 
tain) of  the  Regiment,  2-17-64  to  6-14-64. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Anderson,  George,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  to  C.  S. 

Navy  in  1863. 


2C2 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Austill,  J.  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 5th  Sergeant.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  10-7-61. 

Babbitt,  C.  H. : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  the  Company 

printed  in  the  Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Baker,  C.  L.,  8-15-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.*  Killed  at 
battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Bamick,  C.  K. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  7-4-64. 

Barkloo,  Henry  P.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Died,  7-19-62,  from 

wrunds  received  a l battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Batton,  Thomas  E.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  as  Ward 

Master  in  Lynchburg,  Va.,  hospital.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Beer,  Joseph,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy, 
1-63. 

Berwick,  W.,  8-27-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Died, 

7-15-64,  at  Howard’s  Grove  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  from 
wounds  received  at  battle  of  Ream’s  Station,  6-29-64. 

Blackman,  J.  W.,  8-12-62 — Macon  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Present 
through  most  of  the  war. 

Blake,.  E.  V.:  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  the  Company 

printed  in  the  Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10 

Blount,  B.  B.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  in  a skirmish  at 

Wynne’s  Mill,  near  Yorktown,  Va.,  being  the  first  man 
killed  in  action  from  Company  “II”. 

Brannan,  J.  E.,  8-27-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to 
DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Har- 
bor. 

Brannan,  J.  W.,  8-27-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Treated  at 
Letter  man  U.  S.  Hospital,  Gettysburg,  Pa.  Transfered  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  7-20-64.  Corporal, 
7-20-65. 

Brown,  James  C. : 3rd  Sergeant. 

Buck,  Henry  W.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  10-24-63.  Ex- 
changed, 5-3-64.  Killed  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater, 
7-30-64. 


19  7 7 


283 


Burns,  James,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  He  appears  to  have  been 

a deserter  from  a Louisiana  Zouaves  battery. 

Cain,  G.  W.,  9-4-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Cain,  Peter : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  the  Company  printed 
in  the  Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Carlen,  M.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Detailed  to  Ambulance 

Corps.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Carpenter,  E.  E.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 

physical  disability,  2-62. 

Cashin,  John,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  West 

Point,  Va.,  4-28-62. 

Cavanaugh,  B.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Chason,  Reuben,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died,  7-13-62,  from 

wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Chastang,  Harrison,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle 

of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Chism,  J.  W.,  10-23-62 — Talladega,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Deserted 

and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Clark,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62. 

Clark,  S.  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg, 
9-17-62.  Corporal,  10-1-62.  Sergeant,  2-1-63.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Totopotomoy  Creek,  6-1-64.  A faithful  soldier. 

Cobini,  Eugene  A.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Captured  at  battle 

of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg, 
9-17-62.  Exchanged  the  same  day.  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Must  have  been  exchanged 
again,  for  he  was  present  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg 
Crater. 

?????????? 


Collins,  Charles,  1-1-63 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  G.  S.  A. 
while  a prisoner  of  war  at  Fort  Delaware!  Prison,  Del. 
Joined  the  3rd  Maryland  Cavalry. 


284  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

Commerce,  William,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Slightly  wounded 

at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy,  1-63. 

Co  k,  B.  F.,  8-10-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.  Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  A good  soldier. 

Coon  (Coone),  John,  6-18-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing, 
Va.,  8-5-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died 
while  a prisoner  of  war  at  U.  S.  A.  Hospital,  Chester,  Pa. 

Couch,  Henry  V.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 

being  a minor. 

Crassin,  Fernando  A. : Conscript.  Captured,  4-6-65.  Released 
fr  m Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  6-14-65. 

Creech  (Creach),  A.  C.,  9-5-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 
Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  10-64. 

Croughnn,  Patrick,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle 

of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Failed  to  return  from  wounded 
furlough. 

Crutch,  E.  C. : Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent 

to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Cutchins,  J.,  9-5-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Died  from 
wounds  received  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-12-64. 

Daughdrill,  John  L.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  the 

3rd  Alabama  Regiment,  6-8-62. 

?????????? 

Davis,  William  J.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle 

of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  10-6-62.  Sergeant, 
2-1-63.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  A faithful 
soldier. 

Davis,  J.  T.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Died  of  illness,  8-62. 

Davis,  W.  J.  R.,  3-12-62 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  7-62. 

Deal,  L.,  8-20-62 — Dale  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Mortally  wounded 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Dean,  Thomas  R.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 

physical  disability,  9-8-61. 

Deith,  William,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy, 

11-4-61. 


19  7 7 


285 


Donald,  T.  J.,  5-25-64 — Choctaw  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript. 

Donovan,  W.  G.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Captured  straggling 

during  first  Maryland  campaign.  Set  free,  10-62.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Exchanged, 
n.d.  Deserted  and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Dunn,  D.  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  an  hospital, 

Richmond,  Va.,  8-5-63. 

Dupieu,  William:  His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the 

Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Fair,  John : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 

Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Faulkner,  D.  T. : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the 

Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Ferguson,  George  W.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 
physical  disability,  12-61. 

Finton,  John  W.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Promoted  to  Corporal, 
5-5-63.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Fiske,  Charles  E.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Corporal.  Died  of 

illness  at  Bigelow  Mill,  Va.,  10-61. 

Flinn,  Andrew : His  name  appears  oji  a list  printed  in  the 

Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Fowler,  G.  H. : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 
Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Franklin,  O. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 

paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  6-20-65. 

Frederickson,  George:  His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in 

the  Mobile  Item,  4-26-10. 

Gardner,  M. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  commuta- 
tion of  rations  on  furlough,  7-15-62. 

???????????? 


Gill,  G.  W.,  8-6-62 — Coosa  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Wounded  on  Enemy’s  Left 
Flank,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-23-64. 

Gill,  N.  H. : His  name  appears  on  a record  for  pay  and  furlough 
in  April,  1864. 

Goodson,  David,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Goodman,  J.  A..,  5-16-64 — Tuscaloosa,  Ala. : Conscript.  Present 
with  Company  during  the  last  few  months  of  the  war. 


288 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Gore,  James  M.,  6-6-64 — Jefferson  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Pa- 

roled at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Govini,  E.  A. : Conscript.  Hospitalized  at  Howard’s  Grove 

Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  8-11-64. 

Graham,  J.  (Jesse)  A.,  5-25-64 — 'Choctaw  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Gray,  M.  M.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Ord- 

nance Department,  8-61. 

Griffin,  F.  M.,  5-10-64 — Centerville,  Va. : Conscript,  Wounded 
at  battle  of  the  Petersburg-  Crater,  7-30-64.  Died  of  illness, 
6-3-65,  v/hile  a prisoner  at  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md. 

Hanse  (Hause),  Philip,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  fol- 

io v/ing  the  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-10-62.  Paroled  in  the 
field.  Detailed  to  C.  S.  Ordnance  Department,  12-63. 

Harrel,  C.  R. : Sergeant.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of 

the  General  Hospital,  Petersburg,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty, 
6-23-64. 

Harwell,  C.  R.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  5-5-63.  Sergeant,  3-1-64. 
Wounded  on  Enemy’s  Left  Flank,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64. 

Harwell,  William  R.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  bat- 

tle of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  3-1-64.  Mortally 
wounded  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-27-64. 

Hastings,  J. : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 
Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Hawkins,  C. : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 
Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Herbert,  John,  3-14-62 — Mobile,  Ala. : Volunteer  recruit.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll 
of  Honor. 

Hilf,  Samuel : 2nd  Sergeant.  Record  of  reenlistment,  n.d. 

Hill,  James,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted,  6-1-62,  at  battle 

of  Seven  Pines. 

Hilton,  William,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Hingston,  Solan  W.,  2-16-63 — Talladega,  Ala.:  Transfered  to 

the  14th  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment. 

Holland,  Thomas:  His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the 

Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Holley,  R.:  His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 

Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 


19  7 7 


207 


Howell,  A.,  8-20-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Died  of  smallpox  while  a prisoner  of  war, 
11-25-63. 

Humes,  H.  C. : His  name  appears  rn  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-15-64. 

Hunt,  Felix  M.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Promoted  to  Regimental 
Commissary  Sergeant,  6-2-62.  Captured  at  High  Bridge, 
Appomattox  River,  Va.,  4-6-65.  Paroled,  6-13-65. 

Hursey,  G.  A.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  2-63.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  point  Lookout  Prison, 
Md.,  10-26-63.  Died,  11-14-63. 

Jackson,  Charles,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Failed  to  return  from 
furlough  home,  2-63.  He  is  thought  to  have  joined  the 
C.  S.  Navy  at  Mobile. 

Jackson,  J.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va. 

Jackson,  W.  O.,  8-27-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Treated  at 
Letterman  U.  S.  A.  Hospital,  Gettysburg,  Pa.  Exchanged, 
1-1-64.  Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg 
Crater,  7-30-64. 

James,  C.  S. : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 
Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Jones,  J.  J.,  Jr.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Orderly  for  Colonel 

John  A.  Winston.  Killed  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm, 
6-30-62. 

Kelley,  S.  A.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’^ 

Grove  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  furloughed,  12-13-64. 

Kelly,  John:  His  name  appears  on  a voucher  for  pay,  1-22-62. 

Kennedy,  Isaac,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Kessell,  George:  His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the 

Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Krassin,  F.  August,  5-18-61 — ‘Mobile,  Ala. : Detailed  as  Am- 

bulance Driver.  Captured  at  High  Bridge,  Appomattox 
River,  Va.,  4-6-65.  Sent  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md. 
Released,  6-14-65. 

Krueger,  Charles:  1st  Sergeant.  Record  of  receiving  pay  in 

1861-62. 


233 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Leathers,  A.,  8-7-61 — Auburn,  Ala. : Transferee!  from  14th  Ala- 
bama Infantry  Regiment.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 

4- 9-65 

Lee,  W.  G. : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  by  the  Mobile 

Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Leighton,  William  : His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  by  the 

Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Lewis,  Isaac,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church, 

5- 3-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Pa- 
roled at  Lynchburg,  Va.,  4-13-65. 

Lipscomb,  D.  W.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  6-12-64.  Exchanged  from 
Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  9-30-64. 

Lofton,  Van,  3-18-62 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Sharp«sburg,  9-17-62. 

Madden,  William,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transfered  to  C.  S. 

Navy,  2-62. 

Malone,  G.  F.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  2-63.  Killed  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  A faithful  soldier. 

Malone,  Henry  R.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 4th  Sergeant.  Pro- 
moted to  1st  Sergeant,  7-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Deep 
Bottom,  Va.,  8-16-64. 

Malone,  J.  G.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded  at  bat- 
tle of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died,  7-19-62. 

Malone,  M.  A.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  5-5-63.  Sergeant,  7-2-63. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Mangan,  M.  E.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  1-13-63. 

Mardenbrough,  G.  D. : 4th  Corporal.  His  name  appears  on  a 
list  printed  in  the  Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-26-10. 

Marks  (Marxs),  Henry,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Mason,  Charles,  8-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

McClintock,  H.  G.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

McCormick,  Neal,  9-8-62 — Pike  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the 
wilderness,  5-6-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


289 


McGraw,  William  H.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal,  11-1-61. 
Sergeant,  6-1-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 
6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

McLoud,  Alex,  8-2-62 — ‘Pike  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Discharged 

due  to  physical  disability,  8-63.  Died,  9-63. 

Merkle,  P.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 

Mill,  6-27-62. 

Merrill,  M.  J.,  5-21-64 — Choctaw  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  De- 

serted, 9-1-64,  and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 
Transportation  furnished  to  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Moffatt  (Moffitt),  H.  D.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Mortally  wounded  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died  at  U.  S.  Letterman  Hospital, 
Gettysburg,  Pa.,  9-19-63. 

Myers,  James:  Died,  1-5-63,  at  General  Hospital,  Danville,  Va. 

Newell,  N.  J. : Deserted  and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 

U.  S.  A.,  9-6-64. 

Newman,  William,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded,  12-22-61, 

in  skirmish  at  New  Market  Bridge,  near  Newport  News, 
Va.  Deserted  to  the  enemy  at  battle  of  Williamsburg, 
5-5-62. 

Nicholson,  H.  G. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 

Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  4-11-64. 

Palmer,  W.  W.,  8-27-62 — Barbour  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript. 

Patten,  T.  H. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.  n.d. 

Patterson,  G.  W.,  8-27-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Accidently  shot  himself,  10-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Pearce  (Pierce),  W.,  8-27-62 — Barbour  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Pendergast,  L.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  3,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  furloughed,  9-24-62. 

Perryman,  William  D.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Captured  at  bat- 
tle of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Bristoe  Station,  10-14-63. 

Pike,  J.  K. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s  Grove 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-28-64. 

Powell,  J.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-29-65. 


299 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Rasimi,  Joseph:  4th  Sergeant.  His  name  appears  on  a list 

printed  in  the  Mobile  Daily  Item,  4-20-10. 

Reagan,  Patrick,  o-14-62 — Mobile,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 

at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-B-63.  Captured  at  battle  of 
the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.  Took 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S,  A. 

Reipschlager,  Frederick  C.  F.,  (Reipschlaeger),  6-25-61 — Mobile, 
Ala.:  Wounded  at  skirmish  at  New  Market  Bridge  near 

Newport  News,  Va.,  12-22-61.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62.  Sergeant,  10-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Bristle  Station,  10-14-63.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gurley’s 
Farm,  Weldon  Railroad,  6-27-64. 

Revcs,  A.  J. : His  name  anpears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war 

paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-24-65. 

Rich,  James,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Died  of  illness,  12-63. 

Robertson,  Hubert,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 

7 hysical  disability,  12-61. 

Rodgers,  W.  W.,  5-27-64 — Choctaw  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  De- 

serted and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  12-64. 

Rooney,  James,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Deserted  his  Company 

and  joined  C.  S.  Navy.  Killed  in  a naval  engagement  in 
Mobile  Bay  n.d. 

Ross  m,  M.  D.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 4th  Corporal.  Killed  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Russ  11,  Sylvester,  3-12-62:  Conscript.  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Transfered  to  Company  I,  12-62. 

Ryals,  Perry,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  physi- 

cal disability,  6-62. 

Ryan,  John,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Deserted,  6-1-62.  Recap- 

tured, 8-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

Saltonstall,  W.  C.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to 

physical  disability,  8-61. 

Sanson,  T.  H.,  8-10-62 — Coffee  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Sent  to 
DeCamp  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Given 
wounded  parole. 

Saxon  (Sascon),  A.  H.,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  at  bat- 
tle of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Returned  under  reprieve  of 
President  Davis.  W'ounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 
5-7-64.  Deserted  to  the  enemy  near  Petersburg,  Va., 
9-20-64. 


19  7 7 


291 


Saunders,  J^mes:  His  name  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the 

Mobile  Dailv  Item,  4-26-10. 

Sayre,  C.,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Sergeant,  10-1-62.  Killed  at 

battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63. 

Sclatter,  J.  B. : His  n^me  appears  on  a list  printed  in  the  Mobile 
Daily  Ttem,  4-26-10. 

Seawell,  William  A .,  5-30-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  2nd  Sergeant. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Discharged  due 
to  his  wounds. 

Shaw,  W.  J. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 

paroled  at  Hartwell,  Ga.,  5-7-65. 

Shultz,  Frederick:  His  name  appears  on  a payroll  receipt  for 

the  period  of  12-3-62  to  2-28-63. 

Smith,  A.,  3-30-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala.:  Recruit  by  transfer.. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Corporal,  3-64. 
Killed  at  battle  of  Reams  Station,  6-29-64. 

Smith,  John,  4-8-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala, : Recruit  by  transfer, 
12-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Smith,  S.  A.,  5-18-65 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 
Deserted,  2-63. 

Smith,  W.,  8-17-62 — Tallapoosa  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Dis- 

charged due  to  physical  disability,  7-20-63. 

Sommill,  John:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Chimborazo 
Hospital  No.  2,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty,  6-25-62. 
Spence,  T.  A.,  10-27-62 — Conecuh  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died 

of  illness  at  Gordonsville,  Va.,  8-4-63. 

Spencer,  H.  O.,  6-26-64 — Selma,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Deep  Bottom,  Va.,  11-17-64.  Retired,  3-15-65,  as 
physically  disabled. 

Sprowl,  John,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Cold  Harbor, 

6- 3-64. 

Stephenson,  Steven,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Straid,  William  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  claims 
of  deceased  Confederate  soldiers,  5-2-64. 

Stroud,  E.  D.,  9-8-62 — Pike  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Severely 

wounded  (losts  of  leg)  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 2-63.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  2-1-64. 

Stroud,  William,  9-8-62 — Pike  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Killed  at 

battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


292 


Stryne,  Richard : Captured  during  retreat  from  battle  of  Gettys-  \ 
burg,  7-6-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  ! 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  joined  the  3rd  Mary-  ! 
land  Cavalry,  9-63. 

Syphrit,  John  T.,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S. 

Marine  Corps,  7-62. 

Tatum,  William  A.,  6-25-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  |j 
of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Corporal,  2-64.  Killed  at  battle 
of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Terrill,  G.  P.,  6-6-64 — Elytown,  Ala. : Conscript.  Hospitalized 

frequently.  Saw  little,  if  any,  combat  duty. 

Thompson,  J.  H.,  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war  j 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  6-20-65. 

Tilman,  Berry,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Died  of  typhoid  fever  j 

at  C.  S.  A.  Hospital,  Danville,  Va.,  6-15-62. 

Titus,  Benjamin,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Bristoe  Station, 
10-14-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Hanover  Junction,  5-24-64. 

Trimmel,  B.  W.,  8-27-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Killed  j 

at  battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  6-7-64. 

Tuchen,  G.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 

Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-16-64. 

Varner,  George,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Walker,  D.  W.,  6-25-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Whalen  (Whelan),  James,  6-25-61— -Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at 

battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  8-5-62.  Deserted  his  Company 
and  joined  C.  S.  Navy. 

White,  Leo : Corporal.  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  pay- 
ment for  February,  1862. 

Willey,  Alexander,  5-18-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to  C.  S. 

Navy,  1-62. 

Williams,  Edward:  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62.  Exchanged,  11-62.  Captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged,  3-3-64.  Deserted,  8-21-64, 
during  the  Petersburg  campaign. 

Williams,  Peter,  6-25-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Transfered  to  some  Cavalry  unit. 

Woodward,  T.  B.,  5-25-64 — Choctaw  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Pa- 
roled at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


293 


Wright,  Louis : 2nd  Corporal.  Reduced  to  Private  for  miscon- 
duct, 11-61.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 
Absent,  ill,  in  2nd  Alabama  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va,, 
12-11-62. 

Yearta,  W.  F. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-25-65 
Zelly,  G. : His  name  appears  on  a register  for  payment  for  ser- 
vice from  10-31-61  to  2-28-62. 


294 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  M 

Company  “I”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 

This  Company,  made  up  mostly  of  the  Irish  population  of 
Mobile,  was  raised  on  April  27,  1861,  at  Mobile,  Mobile  County,  i 
Alabama,  as  the  “Emerald  Guards”  and  was  mustered  in 
C.  S.  A.  service  on  or  about  June  9,  1861,  for  the  period  of 
the  war. 

OFFICERS 

Captain  Patrick  Loughry:  5-20-61.  Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 

Pines,  6-1-62.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

Captain  C.  P.  B.  Branagan  (Branegan)  : 1st  Lt.,  5-20-61.  Cap-  ' 
tain,  6-1-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-8-63. 

Captain  John  McGrath:  Private,  5-20-61.  2nd  Lt.,  11-61. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  1st  Lt.,  1-27-63. 
Captain,  7-3-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 

5- 6-64.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-11-64. 
Retired,  12-27-64. 

Captain  Andrew  Quinn:  Private,  5-20-61.  Captured  at  battle 

f Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  8-11-62.  2nd  Lt.,  11-13-62.  1st  Lt.,  7-3-63. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Bristoe  Station,  10-14-63.  Captain, 
12-27-64. 

1st  Lt.  Michael  Nugent:  1st  Sergeant,  5-20-61.  2nd  Lt.,  11-61. 
1st  Lt.,  6-1-62.  Resigned,  1-27-63,  due  to  chronic  rheu- 
matism. 

1st  Lt.  James  Killion:  Private,  5-20-61.  Wounded  at  battle  of 
2nd  Manassas,  8-30-62.  2nd  Lt.,  1-27-63.  1st  Lt.,  12-27-64. 
Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

2nd  Lt.  John  T.  Halpin:  5-20-61  to  10-8-61.  Resigned. 

2nd  Lt.  James  Flanagan:  5-20-61  to  10-8-61.  Resigned. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Abbott,  John  H.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-5-63.  Paroled  from  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  7-30-63. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Burgess’  Mill,  10-27-64.  Retired  due 
to  physical  disability,  5-22-65.  Paroled  at  Mobile,  Ala., 

6- 5-65. 


19  7 7 


295 


Ahern  (Aherne),  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  3rd  Sergeant. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Captured.  Ex- 
changed from  Fort  Monroe,  Va.,  8-31-62.  Discharged 
3-21-63. 

>f!  Blackall,  Simon,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Never  returned  to  Company  from 
n wounded  furlough  to  Mobile.  Dropped  from  the  roll. 

Boone,  L.  H.,  8-19-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Apparently  not  exchanged. 

Brewer,  George,  5-20-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Wil- 
liamsburg, Va.,  5-5-62. 

Brown,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Burke,  John,  5-20-61 — ‘Mobile,  Ala. : 3rd  Corporal.  Killed  at 

battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Burke  (Bourke),  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  2nd  Ser- 

geant. 1st  Sergeant,  10-30-61.  Killed  at  battle  Of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Burmaster,  C.  F.,  11-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  De- 
tailed as  Shoemaker.  Deserted  7-6-64.  Took  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  U.  S.  A.,  7-15-64.  Transportation  furnished 
to  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Butler,  W.  J.,  10-4-64 — Montgomery,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Cain  (Kane),  Michael,  6-12-61 : Missing  since  battle  of  Weldon 
Railroad,  8-21-64.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Canavan,  James,  5-22-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Name  placed  on  Roll 

of  Honor  at  battle  of  Williamsburg.  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hos- 
pital, David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Exchanged  or 
given  wounded  parole.  Treated  at  Episcopal  Church  Hos- 
pital, Williamsburg,  Va.,  8-63.  Returned  to  Company 
9-4-63. 

Canney  (Caney),  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Lost  hisi  left 

arm  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Name  placed  on 
Roll  of  Honor. 

Cannon,  James:  Captured  at  Farmville,  Va.,  4-6-65.  Sent  to 

Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.  Released  6-9-65. 

Carney,  George,  1-11-64:  Transfered  to  1st  Louisiana  Regi- 

ment, 4-21-64. 

Carr,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 


296 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Corporal,  12-62.  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 

Carter,  John : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  C.  S.  A.  Gen- 
eral Hospital,  Danville,  Va.,  as  returned  to  duty. 

Carvile,  J.  C. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-24-65. 

Case,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  skirmish  at  New 

Market  Bridge,  Newport  News,  Va.,  12-22-61.  He  was 
the  first  man  on  the  Regiment  to  be  killed  in  action  with 
the  enemy. 

Cashin,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-3-63. 

Cassidy,  John  I.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  8-5-62.  Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy. 

Cassidy,  John  II,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Deserted  to  the  enemy, 
11-4-62. 

Chaffin  (Chafin),  Moses,  6-1-64 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Con- 

script. Killed  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  6-30-64. 

Cherry,  Charles,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Corporal,  7-62. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

Cochran,  J.  H.,  8-27-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Substitute.  Se- 

verely wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Salem  Church, 
5-3-63.  Sent  to  Old  Capitol  Prison,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Given  wounded  parole.  Treated  at  Alabama  Hospital,  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  8-63. 

Connors,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 
Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Apparently  never  returned  to 
Company. 

Convy  (Convey),  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  4th  Corporal. 
Discharged,  1-31-62,  due  to  chronic  illness. 

Coyne,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison.  Took 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.,  8-10-62. 

Crivallari  (Crivallair),  Thomas,  6-12-61 — ‘Richmond,  Va. : 
Present  with  Company.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Crowly  (Crowley),  Patrick,  11-10-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Sub- 


19  7 7 


297 


stitute.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Petersburg,  6-27-64. 

Curtin,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Present  throughout  war. 

Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-S-65. 

Daisy,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Williams- 
burg, 5-5-62. 

Dargan,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded  at 

battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Died  at  Baptist  Church 
Hospital,  Williamsburg,  5-31-62. 

Davis,  Milton,  6-1-64 : Conscript.  Deserted  to  the  enemy, 

3-30-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Davis,  W.  C. : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war 

received  at  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New 
York  Harbor,  that  were  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Deboise  (Dubose),  G.  W.,  8-10-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Con- 

script. Wounded  at  battle  on  Enemy’s  Left  Flank,  Peters- 
burg, Va.,  6-22-64.  Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala.,  6-65. 

Densmore  (Dinsmore),  Samuel,  9-1-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.: 
Substitute.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-2-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s 
Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Paroled  5-30-65. 

Devine,  Peter,  8-11-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Substitute.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Apparently 
not  exchanged. 

Dougherty  (Doherty),  John  C.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Exchanged 
8-5-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  8-31-62. 

Dolan,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Discharged  due  to  disability  caused 
by  his  wound. 

Donegan,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Hill,  6-27-62. 

Donnell,  Edward  O.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Musician.  Killed 

at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Dowling,  Dennis,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Took  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Dowling,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  9-3-62. 

Dowling,  John  (Joseph),  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  his 

Company,  5-28-62.  Is  supposed  to  have  remained  in  Con- 
federate service. 


293  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

Duff,  Michael,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Enemy’s  Left  Flank,  Petersburg,  Va.,  6-22-64.  Name 
placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Dunigan,  Thomas,  5-20-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Dwyer,  Walter,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  ill- 

ness. Subsequently  died. 

Dwyer,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Egan,  Michael,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62. 

Eldre,  Daniel : His  name  appears  as  a signature  to  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  U.  S.  A.  while  prisoner  of  war  at  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.,  8-10-62. 

Fallon,  (Tallin),  Thomas,  8-13-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Con- 

script. Missing  after  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Feeney,  Bernard,  6-15-63 — Chancellorsville,  Va. : Conscript. 

Died  of  wounds  received  at  engagement  at  North  River,  Va., 
5-24-64. 

Finigan  (Finnigan),  Timothy,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  n.d. 

Fitzgerald,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  No  record  afterwards. 

Flannery,  Phillip,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Died  from  his 
wounds  at  Cliffburne  U.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.,  5-23-62. 

Forman,  Arthur,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Discharged 
due  to  physical  disability,  8-25-63. 

Foy,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability,  7-19-62. 

Geary,  Cornelius,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 
Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Released  6-14-65. 

Gilday,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Detailed  to  Ordnance  Department. 

Glaze,  William,  5-13-64 — Jefferson  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Wounded  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  10-23-64. 


19  7 7 


299 


Golding,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Permanently  disabled  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Hospitalized  in  Mobile  and 
Shelby  Springs,  Alabama  hospitals.  Retired  11-64.  Paroled 
in  Marion,  Ala.,  5-16-65. 

Golding,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Released,  6-14-65. 

Gordon,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  (loss  of  left 
eye)  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent 
to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s/  Island,  New  York 
Harbor.  Given  wounded  parole.  Retired  11-64. 

Hall,  Dennis,  5-20-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of  Gettys- 
burg, 7-2-63. 

Hamilton,  John  2nd,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Hamilton,  William,  5-20-61— Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Hanlon,  William:  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Seven 

Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged,  8-31-62.  Retired  as  permanently 
disabled,  2-27-63. 

Hannon,  Charles,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  4th  Sergeant.  2nd 

Sergeant,  3-62.  Captured  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 
5-6-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.  Released,  6-15-65. 

Hart,  Joseph  F.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 1st  Sergeant,  2-1-63. 

Wounded  during  skirmish  at  Turkey  Ridge,  Va.,  6-3-64. 
Surrendered  4-20-65,  and  sent  to  New  York. 

Harville,  Augustus,  8-2-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  His 
name  appears  on  a register  of  effects  of  deceased  soldiers, 
1864. 

Hastings,  B.  W.,  5-25-64 — Mt.  Sterling,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Rec- 
ord of  frequent  hospitalization  after  induction. 

Hays  (Hayes),  Dennis,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Hennessey,  Daniel  (Denis),  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  at 

Cliffburne  U.  S.  A.  General  Hospital,  Washington,  D.  C., 
8-27-62,  from  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Williamsburg, 
5-5-62. 

Herring,  Isaac,  6-1-64 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Killed 

at  battle  of  Weldon  Railroad,  Va.,  8-21-64. 

Higgins,  Farrell,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Williamsburg,  5-5-62. 


300 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Holland,  J.  F.,  8-20-62— Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  De- 

tailed as  Division  Wagoner. 

Jennings,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 1st  Sergeant,  2-1-63. 

Killed  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Name  placed  on 
Roll  of  Honor  at  battle  of  2nd  Manassas,  8-20-62. 

Kane  (Kain),  Durham,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle 
of  Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Kane  (Cain),  Michael,  6-12-61 — Richmond,  Va. : Missing  since 
battle  of  Weldon  Railroad,  8-21-64.  Name  placed  on  Roll 
of  Honor. 

Kay,  Anthony:  Captured  at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62. 

Exchanged,  7-16-62. 

Kearny,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Kearney,  George,  1-11-64:  Conscript.  TYansfered  to  the  1st 

Louisiana  Regiment. 

Keeley  (Keiley),  Richard,  3-17-63 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Transfered  to 
C.  S.  Navy. 

Kent,  Pierce,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  3rd  Sergeant,  2-1-63.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Released,  6-7-65. 

Keone,  H. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s  Grove 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.  n.d. 

King,  Anthony,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  (loss  of  left 
eye)  and  captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent 
to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Given  wounded  parole.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  8-1-62.  1 

Kirkland,  William  V.,  6-15-64 — Henry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript. 

Captured  near  Petersburg,  Va.,  4-2-65.  Sent  to  Point  Look- 
out Prison,  Md.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 
and  released  6-14-65. 

Krane,  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-9-64. 

Lanahan,  John,  10-10-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 
and  released  6-14-65. 

Landrum,  L.  B.,  5-5-64 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Trans- 
fered to  48th  Mississippi  Regiment,  11-1-64. 

Langan,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 


19  7 7 


301 


of  Gaines'  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged,  4-64,  as  permanently 
disabled. 

Leary,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor.  Sent 
to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Released  6-14-65. 

Loughry  (Loughery),  Oliver,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  3rd  Ser- 

geant, 11-61.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Seven 
Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged  from  Fort  Monroe,  Va.,  8-31-62. 
Retired  due  to  disability  caused  by  his  wounds. 

Lynch,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy, 

11-27-64. 

Maher,  Daniel,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Captured  near  Rich- 

mond, Va.,  6-28-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged,  8-5-62. 

Maily  (Maley)  (Meely),  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted 
at  battle  of  Gaines'  Mill,  6-7-62. 

Mallon,  John,  5-20-62 — Mobile,  Ala. : Severely  wounded  at  bat- 
tle of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  his  wounds. 
Man,  E.  S. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 

paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-22-65. 

Martin,  Bernard,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Discharged, 
probably  due  to  physical  disability. 

Mathers,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : 1st  Corporal. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at 
battle  of  2nd  Manassas,  8-31-62.  Deserted  at  battle  of 
Ream’s  Station,  6-29-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y. 
McAfee,  George,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to  phy- 
sical disability. 

McAfee,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

McCarron,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Sergeant, 

6- 63.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 4-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island, 
New  York  Harbor.  Exchanged  at  Camp  Lee,  Va.,  9-63. 
Captured  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Sent  to  El- 
mira Prison,  N.  Y. 


302 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


McCauley  (McCirley),  Roderick,  5-20-61— ‘Mobile,  Ala.:  Mor- 

tally wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Died 
in  Richmond  hospital,  7-27-62. 

McCready,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded 

at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Died  at  Chesapeake 
U.S.A.  General  Hospital,  Fort  Monroe,  Va.,  7-17-62. 

McDevitt,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va., 
8-5-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability. 

McFeely,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Monroe 
Prison,  Va.  Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62. 
Discharged  due  to  physical  disability. 

McGlynn,  Thomas,  5-2-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Never  joined  Com- 

pany in  Virginia. 

Mcllwee,  Andrew,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Deserted  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Remained  in  C.  S.  A.  service. 

McKeone,  Hugh,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Weldon  Railroad, 

6- 23-64.  Wounded  at  skirmish  at  Fussell’s  Mill,  8-17-64. 
Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor.  Captured,  4-12-65 

McKeown,  John:  Sergeant.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 

7- 3-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island, 
New  York  Harbor. 

McManus,  Francis,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle 

of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64. 

McNiff,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness, 
5-6-64. 

Meely,  Jchn,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Deserted  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Messer,  Joseph,  5-25-64:  Conscript.  Present. 

Moosback,  A. : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war 
exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62. 

Moran,  Francis,  5-10-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Mulligan,  Peter,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Discharged  11-61. 

Murphy,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Deserted  his  Company.  Remained 
in  C.  S.  A. 


19  7 7 


303 


Murphy,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Murphy,  S.  W.,  Died  at  Chesapeake  General  Hospital,  Williams- 
burg, Va.,  6-13-62. 

Myersberg  (Meyersberg),  Louis,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Drum- 
mer. Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  U.S.A. 

Noonan,  Timothy,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

O’Donnell,  Edward  0.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Musician.  Killed 

at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

O’Neill  (O’Neal),  Cornelius,  5-20-61— Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at 

battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

O’Neill  (O’Neal),  George,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Discharge  due  to  physical 
disability. 

Paterson,  M.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of 

war  paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-23-65. 

Pendergast,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 

of  Gaines’  Hill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  as  permanently  dis- 
abled. 

Pendergast,  W.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : His  name  appears  on 

original  muster  roll.  No  other  information. 

Perle  (Pearl),  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle 
of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62. 

Pickett,  William,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Pitts,  Norville,  5-5-64 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript.  Record 
of  hospitalization  at  Raleigh,  N.  C.  Paroled  at  Montgomery, 
Ala.,  5-9-65. 

Powers,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  3rd  Sergeant,  6-63.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Exchanged 
7-30-63.  Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Dis- 
charged due  to  his  wounds. 

Powers,  W.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : His  name  appears  on  origi- 
nal Company  muster  roll. 

Quill,  Patrick,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured  at 
battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Exchanged  n.d.  Detailed 
to  C.  S.  A.  arsenal,  Selma,  Ala. 

Quinn,  Michael,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Died  of  illness  n.d. 


304 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Regan,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  10-14-62. 

Regan,  Michael  L.,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Exchanged  n.d. 
Wounded  at  skirmish  at  Turkey  Ridge,  Va.,  6-3-64.  Sur- 
rendered and  took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.S.A. 

Riley,  Joseph,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Transferred  to  C.  S.  Navy, 
3-63. 

Roberts,  Archibald,  9-16-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript. 

Detailed  as  Wagoner  to  the  Regiment.  Deserted  to  the 
enemy,  3-65.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Rogers,  A.  J.:  Transfered  to  the  C.  S.  Navy. 

Russell,  Sylvester,  3-6-62 — Mobile,  Ala.  Transfered  from  Com- 
pany H,  8th  Alabama  Infantry,  12-62.  Wounded  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle 
of  the  Wilderness,  5-7-64.  Paroled  at  Point  Lookout  Prison, 
Md.,  and  exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  3-15-65. 

Ryan,  James,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wagoner.  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Sharpsburg,  8-17-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  the 
Petersburg  Crater,  6-22-64.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Ryan,  M.  L. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 

pital, Petersburg,  Va.,  and  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va.,  in  June  and  July,  1864. 

Sexton,  Michael,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Slightly  wounded  at 

skirmish  at  New  Market  Bridge,  near  Newport  News,  Va., 
12-22-61.  Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Shepherd,  Alexander,  6-12-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Exchanged,  9-29-63. 
Transfered  to  C.  S.  Navy. 

Snelley,  Stephen : Discharged  due  to  old  age  and  disability. 

This  man  was  63  years  old. 

Smith,  J.  I.,  10-10-64 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  His  name 

appears  on  a record  of  the  Company  as  present,  1-1-65. 

Smith,  Thomas,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged,  8-11-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gettysburg. 

Spencer,  J.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a record  of  Confederate 

soldiers  paroled  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  5-12-65. 

Stafford,  Bartholomew,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle 
of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Sullivan,  Daniel,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 


19  7 7 


305 


Sullivan,  Dennis,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Treated  at  U.  S.  A.  Hospital,  Chester, 
Pa.,  and  Hammond  General  Hospital,  Point  Lookout,  Md. 
Joined  U.  S.  service,  1-25-64. 

Sullivan,  J.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  cloth- 

ing for  the  1st  quarter  of  1864. 

Sullivan,  John,  9-3-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Substitute.  Hos- 

pitalized through  much  of  the  war. 

Summers,  William,  8-12-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged,  2-10-65. 

Swain,  Isaac,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured  at 
battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Exchanged  from  Fort  Mon- 
roe, Va.,  8-31-62.  Discharged  due  to  his  wounds. 

Tallin,  Thomas,  8-13-62 : Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of 

Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Not  exchanged. 

Taylor,  N. : His  name  appears  on  a morning  report  of  Jackson 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-18-64. 

Tobin,  Edward  S.,  5-22-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 

of  Williamsburg,  5-5-62.  Returned  to  duty.  Died  at  How- 
ard’s Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-17-64,  due 
to  an  accidental  wound. 

Tompkins,  J.  A.,  5-19-64 — Covington,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 
n.d. 

Tremell,  Arnold,  8-12-62 — Tallapoosa,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died  at  Point  Look- 
out Prison,  Md.,  12-6-63. 

Walker,  Richard,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala, : Wounded  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  his  wounds. 

Walsh,  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness,  9-61. 

Whitter  (Whitler),  John,  5-20-61 — Mobile,  Ala.:  Captured  near 
Boonsboro,  Md.,  during  Maryland  campaign.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va., 
10-10-62. 

Wood,  W.  H.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  transfered  to  Howard’s 
Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-17-63. 

Wright,  James  A.,  8-20-62 — *Camp  Watts,  Ala. : Conscript. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-11-64. 


306 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  N 

Company  “K”,  8th  Regiment  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry 
“Southern  Guards” 

This  Company  was  raised  on  May  16,  1861,  at  Radfordshire, 

Perry  County,  Alabama,  and  was  mustered  in  C.  S.  A.  service 

on  or  about  June  9,  1861,  for  the  period  of  the  war. 

OFFICERS 

Captain  Duke  Nall:  Wounded  at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Promoted  to 
Major  of  the  Regiment,  11-2-64.  Died  of  complications 
from  wound  received  at  battle  of  the  Wilderness. 

Captain  William  L.  Fagan:  2nd  Lt.,  5-16-61.  Wounded  at  bat- 
tle of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  1st  Lt.,  8-17-62.  Captain, 
11-2-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

1st  Lt.  William  L.  Butler:  5-16-61  to  3-18-62.  Resigned. 

1st  Lt.  Columbus  L.  Bennett:  2nd  Lt.,  5-16-61.  1st  Lt.,  3-18-62. 
Died  of  wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

1st  Lt.  T.  C.  Monroe:  Musician  5-16-61.  Sergeant  1862. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged.  2nd 
Lt^  11-30-63.  1st  Lt.,  11-30-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

2ndLt.B.J.  Fuller:  Enlisted  5-16-61.  2nd  Lt.,  4-22^62.  Killed 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

2nd  Lt.  James  C.  Nall:  Corporal  5-16-61.  2nd  Lt.,  9-14-62. 

Killed  at  battle  of  Spotsylvania  C.  H.,  5-11-64. 

Enlisted  Ranks 

Barron,  R.  H.,  5-21-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Severely  wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Subsequently  died  from  his 
wound,  n.d. 

Bennett,  James  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness 

at  Yorktown,  Va.,  10-19-61. 

Bennett,  James  M.,  3-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Died  of  measles  while  prisoner  of  war, 
9-20-63. 


1977  307 

Bennett,  Newton,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  1863. 

Overstayed  wounded  furlough  to  Alabama.  Died  of  pneu- 
monia at  General  Hospital  No.  2,  Lynchburg,  Va.,  5-2-64. 

Bennett,  R.  E.,  2-12-63 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Captured  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died  of  typhoid  fever  at 
U.  S.  General  Hospital,  Camp  Letterman,  Gettysburg,  Pa., 
8-7-63. 

Blackburn,  John:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  deceased 

Confederate  soldiers  from  Alabama  filed  for  settlement  with 
family. 

Bledsoe,  A.  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Present  the  entire 

war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

jBledsoe,  T.  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Severely  wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-72.  Returned  to  duty.  Died 
of  illness  in  camp,  1-21-64,  near  Orange  C.  H.,  Va. 

Bledsoe,  William  E,,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  3rd  Sergeant. 

Slightly  wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died 
of  illness  10-27-62. 

Bolling,  John  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 

of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Exchanged  from  Elmira  Prison, 
N.  Y.,  10-29-64. 

Bolling,  Sanders,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Wilderness,  5-6-64.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y. 
8-15-64. 

Boykin,  George,  3-17-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

Boyd,  John  A.  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Va. : Died,  7-25-62,  from 
wounds  received  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Boyd,  W.  L. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing 
for  3rd  quarter  of  1862,  and  1st  quarter  of  1863. 

Brady,  Andrew  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died,  6-30-62,  at 
Chimborazo  Hospital  No.  1,  Richmond,  Va. 

Butler,  D.  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  10-23-61. 

Callahan,  Thomas  C.,  5-16-61— Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-13-65. 

Carleton,  W.  E.,  5-16-61— Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 
of  Williamsburg,  5-6-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.  Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Wounded 
and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 


308 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Cosby,  J.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a list. 

Cathran,  James:  His  name  appears  as  a signature  to  a roll  of 

prisoners  of  war  captured  4-16-63. 

Chandler,  C.  J.,  2-20-63— ‘Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Church,  W.  S.,  11-7-62 — Culpepper,  Va. : Detailed  as  Division 

Teamster. 

Cosby,  Joseph  W. : Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  6-21-62. 

Cosby,  J.  R.,  3-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : In  and  out  of  hospitals 
throughout  war.  Conscript. 

Crocker,  John  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 
Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Cummings,  C.  A.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died  7-16-63. 

Cummings,  F.  P.,  2-15-62 — Perry  Go.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

Davis,  Uriah,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  at  Petersburg  General  Hospital, 
6-30-64. 

Driver,  F.  A.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : 1st  Sergeant.  Died, 

6-27-62,  in  Richmond,  Va. 

Dunklin,  J.  B.,  2-7-62 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 

and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Died  while  in  prison. 

Edwards,  F.  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Discharged  10-7-61. 

Edwards,  James,  2-18-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Straggled  after  battle 
of  Gettysburg  and  captured  near  Fairfield, ' Pa.,  7-5-63. 
Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Took  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  released  6-15-65. 

Edwards,  James  Jr.,  5-16-61— Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness 
in  Richmond,  Va.,  5-21-62. 

Edwards,  James  Sr.,  5-16-61— Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Hospitalized 

throughout  most  of  1861.  No  other  information. 

Edwards,  S.  A. : Discharged  3-16-63  by  furnishing  a substitute. 

Edwards,  W.  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Elliott,  Toler  E.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged  3-64.  Paroled  at  Marion, 
Ala.,  5-15-65. 


19  7 7 


309 


England,  W.  S.,  2-18-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Severely 

wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Detailed  to 
Confederate  arsenal,  Selma,  Ala.,  10-1-64.  Paroled  at  Selma, 
6-65. 

Fain,  John  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Exchanged  and  treated 
in  Confederate  hospitals.  Returned  to  duty.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Fike,  Charles  E.,  5-16-61 — iPerry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

Fike,  James  H.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Paroled  for  treatment  in 
Confederate  hospitals  in  Richmond,  Va.  Returned  to  duty 
by  6-3-64.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Filbert,  W.  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Severely  wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Hill,  6-27-62.  Subsequently  died  from  his 
wounds. 

Fiske,  Charles  E.,  5-16-61 — Perry,  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle 
of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Paroled  at  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y., 

3- 10-65. 

Ford,  H.  M.,  3-7-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died  of  ill- 

ness in  1864. 

Fowler,  G.  W. : Severely  wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 

6-27-62. 

Fowler,  Lawson : Died  of  illness  near  Fredericksburg,  Va., 

4- 6-63. 

Fowler,  0.  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Regimental  Wagoner. 
Captured  during  retreat  from  battle  of  Gettysburg,  near 
Williamsport,  Md.,  7-6-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison, 
Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65.  Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala.,  6-65. 

Frith,  H.  H.,  2-15-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Captured  at 

battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Died  of  pneumonia,  8-28-63, 
while  prisoner  of  war  at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Frith,  Joseph  M.,  6-1-61 — Richmond,  Va. : Traveled  from  Ma- 

rion, Ala.,  to  enlist.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill, 
6-27-62.  Later  detailed  as  Wagoner. 

Fuller,  George  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill.,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala.,  6-65. 

Fuller,  Jesse  S.,  3-17-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  of  typhoid  fever 
in  Richmond  hospital,  8-14-62. 


310 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Fuller,  J.  M.,  3-7-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Wounded 

and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  De- 
camp General  Hospial,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor. 
Later  given  wounded  parole. 

Fuller,  R.  P.  T.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp 
General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Given 
wounded  parole  and  treated  in  Richmond  hospital.  Paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Gambrel,  W.  T.,  5-16-81 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  McHenry 
Prison.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  1-23-64. 
Paroled  at  Point  Lookout,  2-18-65. 

Garrison,  Benjamin  F.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 
battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged,  8-9-62,  due 
to  his  wounds. 

Garrison,  John  D.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Garrison,  Samuel  D.,  6-23-61 — Yorktown,  Va. : Killed  at  battle 

of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Garrison,  S.  Frank,  3-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and 

captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65. 

George,  M.  D.,  5-16-61— Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to 

physical  disability,  9-61. 

Goocher,  W.  J.,  5-14-64 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Green,  J.  P.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md., 
10-26-63.  Exchanged  2-18-65.  Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala., 
6-65. 

Green,  W.  P.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.  Detailed  as  Teamster- 
Ambulance  Driver. 

Griffin,  John  W.,  3-17-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Name 
placed  on  Roll  of  Honor  for  his  bavery  at  battle  of  Gaines’ 
Mill,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Griffin,  Samuel  F. : Name  appears  on  a register  of  deceased 

Alabama  soldiers. 

Hain,  T.  N. : Wounded  at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-3-62. 

Hanson,  John  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Detailed  as  Regi- 
mental Wagoner.  Died  of  illness  at  Flint  Hill,  Va.,  10-17-62. 


19  7 7 


311 


Harbour,  C.  C.,  3-17-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Peters- 
burg Crater,  7-30-64. 

Harbour,  Ezekial  T.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Served  while 

under  age.  Released  3-24-65.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Harbour,  John  R.,  4-2-64 — Selma,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled  at 

Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Harley,  Michael:  Conscript.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem 

Church,  5-3-63.  Died  from  his  wounds,  5-31-63. 

Harris,  George  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Corporal.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Killed  at  battle  of  Enemy’s 
Left  Flank,  Petersburg,  6-22-64. 

Harris,  J.  P.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Sergeant  Major. 

Wounded  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater,  7-31-64. 

Harris,  Oliver  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62.  Name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor. 

Heard,  R.  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Died  as  a prisoner  of  war.  n.d. 

Henly,  Edward  Jr.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and 

captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md. 
Transfered  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.,  8-17-64.  Released 
6-14-65. 

Hicks,  J.  L.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on 

the  first  two  muster  rolls  of  the  Company. 

Higgins,  P.  W. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 

Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-15-62. 

Hodge,  W.  L.,  2-2-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Paroled  at 

Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Hodges,  John  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Hopkins,  Solomon,  5-16-61 — ’Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  near  Bristol, 
Va.,  10-29-62. 

Howard,  Claiborn,  3-13-63:  Conscript.  Captured  at  battle  of 

Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 
Paroled.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability,  11-25-64. 

Howard,  Henry  C.,  11-14-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Died 

of  illness,  8-19-64. 

Huff,  James  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 


312 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


tured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Hurt,  H.  H. : His  name  appears  as  a signature  to  a parole  of 

prisoner  of  war  at  Marion,  Ala.,  5-16-65. 

Jackson,  George,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Transfered  to  10th 
Georgia  Regiment,  1-1-62. 

Jackson,  Thomas,  3-17-62:  Conscript.  Killed  at  battle  of 

Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Jones,  B.  B.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  7-23-61. 

Jones,  J.  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  of  illness  at  York- 
town,  Va.,  3-11-62. 

Jones,  John  A.,  2-3-63 — Marion,  Ala. : Present  for  latter  part 

of  the  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Jordan,  J.  D.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 

Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  1-14-64. 

Langford,  C.  M. : Died  of  illness  at  2nd  Alabama  Hospital,  Rich- 
mond, Va.,  1-27-63. 

Langford,  J.  B.,  2-7-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.,  10-27-63.  Hospitalized  at  U.  S.  Hospital,  Point 
Lookout,  Md.,  11-63.  Apparently  given  wounded  parole. 
Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala.,  6-65. 

Langford,  Neil,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on 
a Company  muster  roll  for  July  and  August,  1861. 

Langston,  L.  C. : His  name  appears  on  a register  for  pay  for  the 
period  of  4-30-62  to  11-1-62. 

Lawley,  R.  P.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Severely  wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Discharged  due  to  physical 
disability  caused  by  his  wound,  7-30-62. 

Logan,  William  Steward,  5-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Killed  at 

battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Lowery,  Thomas,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  while  home 

on  sick  furlough,  6-20-62. 

Mahan,  John  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  His  name  appears 

on  a register  of  Chimborazo  Hospital  No.  1,  Richmond,  Va., 
as  returned  to  duty,  6-24-62. 

Marcus,  James,  3-13-63:  Substitute.  Wounded  and  captured  at 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-63.  Died  while  a prisoner  of  war 
at  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.,  9-27-63. 

Martin,  B.  F.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : 2nd  Corporal.  Ser- 

geant 6-1-61.  Captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63. 


19  7 7 


313 


Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

McCollum,  John  H.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : 5th  Sergeant. 

Present  with  Company  through  1864. 

McMurry,  A.,  2-23-63 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded, 

place  and  date  not  known.  Hospitalized  frequently  there- 
after. 

McWilliams,  Andrew:  Killed  at  battle  of  the  Petersburg  Crater, 
7-30-64. 

Melton,  T.  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Hospitalized  in  Rich- 

mond, Va.,  12-61. 

Meridith,  J.  T.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle  of 
Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del., 
Exchanged  at  Aiken’s  Landing,  Va.,  8-5-62.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Meridith,  W.  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Present  with  Com- 
pany to  1864. 

Mitchell,  R.  S.,  5-16-64 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Hospitalized 
frequently  with  illnesses. 

Mock,  George  F.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  in  camp, 

4-24-63. 

Molash,  P.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  Confederate  pris- 
oners of  war  paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.  6-19-65. 

Morris,  J.  R.,  3-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 

at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Morris,  J.  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Hospitalized  at  Orange 
C.  H.,  Va.  His  name  also  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-64.  Paroled  at  Appo- 
mattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Mulmer,  P.  A. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-22-65. 

Nall,  Robert  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65.  Paroled  at  Selma, 
Ala.,  6-65. 

Nalley,  J.  J.,  4-29-64 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Record  of  hos- 
pitalization in  Richmond,  Va.,  hospital.  Paroled  at  Appo- 
mattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Nixon,  J.  T.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Discharged  due  to  phy- 
sical disability,  12-25-6L 

Oakes,  George  W.,  3-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Pa- 

roled at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


314 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Oakes,  James  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Paroled  at  Appo- 

mattox C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Oakes,  W.  Thomas,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  9-15-61. 

Oakes,  William  F.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : 3rd  Sergeant. 

Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Osborn,  J.  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Parker,  W.  C.  Y.,  5-16-61— Ferry  Co.,  Ala. : Transfered,  7-5-61, 
to  Colonel  Morris’  Alabama  Regiment. 

Patillo,  W.  H.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Seven  Pines,  6-1-62. 

Perry,  B.  P.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  at  battle  of 

Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Sent  to  Elmira  Prison,  N.  Y.  Took 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  released  6-19-65. 

Peters,  A.  C. : His  name  appears  on  a list  of  deceased  soldiers, 
8-64. 

Pike,  J.  K. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s  Grove 
General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-28-64. 

Proctor,  C.  W.,  2-2-63 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Paroled  at 

Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Radford,  A,  J. : Killed  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Ready,  John  L.,  6-1-61 — Richmond,  Va. : This  soldier  paid  his 
own  expenses  from  Marion,  Ala.,  to  enlist.  Present  through- 
out war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Reynolds,  Alonzo,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 
Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 

Reynolds,  James:  His  name  placed  on  Roll  of  Honor  at  battle 
of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Mentioned  for  bravery  at  battle 
of  Gettysburg. 

Richardson,  James  Madison,  3-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Con- 

script. Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines, 
6-1-62.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Received 
wounded  parole.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability 
caused  by  his  wound,  10-25-62. 

Richardson,  R.  R.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Sergeant,  Present 
throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Richardson,  T.  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-5-62.  Sent  to  DeCamp 
General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Ap- 
parently given  wounded  parole  since  there  is  a record  of 
being  on  wounded  furlough  in  Alabama. 


19  7 7 


315 


Robertson,  J.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a register  for  pay  for 

the  period  of  2-28-63  to  6-30-63. 

Russell,  J.  N.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Mortally  wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Died  at  General  Hospital 
No.  12,  Richmond,  Va.,  8-31-62. 

Russell,  J.  R.,  10-15-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  at  battle 

of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Schoolhoffer  (Schulhofer),  Philip,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.: 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Shivers,  J.  B.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Corporal.  Assigned 

as  Commissary  Guard. 

Shorths,  S.  P. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hos- 
pital No.  9,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  transfered  to  Alabama  Hos- 
pital, 7-20-63. 

Smith,  George  M.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : 2nd  Corporal.  4th 
Sergeant  1863.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Smith,  George  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 
tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Treated  at  Letterman 
General  Hospital,  Gettysburg,  Pa.  Transfered  to  City 
Point,  Va.  Given  wounded  parole  and  treated  at  Howard’s 
Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-63.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Smith,  J. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General  Hospital 
No.  21,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  transfered  from  Camp  Winder 
General  Hospital,  11-17-62. 

Smith,  T.  J.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Killed  at  battle  of 

Sharpsburg,  9-17-62. 

Sponsoby,  W.  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at 
Danville,  Va.,  8-15-62. 

Spratt,  Samuel,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Record  of  frequent 

hospitalizations. 

Sticks,  J.  D.:  Discharged  11-26-61. 

Strange,  D.  B.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Died  of  illness,  5-30-62. 

Suttles,  John  W.  Jr.,  5-16-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Died  of  a non- 
combat injury,  6-30-62. 

Suttles,  M.  B.,  Detailed  as  Teamster  throughout  war.  Paroled  at 
Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Suttles,  William  W.,  2-2-62 — Marion,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 
at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Wounded  and  captured 
at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Received  wounded  parole. 


316 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Taylor,  William  F. : His  n,ame  appears  on  a record  for  pay 

in  1862. 

Thompson,  George  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  at 

battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62.  Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem 
Church,  5-3-63.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Townsend,  C.  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Died  of  illness  at 

Wynne’s  Mill,  Va.,  12-10-61. 

Townsend,  William  S.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63.  Sent  to  DeCamp 
General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New  York  Harbor.  Re- 
ceived wounded  parole.  Returned  to  duty.  Wounded  at  bat- 
tle of  Burgess  Farm,  10-27-64. 

Wallace  (Wallis),  William,  2-1-63 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 
Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-3-63. 
Sent  to  DeCamp  General  Hospital,  David’s  Island,  New 
York  Harbor.  Received  wounded  parole  and  died  at  How- 
ard’s Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  7-4-64. 

Watters,  John  O.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Present  with  Com- 
pany through  2-63. 

Watters,  Samuel  B.  F.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Severely 

wounded  at  battle  of  Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Wells,  W.  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Permanently  disabled 

at  battle  of  Frazier’s  Farm,  6-30-62.  Retired  9-20-64. 

White,  Perry  S.,  1-1-63 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Wounded  and  cap- 

tured at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Dela- 
ware Prison,  Del.  Died  at  Hammond  U.  S.  A.  General  Hos- 
pital, Point  Lookout,  Md.,  11-11-63. 

White,  S.  H.,  3-17-62 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Conscript.  Wounded 

and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-4-63.  Permanently 
disabled.  Received  wounded  parole  from  Point  Lookout, 
Md.,  4-27-64.  Name  placed  on  the  Roll  of  Honor. 

White,  W.  S. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va. 

Williams,  E.  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala. : Killed  at  battle  of 

Gaines’  Mill,  6-27-62. 

Williams,  Frank  H.,  6-1-61 — Richmond,  Va. : This  man  paid 

his  own  expenses  to  Richmond,  Va.,  to  join  Company. 
Wounded  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3-63.  Wounded  and 
captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort 
McHenry,  Baltimore,  Md.  Transfered  to  Fort  Delaware 
Prison,  Del.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md., 


19  7 7 


317 


where  he  received  a wounded  parole.  Later  treated  at 
Howard’s  Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-65. 

Williams,  H. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 

Grove  General  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  furloughed  for 
30  days  to  3-6-65. 

Young,  George  W.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Patient  at  Chim- 
borazo Hospital,  No.  1,  Richmond,  Va.,  12-13-61  to  3-25-62, 
and  again  from  5-31-62  to  6-12-62. 

Young,  H.  C.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Captured  at  battle 

of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del., 
7-6-63.  Transfered  to  Point  Lookout  Prison,  Md.,  10-23-63. 
Exchanged  2-18-65.  Paroled  at  Selma,  Ala.,  6-65. 

Young,  James  C.,  3-17-62 — -Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript. 

Wounded  and  captured  at  battle  of  Gettysburg,  7-2-63.  Sent 
to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Exchanged  2-18-65.  Pa- 
roled at  Selma,  Ala.,  6-65. 

Young,  Joseph  M.,  Jr.,  5-16-61 — Perry  Co.,  Ala.:  Present  with 

Company  throughout  war.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Young,  Joseph  M.,  Sr.,  2-18-63 — Marion,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Pres- 
ent through  1863.  Patient  at  General  Hospital,  Peters- 
burg, Va.,  6-20-64,  and  General  Hospital  No.  9,  Richmond, 
Va.,  7-1-64. 


318 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


APPENDIX  0— Supernumeraries 

The  following  names  are  listed,  in  the  compiled  service  records 

of  Confederate  soldiers  who  served  in  organizations  from  the 

State  of  Alabama,  as  assigned  to  the  8th  Regiment  Alabama 

Volunteer  Infantry,  but  no  Company  was  designated.  Very  little, 

if  any,  other  information  was  available. 

Bennett,  William  W. : Assigned  to  the  Regiment,  but  never 
reached  the  command  due  to  chronic  rheumatism. 

Blount,  W.  H. : Died  of  illness  at  Howard’s  Grove  General  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va.,  1-16-63. 

Boland,  A. 

Bowling,  H. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Brown,  John  S.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Broyles,  B.  F. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Broyles,  George:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Brum,  David:  Teamster  in  Quartermaster  Corps. 

Butler,  James:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Churchill,  D.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Coleman,  J.  F. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Collins,  Rice:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Cona,  G.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  a Richmond  hos- 
pital, 1-20-64. 

Conklin,  J.:  Sergeant.  Captured  at  battle  of  Salem  Church,  5-3- 
63.  Sent  to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del.  Paroled  at  Fort 
Delaware. 

Cook,  Enoch:  His  name  appears  on  a prisoner  of  war  roll  at 
Old  Capitol  Prison,  Washington,  D.  C.,  3-21-63. 

Cook,  F.  M.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  2-20-63.  Listed  as  paroled 
at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Cumby,  A.  B.:  Died  of  illness,  11-4-62,  at  Camp  Winder  Hos- 
pital, Richmond,  Va. 

Delannon  (DeLamar),  Eugene:  Sergeant.  Deserted  to  the 
enemy,  3-3-63. 

Derden,  W.  D. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  the  Medical 
Director’s  Office,  Richmond,  Va.,  1-18-63. 

Donnell,  J.  M. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Camp  Winder 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  patient. 


19  7 7 


319 


Evans,  James,  8-28-62 — Henry  Co.,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Discharged, 
4-20-63. 

Evans,  J.  H.:  Corporal.  Captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  5- 
31-62.  Died  while  a prisoner  of  war,  6-28-62. 

Ferguson,  W.  A.:  Lieutenant.  His  name  appears  on  a register 
of  General  Hospital  No.  4,  Richmond,  Va.,  5-9-64,  with  the 
remark  of  ‘Paroled  prisoner’. 

Fogg,  W.  R.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Gamble,  M.  J. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Gandey,  A.  E.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Garrod,  J.  D.,  9-7-62 — Montgomery,  Ala.:  His  name  appears  on 
a Camp  Winder  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  muster  roll, 

I- 1-63. 

Golson,  W.  W.,  8-13-62 — Camp  Watts,  Ala.:  Conscript.  Dis- 
charged due  to  physical  disability,  1 1-18-62,  before  full 
assignment  to  a Company. 

Goodson,  C.:  Died  of  typhoid  fevef*,  10-27-62. 

Goodson,  J.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Griffin,  R.  F.:  Died  of  pneumonia  at  Camp  Winder  Hospital, 
Richmond,  Va.,  11-26-62. 

Hamilton,  E.  E.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Harman,  T.  W. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Hense,  P. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  deserters  or 
refugees  at  Provost  Marshall,  Washington,  D.  C.,  7-1-65. 
Hogg,  J.  F. : Conscript.  Discharged  due  to  physical  disability, 

II- 22-62. 

Hosley,  G.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Iron,  T.  P.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Jenkins,  B.  H. : His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-23-65. 

Jones,  James  M.:  Conscript.  Deserted  to  the  enemy,  6-15-64. 

Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Jordan,  W.  D.  (T) : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  Howard’s 
Grove  Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  3-26-63. 

Joy,  W.  H.:  His  name  appears  on  a list  of  prisoners  of  war  on 
the  Steamer  KATSKILL,  8-5-62. 

Keane,  M.:  His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing  for 
July,  1864. 

Leigh,  H.  B.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  for  pay  as  Chief 
Musician,  1864. 

Lewis,  F.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 
Livingston,  A.  J.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


320 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Lofton,  A.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Long,  E.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Long,  J.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

McVay,  G.  W.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Meadows,  W.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Miner,  Peter:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Martin,  F.:  Captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62.  Sent  to 
Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Nere,  James : His  name  appears  on  a descriptive  list  of  prisoners 
of  war  captured  at  battle  of  Seven  Pines,  6-1-62,  and  sent 
to  Fort  Delaware  Prison,  Del. 

Newman,  L.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  men  paroled 
at  Selma,  Ala.,  5-65. 

Ovey,  F. : Deserted.  Took  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Padgett,  W.  (Wiley) : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Palmer,  P. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Parramore,  W.  R. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  cloth- 
ing for  the  4th  quarter  of  1864.  Paroled  at  Appomattox 
C.  H.r  4-9-65. 

Posel,  M. : Conscript.  Died  of  typhoid  fever  at  Camp  Winder 
Hospital,  Richmond,  Va.,  11-16-62. 

Prayton,  John:  His  name  appears  on  a register  that  indicates 
that  he  was  in  Union  hands  during  the  last  days  of  the 
war.  His  transportation  was  furnished  to  Decatur,  Ala. 

Province,  Levi  M.:  Deserted  to  the  enemy.  Took  oath  of  al- 
legiance to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Pumphrey,  Roland:  Deserted  to  the  enemy  in  early  1863.  Took 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  U.  S.  A. 

Ray,  W.  W. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Roberson,  G.  P. : His  name  appears  on  a register  of  General 
Hospital  No.  21,  Richmond,  Va.,  10-2-6? 

Rutledge,  J. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Sartin,  E.  B. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Shirley,  W. : His  name  appears  on  a receipt  roll  for  clothing  for 
the  4th  quarter  of  1864.  Paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H., 
4-9-65. 

Soloman,  A.  L..  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Staggers,  J.  A.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Stewart,  C.  E.:  1st  Lieutenant.  His  name  appears  on  a list  of 
prisoners  of  war  captured  at  Tuskegee,  Ala.:  4-14-65. 

Taylor,  A.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


19  7 7 


321 


Thompkins,  J.  L. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Turner,  A.  J. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Vaughn,  W.  B.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Walters,  B.  F. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Whiley,  J.:  His  name  appears  on  a register  of  deserters  at  Pro- 
vost Marshall,  Washington,  D.  C.,  4-6-65.  Took  oath  of  al- 
legiance to  the  U.  S.  A.  and  transportation  furnished  to 
New  York  City. 

Willis,  J.  J.:  Died  of  pneumonia  at  Camp  Winder  Hospital, 
Richmond,  Va.,  11-8-62. 

Wilson,  A.  G. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Womac,  W. : Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 

Wyatt,  Ira:  His  name  appears  on  a roll  of  prisoners  of  war 
paroled  at  Talladega,  Ala.,  5-23-65. 

Young,  F.  M.:  Listed  as  paroled  at  Appomattox  C.  H.,  4-9-65. 


THE 

ALABAMA  HISTORICAL 
QUARTERLY 


Vol.  XL  SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978  Nos.  1 & 2 


Published  by  the 

ALABAMA  STATE  DEPARTMENT 
OF 


?7£ , /OS' 

r*  / / 


ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORY 


THE 

ALABAMA  HISTORICAL 
QUARTERLY 

Vol.  XL  SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978  Nos.  1 & 2 

CONTENTS 

The  Storming  of  Mobile  Bay  edited  by  Richard  D.  Duncan 6 

A Changing  of  the  Guard : Joseph  C.  Manning  and  Populist 

Strategy  in  the  Fall  of  1894  by  Paul  Pruitt , Jr 20 

“The  Husbandman  that  Laboureth  Must  be  First  Partaker 
of  the  Fruits”  (2  Timothy  2:6) : Agricultural  Reform  in 
Ante  Bellum  Alabama  by  William  W.  Rogers,  Jr 37 

Up  the  Tombigbee  with  the  Spaniards:  Juan  De  La 

Villebeuvre  and  the  Treaty  of  Bouchfouca  (1793) 
by  Jack  D.  L,  Holmes 51 

The  Holtville  School : A Progressive  Education  Experiment 

by  William  B . Lauderdale 62 

The  Centennial  Celebration  of  the  Battle  of  Horseshoe 

Bend  by  Paul  A.  Ghioto _ 78 

BOOK  REVIEWS 

Hammett,  Hilary  Abner  Herbert:  A Southerner  Re- 
turns to  the  Union,  by  Hugh  C.  Davis  86 

Fink  and  Reed  (Editors),  Essays  in  Southern  Labor 
History:  Selected  Papers,  Southern  Labor  History 
Conference , 1976,  by  Don  L.  Fox,  Jr 90 

Meier  and  Rudwick,  Along  the  Color  Line , by  Duncan 
R.  Jamieson  92 


Owens  (Editor),  Perspectives  and  Irony  in  American 

Slavery,  by  Michael  V.  Woodward 98 

Gaither,  Blacks  and  the  Populist  Revolt,  by  William  W. 

Rogers  95 

Albaugh  and  Traylor,  Coliirene,  The  Queen  Hill, 

by  Margaret  Pace  Farmer 96 

Brantley,  Early  Settlers  Along  the  Old  Federal  Road 
in  Monroe  and  Conecuh  Counties  Alabama,  by 
Margaret  Pace  Farmer _ 97 

Thornton,  Politics  and  Power  in  a Slave  Society:  Ala- 
bama, 1800-1860,  by  William  L.  Barney  99 


Milo  B.  Howard,  Jr.,  Editor 


Published  by  the 

ALABAMA  STATE  DEPARTMENT 
OF  ARCHIVES  AND  HISTORY 
Montgomery,  Alabama 


SKINNER  PRINTING  COMPANY 


INDUSTRIAL  TERMINAL 
MONTGOMERY,  ALABAMA 


CONTRIBUTORS 


RICHARD  R.  DUNCAN  is  an  associate  professor  of  history  at 
Georgetown,  University,  Washington,  D.C. 

PAUL  GHIOTO  is  park  historian  at  Horseshoe  Bend  National 
Military  Park  in  Tallapoosa  County,  Alabama. 

JACK  D.  L.  HOLMES  is  a professor  of  history  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Alabama  in  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

WILLIAM  B.  LAUDERDALE  is  an  associate  professor  in  the 
School  of  Education  at  Auburn  University,  Auburn,  Ala- 
bama. 

PAUL  PRUITT,  JR.,  is  on  the  faculty  at  Alexander  City 
Junior  College,  Alexander  City,  Alabama. 

WILLIAM  WARREN  ROGERS,  JR.  is  a doctoral  candidate  at 
Auburn  University,  Auburn,  Alabama. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


5 


6 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


THE  STORMING  OF  MOBILE  BAY 
Edited  by 

Richard  R.  Duncan 

For  a war  weary  Union  the  summer  of  1864  offered  little 
cause  for  rejoicing.  Both  the  armies  of  Grant  and  Sherman 
seemed  to  be  hopelessly  stalemated  before  Petersburg  and  At- 
lanta, while  General  Jubal  Early  swept  down  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  to  threaten  the  very  security  of  Washington  itself.  Only 
the  navy  had  offered  Unionists  much  encouraging  hope.  The 
destruction  of  the  Shenandoah , the  Confederacy's  fame  raider, 
and  finally  the  stunning  victory  at  Mobile  Bay  by  Admiral 
David  G.  Farragut  gave  at  least  some  solace  in  the  military 
and  political  gloom  of  August  of  that  year. 

For  two  years  following  the  fall  of  New  Orleans  Farragut 
had  hoped  to  direct  an  expedition  against  the  troublesome  port 
of  Mobile.1  However,  frustrating  postponements  and  diver- 
sions had  prevented  any  such  move  until  the  summer  of  1864. 
Unfortunately,  delay  had  also  allowed  the  Confederacy  to 
strengthen  Mobile's  defenses  and  to  complete  the  construc- 
tion of  the  formidable  ironclad,  the  C.S.S.  Tennessee,  to  aid 
in  the  defense  of  the  harbor.  Yet,  despite  an  elaborate  Con- 
federate defense  'system  consisting  of  obstructions,  a mine  field, 
forts,  and  the  Tennessee,  a determined  Farragut  struck  at  Mo- 
bile on  August  5th.2 

Mobile,  a city  with  a population  of  29,2  58  on  the  eve  of  the  Civil  War,  was  the 
last  major  Gulf  coast  port  remaining  in  Southern  hands.  During  the  war  Mobile 
become  one  of  the  South’s  principal  blockade-running  harbors. 

Three  forts  Fort  Morgan  on  Mobile  Point,  Fort  Gaines  on  Dauphin  Island,  and 
Fort  Powell  in  Grant’s  Pass — protected  the  lower  bay.  Fort  Morgan,  the  most 
important  and  structurally  the  most  elaborate,  commanded  the  main  channel.  A 
mine  or  torpedo”  field  on  the  eastern  side  of  Dauphin  Island  narrowed  the  use  of 
the  main  channel  and  made  Fort  Morgan’s  command  over  the  bay’s  entrance  a 
formidable  one.  In  addition  three  small  paddlewheel  gunboats,  the  Morgan, 
Gaines , and  Selma  unarmored  except  for  iron  strips  around  their  boilers — and 
the  ironclad,  the  Tennessee , provided  naval  protection  for  the  harbor.  The  Ten- 
nessee was  more  than  200  feet  in  length  and  had  six-inch  armor.  She  suffered, 
however,  from  two  marked  liabilities:  her  top  speed  was  only  six  knots,  and  her 
stearing  gear  was  vulnerable  to  attack.  For  an  account  of  the  entire  operations 
against  Mobile  Bay  see  Shelby  Foote,  The  Civil  War ; A Narrative  (New  York, 
1974),  III,  pp.  492-508. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


7 


Witnessing  the  assault  and  fury  of  the  ensuing  battle  was 
a young  twenty-year  old  ensign,  Purnell  Frederick  Harrington.3 
Son  of  Delaware’s  Chancellor,  Samuel  Maxwell  Harrington,4 
he  had  attended  the  Naval  Academy  for  two  years  when  in 
October,  1863,  he  received  his  appointment  as  a ensign.  By  the 
following  July  he  had  become  a member  of  Farragut’s  Gulf 
squadron.  Fortunately,  Harrington  also  recorded  his  experi- 
ences and  observations  of  the  attack  in  a series  of  letters5 * * 8 
to  his  father  and  brother,  Samuel. ‘J  Not  only  was  Harrington 
a keen  observer  and  recorder  of  events,  but  in  them  he  vividly 
captured  the  excitement  and  emotional  catharsis  of  battle. 

I 


U.S.S.  Monongahela 

Off  Mobile,  July  6th,  1864 

Dear  Sam — 

I have  time  to  write  you  a note.  I presume  you  will  read 

3Purnell  Frederick  Harrington  (1844-1937),  born  in  Dover,  Delaware,  was  the  son 
of  Samuel  Maxwell  Harrington,  Chancellor  of  Delaware.  He  attended  the  Naval 
Academy  from  September,  1861,  until  October,  1863,  when  he  was  appointed  as 
an  ensign.  During  the  Civil  War  he  served  on  the  Ticonderoga,  Niagara,  and 
Monongahela.  In  the  summer  of  1864  he  joined  the  blockading  fleet  in  the  Gulf 

of  Mexico  and  participated  in  the  attack  on  Mobile  Bay.  Following  the  war  he 
quickly  rose  in  the  ranks  of  the  navy  and  distinguished  himself  in  various  posi- 
tions. In  1903  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  rear  admiral.  The  National 

Cyclopaedia  of  American  Biography  (New  York,  1939),  XXVII,  482-483. 

*Samuel  Maxwell  Harrington  (1803-1865),  born  in  Dover,  Delaware,  was  a 
graduate  of  Washington  College  in  Maryland  and  studied  law  in  the  offices  of 
Henry  M.  Ridgely  and  Martin  W.  Bates.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1826 
and  two  years  later  he  was  appointed  to  the  position  of  secretary  of  state.  In 
1830  he  became  chief  justice  of  Delaware’s  supreme  court.  With  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  that  court  he  was  appointed  as  an  associate  justice  on  the  new  superior 
court  and  served  in  this  capacity  until  1855  when  he  was  made  chief  justice. 
Two  years  later  he  became  chancellor.  He  was  also  a principal  figure  in  the 
development  of  the  Delaware  Railroad  and  became  its  president  on  its  organization 
in  1852.  Dictionary  of  American  Biography  (New  York,  1932),  VIII,  302-303. 

‘Privately  owned. 

8Samuel  Milby  Harrington  (1840-1878),  born  in  Dover,  Delaware,  was  the  eldest 
son  of  Samuel  Maxwell  Harrington  and  brother  of  Purnell  Frederick.  He  was  a 
graduate  of  Delaware  College  and  studied  law  under  his  father  and  Chancellor 
Bates.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1861  and  in  the  following  year  he  was 
appointed  adjutant-general  by  the  governor  of  Delaware.  In  1863  he  was  made 
secretary  of  state.  J.  Thomas  Scharf,  History  of  Delaware  (Philadelphia,  1888), 
I,  595-596. 


8 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


my  letters  to  Father  since  I arrived  here.  The  passage  down 
was  not  very  pleasant.  The  transom  on  which  we  were  to 
sleep  was  filled  with  bedbugs  and  I refused  to  sleep  there. 
Several  of  us  made  our  bed  together  on  the  deck  of  the  ward- 
room. We  passed  the  New  Ironsides  on  her  way  home.  On 
the  second  day  out  we  spoke  the  Tioga  bound  north  from  Key 
West  with  yellow  fever.  Six  of  her  men  and  three  officers 
had  died  in  three  days.  We  sent  her  first  officer  on  board  and 
gave  her  some  ice.  On  Sunday  week  we  chased  a -steamer 
laden  with  cotton.  She  escaped.  On  the  Tuesday  following 
we  arrived  at  Key  West  where  we  left  Gillett,  Hoff  and  Irvin. 
Found  fever  there  but  not  very  fierce.  Left  Key  West  and 
after  three  very  hot  and  uncomfortable  days  arrived  here  at 
sunset  on  Thursday  last.  Several  of  my  classmates  came  on 
board  at  once  and  we  had  quite  a jubilee.  On  Friday,  July  1st, 
at  9 A.  M.  we  went  on  board  the  Hartford 7 and  reported  to 
Farragut.  I had  a very  fine  letter  to  Captain  Drayton,  the 
Fleet  Captain,  from  my  friend  Capt.  C.  R.  P.  Rodgers.  It 
secured  me  consideration  at  once  and  I was  ordered  to  this 
vessel.  I came  right  on  board  and  found  her  underway  to  shell 
a rebel  steamer  under  Fort  Morgan.  I was  given  a Division 
at  once  and  in  a few  minutes  from  the  time  I joined  her  I was 
under  fire.  These  shells  make  a horrible  noise  when  they 
come  at  ye.  I think  “he  is  not  brave  who  feels  no  fear,  but 
he  who  nobly  dares  what  nature  shrinks  from.”  I certainly  did 
not  feel  frightened  only  a little  nervous  when  I saw  a shell  burst 
right  over  my  head.  I stood  still  because  of  a con[sjciousness 
that  in  that  I [sic]  way  it  was  my  duty  to  give  my  men  courage. 

I soon  became  tolerably  accustomed  to  it.  I have  been  under 
fire  three  times  since.  On  the  Fourth,  we  had  the  customary 
salutes  at  noon.  At  1 P.M.  on  that  day,  the  Adm'l  signalled 
us  to  engage  the  fort,  two  other  vessels  to  fight  two  shore 
batteries  near  Fort  Morgan,  and  two  more  to  fire  on  the 
steamer.  We  fired  thirty  four  shells  at  the  fort,  eleven  drop- 
ping near  the  flagstaff  and  the  remainder  striking  the  fort 
outside.  This  is  the  last  fight  I have  been  in.  We  were  not 
hurt. 

I like  the  ship  very  much.  I will  write  you  more  about  the 
ship,  blockade,  etc.  Our  Capt.  is  Commander  Jas.  H.  Strong  — 

U.S.S.  Hartford  was  Farragut’s  flagship. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


9 


a very  good  old  fellow.  We  have  a very  pleasant  time  in  the 
wardroom.  Four  of  us  give  a concert  for  the  benefit  of  the 
other  officers  nearly  every  evening.  The  Adm’l  considers  this 
his  fighting  ship.  We  have  the  post  of  honor  nearest  the  harbor 
and  right  in  the  channel  and  must  be  the  first  vessel  to  meet 
the  ironclads  when  they  come  out.  We  have  an  iron  bow  and 
can  steam  fourteen  knots.  We  have  written  orders  to  run 
down  the  rebs  when  they  appear.  I dined  with  the  Captain 
yesterday  when  he  told  me  this  last  item.  I will  write  to  you 
soon  again.  Read  my  letter  to  Father. 

I remain,  Your  Aff’te  brother 
S.M.H.  Jr.  P.  F.  Harrington 

Ensign 

P.  S.  Remember  me  to  Arthur8  and  friends. 

It  is  very  warm  here 


II 

[First  portion  of  the  letter  is  missing.] 

[To  his  Father] 

| At  2 P.  M.  we  stood  in  and  renewed  the  engagement.  At  3, 

! we  steamed  away  and  anchored  near  the  admiral.  We  were 
| struck  but  once  during  the  fight  and  had  no  one  hurt.  The 
\ Metacomet  had  one  man  killed  and  one  wounded.  So  ended 
my  first  fight.  We  are  now  anchored  off  our  night  station 
r to  the  southward  of  Fort  Morgan.  We  have  all  our  guns 
j trained  to  fire  on  the  rebel  ironclads  in  case  they  should  come 
out,  and  we  are  ready  to  throw  up  rockets,  etc.,  to  bring  the 
v whole  fleet  into  action  at  once. 

The  Monongahela  is  considered  the  finest  ship  here.  She 
is  precisely  like  the  Ticonderoga  in  appearance  but  is  finer  and 
! faster.  We  are  the  fastest  ship  of  the  fleet,  steaming  fifteen 
(15)  knots  at  full  speed.  The  motion  is  easy  and  pleasant. 
When  I received  my  orders  this  morning,  all  the  officers  of 
the  Hartford  congratulated  me  on  joining  the  finest  ship  in 


“Arthur  Milby,  a cousin. 


10 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


the  squadron.  Rathbone  and  Dana  seemed  to  envy  me  very 
much.  They  remained  on  board  the  Flagship  till  this  afternoon 
when  they  were  to  receive  their  orders.  I have  not  heard 
where  they  go,  but  suppose  they  have  >ships  by  this  time.  The 
squadron  is  full  of  fine  vessels.  The  Lackawanna,  Seminole, 
Hartford,  Brooklyn,  Richmond,  Galena,  and  the  Metacomet  are 
a few  of  them.  Everyone  seems  to  think,  though,  that  this 
is  the  desirable  vessel.  The  accommodations  are  fine  and  her 
officers  nice  fellows.  I give  you  her  officers  — Commanding 
Officer,  Commander  James  H.  Strong;  Executive  Officer,  Lieut. 
Roderick  Prentiss;  Lieutenant,  0.  A.  Batcheller;  Ensign  Mullan 
of  my  class  with  myself  and  two  Acting  Ensigns  - — very  nice 
fellows.  We  have  also  Assistant  Paymaster  Forbes  Parker, 
Surgeon  Kindleburger,  Assistant  Surgeon  Lewis,  and  a fine 
Chief  Engineer  whose  name  I do  not  know.  The  subordinate 
officers  are  fine  men.  We  have  a very  heavy  battery  and  can 
fight  a rebel  ironclad.  We  have  a massive  stern  of  iron,  and 
as  we  are  so  fast  it  is  understood  that  we  are  to  run  down  the 
rebel  ironclads  when  they  appear.  Two  or  three  of  our  iron- 
clads are  expected  here  in  a few  days  from  the  north. 


It  is  said  here  that  my  class  will  be  examined  for  Lieu- 
tenants in  October  and  November  next.  It  is  not  unlikely.  The 
Monongahela  has  been  here  19  months  and  has  received  over 
200  shots.  She  was  through  the  New  Orleans  & Port  Hudson 
fights.  She  will  go  north  for  repairs  next  spring.  Think  I 
may  come  home  then  if  I don’t  get  transferred  to  another 
ship,  even  if  I do  not  come  north  for  examination  in  the  winter. 
Write  at  once. 


I remain,  your  loving  son, 

Hon.  S.  M.  Harrington  P.  F.  Harrington 

P.S.  It  is  hot  down  here.  Very  truly  yours,  P.  F.  H. 

Ill 

P.  S.  Being  in  a hurry  for  the  mail,  I scribbled  off  a hurried 
note  of  the  news  to  Father.  Show  him  this  and  he  will  under- 
stand me  better.  P.  F.  H. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


11 


U.S.S.  Monongahela 

Off  Mobile,  July  17,  1864 


Dear  Sam, 


I write  to  inform  you  that  the  long-expected  attack  on 
Mobile  is  about  to  take  place.  Farragut  issued  a general  order 
yesterday  directing  the  preparations  and  giving  the  general  plan 
for  attack.  Each  regular  man-of-war  will  have  lashed  to  her  on 
the  off  side  a small  gunboat.  We  go  in  with  the  flood  tide  and 
open  with  shot  & shell.  When  within  300  or  400  yards  we  are 
to  use  grape  and  canister.  Each  vessel  will  be  protected  by 
chain  slung  outside  and  by  sand  bags  inside.  Howitzers  will  be 
mounted  in  the  tops  to  drive  the  enemy  from  their  guns.  We 
shall  use  a S.  W.  wind  which  will  blow  our  smoke  right  on  the 
fort.  The  order  of  Farragut  is  well  written.  He  commences 
with  the  command  “Strip  your  vessels  and  prepare  for  the  con- 
flict/’ In  one  of  his  sentences  you  can  see  the  grandeur  of  his 
bravery — “/  shall  go  in  with  the  flood  tide.”  It  says  that  there 
is  no  defeat.  It  is  “Victory  or  death.”  The  fleet  wonders  at  such 
courage.  Troops  from  New  Orleans  will  throw  up  works  on 
Mobile  Pt.  in  rear  of  Fort  Morgan  and  on  Sand  Island  opposite 
to  the  fort.  They  will  land  and  work  under  the  protection  of  our 
fleet.  Several  of  our  vessels  will  take  position  outside  at  right 
angles  to  the  line  of  battle  and  thus  give  a flanking  fire.  I will 
try  to  give  you  a rough  sketch  of  the  plan. 


4" 


4 


12  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

Now  you  see  the  fleet  going  up  the  channel  [,]  a small  gunboat 
being  on  the  port  side  to  take  the  man-of-war  through  in  case  of 
disability.  Several  vessels  in  the  Swash  Channell  [sic]  give  a 
flank  fire.  + represents  shoal  water.  The  order  of  battle  is  as 
follows;  Brooklyn,  Hartford  (Flagship),  Richmond , Lackawanna , 
Monongahela , Ossipee,  Seminole,  Oneida,  and  Galena.  Besides 
these  we  shall  have  the  San  Jacinto  and  five  ironclads,  two 
double  turretted,  and  any  number  of  smaller  ships,  many  of 
which  will  be  left  outside.  The  fight  ought  to  last  about  three 
hours  [,]  each  vessel  being  one  hour  under  fire.  My  vessel  comes 
no.  5 in  the  line,  as  good  a place  as  one  could  wish.  It  was  an- 
nounced that  the  Adm’l  would  lead  but  the  Captains  of  the  fleet 
persuaded  him  to  let  the  Brooklyn,  Capt.  Alden,  lead,  reasoning 
that  the  first  ship  might  be  blown  up  by  torpedoes  and  that  the 
Flag  ought  not  to  risk  that  chance.0  We  shall  go  to  Pensacola 
some  time  this  week  to  prepare  for  the  fight.  It  is  understood 
that  the  attack  will  be  made  about  the  30th  inst.  or  as  soon  as 
we  can  get  ready.  No  one  doubts  our  success.  It  will  certainly 
be  one  of  the  grandest  scenes  [The  remainder  of  the  letter  is 
missing.] 


IV 


U.S.S.  Monongahela 
Mobile  Bay,  Aug.  5th,  1864 


Dear  Father, 

We  have  fought  this  day  one  of  the  most  terrific  and  ter- 
rible but  one  of  the  most  glorious  of  the  war.  We  got  underway 
at  4 o’clock  this  morning  and  steamed  in.  We  had  a horrible 
fight  with  the  fort.  After  coming  in  and  beating  off  the  rebel 

The  Brooklyn  was  also  equipped  with  a "cowcatcher  or  torpedo  catcher.”  As 
planned,  it  took  the  lead  in  the  line  of  wooden  ships,  but  as  it  was  beginning  to 
overtake  the  monitor  Chickasaw,  the  Brooklyn  slowed.  Captain  James  Alden 
signalled  the  Hartford  for  instructions,  but  meanwhile  an  explosion  resulting  in 
the  sinking  of  the  monitor  Tecumseh  by  a mine  added  to  the  confusion.  When 
the  smoke  cleared,  a row  of  suspicious  buoys  were  seen  ahead  of  the  Brooklyn. 
To  avoid  potential  disaster  the  ship  stopped  and  attempted  to  back  away  in  order 
to  clear  them.  Impatient,  Farragut,  assuming  the  risk,  passed  the  Brooklyn,  took 
the  lead,  and  uttered  his  famous  charge.  Official  Records  of  Union  and  Con- 
federate Navies  in  the  War  of  Rebellion  (Washington,  1906),  Ser.  1,  Vol.  21, 
403  and  445-447,  and  Foote,  Civil  War,  500-501. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


13 


gunboats,  the  rebel  ram  Tennessee  attacked  us.  This  ship  led 
the  way  into  her,  ramming  her  twice.  The  whole  fleet  walked 
into  her  and  she  finally  surrendered.  She  is  just  like  the 
Atlanta 10  but  twice  as  powerful.  She  is  the  greatest  capture  of 
the  war.  Our  loss  is  severe.  This  vessel  is  the  glory  of  the  fleet. 
I never  saw  such  glorious  bravery  in  my  life.  I am  proud  of 
this  day.  We  have  lost  our  Ex.  Off.  Lieut.  Roderick  Prentiss. 
He  has  had  one  leg  amputated  and  will  probably  die.  We  had 
only  four  or  five  others  hurt.  The  Hartford  has  12  killed,  20 
wounded,  Brooklyn  14  K,  20  W\,  Oneida  30  K,  & W.  The  monitor 
Tecumseh  is  blown  up  and  nearly  all  lost.* 11  This  goes  by  flag 
of  truce  to  Pensacola  at  once.  I am  unhurt. 

Your  loving  Son. 

P.  F.  Harrington 


Will  write  at  length  soon.  P.  F.  H. 


V 


P.  S.  Excuse  haste  in  which  I have  written.  I have  not  had 
time  to  say  what  I wish  and  of  course  have  hurried.  P.  F.  H. 

U.S.S.  Monongahela 
Mobile  Bay , August  7th,  1864 

Dear  Father, 

I write  to-day  to  give  you  an  account  of  our  great  battle 
of  Friday.  We  were  underway  at  5.30,  and  steamed  into  line. 

10The  Atlanta  was  a converted  British  steamship,  the  Fingal,  which  had  been  used 
in  blockade-running.  But  with  the  effective  closing  up  of  the  Savannah  harbor 
and  the  bottling  up  of  the  Fingal,  she  was  now  rebuilt  into  the  ironclad,  Atlanta. 
In  June,  1863,  Lieutenant  William  A.  Webb,  now  in  command  of  the  ironclad, 
attempted  to  do  battle  with  the  Union  monitors,  W eehatvken  and  Nahant,  but 
unfortunately  the  Atlanta  ran  aground  and  was  forced  to  surrender.  J.  Thomas 
Scharf,  History  of  the  Confederate  States  Navy  (Repr.:  New  York,  1977), 
638-644. 

llFarragut  in  a report  on  August  8,  1864  reported  losses,  excluding  those  of  the 
Tecumseh,  of  52  killed  and  170  wounded.  Official  Records,  406-413. 

J.  Thomas  Scharf  cites  Union  losses,  including  those  of  the  Tecumseh  at  172 
killed  and  170  wounded.  Later  estimates  placed  the  loss  of  the  Tecumseh  at  120 
alone.  Scharf  places  Confederate  losses  at  12  killed  and  19  wounded.  Scharf, 
Confederate  States  Navy,  573  and  573n. 


14 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


A few  minutes  later  we  beat  to  quarters  and  hoisted  the  Ameri- 
can ensign  at  Fore,  Main,  Mizzen,  and  Peak.  At  7.7,  the  first 
gun  was  fired  from  Fort  Morgan  and  was  answered  immedi- 
ately from  the  Brooklyn.  The  shot  & shell  from  over  a hundred 
guns  on  each  side  were  soon  flying  in  the  air.  The  first  shot 
that  -struck  this  ship  wounded  our  1st  Lieut.  & Ex.  Officer, 
Lieut.  Roderick  Prentiss,  in  both  legs.  The  left  one  was  am- 
putated but  he  died  in  eighteen  hours.  A few  minutes  after 
that  shot,  the  rebel  ram  Tennessee  made  for  the  Hartford. 
Seeing  this  we  put  our  helm  hard  down  and  ran  into  him  at 
full  speed;  but  being  encumbered  with  a gunboat  alongside 
we  did  not  hurt  her.  As  she  swept  by  us,  her  flag,  already 
shot  to  pieces,  was  shot  away.  We  thought  she  had  surrendered 
and  we  yelled.  We  steamed  by  the  Bay  engaging  Fort  Gaines 
on  our  way.  The  rebel  gunboats  had  taken  refuge  behind  the 
fort  (Morgan)  except  the  Selma.  She  was  followed  by  two  of 
our  vessels  and  captured.  At  9.40  the  fight  was  over  and 
we  were  preparing  to  anchor  when  we  saw  the  Rebel  ram 
Tennessee  hoist  her  battle  flag  and  steam  towards  us.  She 
made  for  this  vessel.  We  steamed  ahead  at  full  speed  to  run 
her  down.  She  fired  a shotted  gun  at  the  Hartford  in  defiance. 
The  Adm’l  then  signalled  us  to  run  her  down.  We  ran  into 
her  at  full  speed  but  could  not  sink  her  while  our  steam  is 
badly  broken.  We  poured  a broadside  into  her  and  then  pre- 
pared to  ram  again.  The  “Lackawanna”  then  ran  into  her 
and  afterwards  gave  her  a broadside.  Then  the  Hartford , 
glorious  ship,  ran  alongside  of  her  and  fired  her  broadside 
while  her  guns  almost  touched  the  ram.  The  Brooklyn  and 
two  ironclads  then  followed.  We  shot  away  her  smoke  stack, 
all  steergear,  & everything  we  could  get  at.  As  we  ran  her 
down  the  second  time,  she  fired  two  rifled  shells  into  us,  laying 
waste  our  berth  deck  and  wounding  several  men.  She  finally 
surrendered  to  the  fleet.  This  fight  lasted  an  hour  and  was 
glorious.  I went  on  board  immediately  after  the  fight  to 
receive  our  share  of  prisoners.  She  was  just  as  good  as  ever, 
but  her  steering  gear  being  gone  and  chimney  shot  away  so 
that  steam  was  going  down  and  her  men  being  suffocated,  she 
surrendered.  The  15  in.  guns  of  the  ironclads  crushed  in  her 
sides  in  one  place.  One  man  was  blown  to  pieces  by  a shot 
striking  him  through  the  port.  She  is  the  best  ram  ever  taken. 
Our  loss  is  severe.  This  vessel  had  Lieut.  Prentiss  killed  and 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


15 


about  ten  wounded,  three  badly.  The  Hartford  had  18  men 
killed  and  about  20  wounded,  the  AdmTs  Secretary,  Higgin- 
bottom,  being  killed.  The  Brooklyn  had  11  killed  and  20 
wounded.  The  Richmond  had  5 or  6 killed  and  about  6 wounded. 
The  Oneida  had  about  15  killed  and  1515  [sic]  wounded.  Her 
boilers  were  shot  through  and  scalded  nearly  all  her  engineers. 
The  remaining  vessels  averaged  about  8 or  10  each  in  killed 
& wounded.  The  Tecumseh  was  blown  up  by  a torpedo  and 
sank  in  two  minutes  with  all  on  board  except  one  Ensign  and 
about  12  men. 

Yesterday  morning  Fort  Powell  surrendered  to  us.  This 
gives  us  free  communication  with  the  outside  through  Grant's 
Pass.  Fort  Gaines  offered  to  surrender  on  terms  today.  The 
Adm’l  said  “unconditional”  and  they  refused.  We  will  have 
it  in  a week.  The  Metacomet  took  our  wounded  to  Pensacola 
yesterday.  She  came  in  to-day.  She  went  out  by  Fort  Morgan 
under  a flag  of  truce.  The  Admiral  has  thanked  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  fleet.  By  Genl.  Order  we  performed  Divine 
Service  to-day  in  thanksgiving  for  so  glorious  a victory.  We 
are  in  fine  spirits,  but  mourn  our  loss  greatly.  Our  loss  will 
be  nearly  two  hundred  in  killed  & wounded.  Besides  these  we 
lost  Capt.  T.  A.  M.  Graven  and  about  90  officers  and  men 
in  the  Tecumseh . Admiral  Buchanan,12  the  “Merrimack”  man, 
was  captured  with  the  “Tennessee.”  His  leg  was  broken  and 
will  probably  be  amputated.  We  have  three  officers  and  seven- 
teen men  prisoners  aboard  here.  We  shall  glory  in  this  battle 
to  our  dying  hour.  I am  proud  of  the  humble  share  I had  in 


^Franklin  Buchanan  (1800-1874),  born  in  Baltimore,  entered  the  U.  S.  Navy  in 
1815.  In  1845  he  was  chosen  by  the  Secretary  of  Navy  to  organize  the  Naval 
Academy,  and  he  served  as  its  first  superintendent  until  1847.  He  participated 
in  the  Mexican  war  and  commanded  Commodore  Perry’s  flagship  on  his  expedition 
to  Japan.  On  the  eve  of  the  Civil  War  he  was  commandant  of  the  Washington 
navy  yard.  With  the  attack  on  Massachusetts  troops  in  Baltimore  on  April  19, 
1861  Buchanan,  believing  that  Maryland  would  secede,  resigned  his  commission. 
But  when  Maryland  made  no  such  move,  he  asked  to  be  reinstated  in  the  navy, 
only  to  be  refused.  In  the  following  September  he  entered  the  Confederate  Navy 
and  superintended  the  outfitting  of  the  M errimac  in  Hampton  Roads  and  com- 
manded it  on  its  first  day’s  attack  on  the  federal  fleet.  He  was  promoted  to 
admiral  in  the  Confederate  Navy  and  was  put  in  charge  of  the  naval  defense  of 
Mobile.  James  Grant  Wilson  and  John  Fiske,  eds.,  Appletons ’ Cyclopaedia  of 
American  Biography  (New  York,  1891),  I,  428,  and  Jon  L.  Wakelyn,  Biographi- 
cal Dictionary  of  the  Confederacy  (Westport,  Conn.,  1977),  116. 


16 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


it  and  shall  always  be  proud  that  I had  command  of  sixty  of 
the  bravest  hearts  in  the  world.  I had  made  up  my  mind  to 
do  my  duty.  I ascribe  my  -self  possession  to  the  resolution.  I 
had  not  an  extra  heart-throb,  except  when  success  dawned  and 
then  I felt  such  pride  and  such  a-good-all-over-feeling-that  I 
wonder  I did  not  go  up  in  the  smoke.  I’ll  go  through  a dozen 
battles  to  feel  that  way  again.  You  will  read  the  paper  accounts 
and  with  this  letter  get  an  idea  of  the  fight.  No  one  who  did 
not  see  it  will  ever  fully  appreciate  it.  During  the  battle,  the 
wildest  yet  controlled  enthusiasm  prevailed.  Officers  and  men 
were  alike  roused  to  glory.  Prentiss  remarked  as  he  was 
carried  forward,  “It  is  only  both  legs,  Back”,  and  a smile  lit 
up  his  countenance  at  his  sorry  joke.  Hearing  cheering  on  deck, 
he  cheered  the  flag,  while  the  knife  was  cutting  him.  He  was 
married  four  months  ago.  I could,  but  cannot  for  want  of  time, 
write  you  incidents  without  number  of  heroism,  coolness,  & 
noble  courage.  Our  captain  has  made  no  distinction  but  recom- 
mends every  officer  and  man  in  the  highest  terms. 

Love  to  Mother  and  all  the  family.  Send  me  stamps  and 
also  a good  lot  of  note  paper  & envelopes  to  match.  I am  entirely 
out.  Send  price  & I will  refund. 

Your  loving  Son, 

P.  F.  Harrington 

VI 

U.S.S.  Monongahela 
Mobile  Bay,  La.  [sz'c] 

Agu.  18th,  1864 


Dear  Sam, 

I was  refreshed  to-day  with  your  letter  and  papers  and 
letters  from  Father,  Dick,13  and  an  old  classmate,  Chadwick 
of  the  1st  Class  at  the  Academy.  I have  rec’d  but  one  letter 

Richard  Harrington  (1847-1884),  brother  of  Purnell  Frederick,  was  a graduate 
of  Georgetown  College  and  studied  law  under  Nathaniel  B.  Smithers.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  bar,  and  in  the  early  1870’s  he  was  a prominent  lawyer  in  Wash- 
ington. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


17 


before  since  I came  down  and  was  anxious  to  hear  from  you. 
I hasten  to  write  again  to  you.  You  have  read  before  this 
the  newspaper  accounts  of  our  great  fight,  the  most  glorious 
but  terrible  of  the  war.  This  vessel  was  a star  performer, 
second  to  no  one.  On  Friday,  Aug.  5th  at  4 A.  M.  I took  the 
deck  of  this  vessel  and  prepared  to  steam  in.  At  5 :30,  we  were 
underway  and  Capt.  Strong  took  the  deck.  I then  went  to  my 
Division.  We  steamed  in  in  three  lines,  thus 


Octorara 

Metacomet 

Port  Royal 

Seminole 

Kennebeck 

Itasca 

Galena 


Brooklyn 

Hartford 

Richmond 

Lackawanna 

Monongahela 

Ossipee 

Oneida 


Tecumseh 

Manhattan 

Winnebago 

Chickasaw 


Rebel  Ram 
Fort  Morgan 


The  four  iron-clads  stood  in  under  the  fort  till  within  200  yards. 
The  second  line  passed  the  fort  at  a distance  of  400  or  500  yards. 
The  outer  line,  the  Octorara  and  vessels  under,  were  lashed  on 
the  port-side  of  the  centre  line,  as  I have  arranged  them  on  the 
preceding  page.  At  6.25  the  Chickasaw  fired  a gun  at  the 
fort.  As  7.  the  battle  opened  with  a gun  from  the  fort  answered 
at  once  by  the  Brooklyn.  In  a few  minutes  over  100  guns  on 
each  side  were  at  work.  Shot,  shell,  and  grape  flew  as  thick 
as  apples  fall  from  a tree  in  a hurricane.  I had  command  of 
one  XI  inch  gun,  from  which  I fired  shells  weighing  135  pounds 
and  solid  shot  of  187  pounds,  also  two  32  pounders  and  two  24 
pound  howitzers.  One  of  my  32’s  was  worked  by  Acting  Ensign 
and  gun’s  crew  from  the  Kennebeck  under  my  direction.  At 
8,  a solid  shot  struck  our  Ex.  Officer,  Lieut.  Roderick  Pren- 
tiss. He  died  soon  after.  At  8.10,  the  Tecumseh  was  blown  up 
by  a torpedo  and  sunk  with  all  on  board  except  one  Acting 
Master,  one  Acting  Ensign  and  twelve  or  fourteen  men.  At 
8.15,  the  Rebel  Ram  Tennessee  was  seen  to  steam  for  the 
Lackawanna , the  vessel  ahead  of  us,  to  run  her  down.  We 
put  on  all  steam  and  ran  into  her.  We  saved  the  Lackawanna. 
As  we  approached  her  she  snapped  two  heavy  guns  at  us  twice. 
Had  they  gone  off  our  slaughter  would  have  been  fearful. 
Encumbered  with  a heavy  gunboat,  we  were  not  able  to  get 
much  way  on  her.  We  struck  her  a light  blow  and  as  she 
swept  down  by  our  port  side,  one  of  the  guns  which  had  refused 
to  go  off  into  us  was  fired  into  the  Kennebeck  and  after  killing 


18 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


several  men  set  her  on  fire.  We  then  cast  off  from  the  Kenne- 
beck  and  left  her.  As  the  ram  passed  our  quarter,  her  flag, 
already  shot  to  pieces,  was  shot  away.  We  thought  she  had 
surrendered  and.  we  yelled.  Several  vessels  refrained  from  fir- 
ing into  her.  We  passed  on  through  shot  and  shell,  our  gun- 
boats pursuing  the  rebel  gunboats  which  were  now  steaming 
up  the  Bay.  At  a little  after  9,  we  had  passed  Fort  Gaines  on 
the  left  and  were  preparing  to  anchor,  when  the  ram  which 
had  dropped  under  the  guns  of  Fort  Morgan  was  seen  coming 
up  the  bay.  She  fired  a challenge  shot  at  the  Hartford  and 
the  gage  was  received  and  returned.  Before  she  fired  this  ship 
was  going  and  had  the  honor  of  leading  the  way  into  her.  We 
struck  her  a terrible  blow  while  going  at  the  rate  of  12  knots . 
The  shock  was  very  great.  I thought  we  should  lose  all  our 
masts.  She  fired  two  heavy  shells  into  us  just  before  we  struck 
her.  Fortunately  they  burst  forward  and  wounded  only  three 
men.  Had  they  come  further  aft,  we  should  have  lost  fearfully. 
Our  heavy  stern  is  all  torn  away  and  we  leak  very  much.  The 
Lackawanna  rammed  her  next.  Then  our  glorious  Hartford 
poured  into  a broadside  while  her  guns  almost  touched  the  ram. 
This  vessel  & the  Hartford  had  their  sides  burned  by  powder 
from  the  ram’s  guns.  After  the  Hartford , the  Brooklyn , Ossip  ee, 
and  ironclads  made  for  her.  No  vessel  except  this  one  & the 
Lackawanna  rammed  her.  The  Ossipee  started  for  her  but 
stopped  on  seeing  the  white  flag.  She  surrendered  at  10.15  A.  M. 
three  hours  and  fifteen  minutes  after  the  battle  commenced. 
When  she  surrendered  we  were  steaming  for  her  at  13  knots 
speed.  Had  we  struck  her  we  would  have  sunk  at  once  as  we 
were  already  leaking.  Altogether  it  was  a desperate  and 
plucky  fight  on  both  sides.  The  report  shows  that  she  was 
struck  only  by  one  15  inch  shot.  So  the  honor  of  capturing  the 
finest  ram  ever  built  and  the  finest  ironclad  ever  built  belongs 
almost  exclusively  to  wooden  ships.  The  presence  of  ironclads 
did  some  good  I suppose.  Immediately  after  the  fight,  I went 
on  board  the  ram.  She  is  like  the  Atlanta  but  twice  as  power- 
ful. Her  gun  deck  was  flesh  and  gore.  She  threw  some  of  her 
dead  overboard  in  order  to  make  it  appear  that  she  had  few 
hurt.  All  her  steering  gear  & smoke  pipe  was  shot  away. 
Adm’l  Buchanan,  Merrimack  man,  had  his  leg  broken  and  was 
captured.  Our  loss  is  severe,  it  will  reach  300  killed  & wounded. 
On  the  night  of  August  5th,  Fort  Powell  was  evacuated  and 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


19 


occupied  next  morn,  by  our  men.  On  the  8th  Fort  Gaines  sur- 
rendered to  the  Navy.  They  refused  to  surrender  to  the  Army 
& Navy  but  sent  26  swords  to  the  Flagship.  Next  day  we 
landed  2000  troops  in  rear  of  Fort  Morgan.  I went  in  command 
of  three  boats.  We  have  invested  it  completely.  On  Monday 
over  a hundred  guns  will  open  on  the  fort  & fire  till  it  sur- 
renders. We  have  free  communication  with  the  outside  but 
cannot  go  out  as  we  draw  too  much  water.  The  large  vessels 
must  go  under  Fort  Morgan  to  go  out.  Our  small  vessels  go 
out  through  Grants  Pass.  My  paper  is  all  gone.  I have  writ- 
ten to  Father  to  send  me  some.  If  you  see  him  tell  him  not  to 
forget.  Please  send  this  to  Dick  as  I have  not  paper  to  spare 
in  writing  to  him.  I rec’d  a letter  from  him  today.  I will 
examine  the  muster  roll  of  this  vessel  & inform  you  if  I find 
any  Delaware  men.  I suppose  Dick  & Arthur  are  home  again. 
Remember  me  to  all.  Tell  Arthur  I want  to  hear  from  him. 

I remain, 

Your  affte,  Brother, 


P.  F.  Harrington 


20 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


A CHANGING  OF  THE  GUARD:  JOSEPH  C.  MANNING 

AND  POPULIST  STRATEGY  IN  THE  FALL  OF  1894 

by 

Paul  Pruitt,  Jr. 

Joseph  C.  Manning  swept  among  the  farmers  of  Alabama 
in  the  spring  of  1892,  fresh  from  Populist  training  in  Tom 
Watson’s  Georgia.1  An  authentic  boy  wonder  at  twenty-two, 
Manning  preached  “the  gospel  of  human  brotherhood”  so  zeal- 
ously that  he  was  known  as  “the  Evangel.”  Above  all  he  was 
a crusader  who  persuaded  members  of  the  Farmer’s  Alliance 
to  assert  themselves  and  cast  off  the  political  tyranny  of  a 
coordinated  Democratic  oligarchy.2  Manning’s  father  was  a 
merchant,  lien-lord,  Democratic  office-holder,  and  Methodist 
preacher  in  Clay  County;  so  Manning,  a young  rebel,  under- 
stood how  thoroughly  connected  and  controlled  rural  institu- 
tions could  be.3  As  the  representative  of  an  intersectional  mass 
movement  and  successor  to  the  Alliance  lecturers  who  had  gone 
before  him,  this  “beardless”  orator  brought  hope  to  men  and 
women  cut  off  from  the  most  basic  democratic  culture : 

Members  of  the  People’s  Party  should  at  all  times  be 
ready  and  willing  to  give  a reason  for  the  faith  that  is 
in  them  . . . Such  a principle  is  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  that  the  people  should  be  absolute  rulers  of 
their  own  destinies.4 

Manning  never  achieved  a sophisticated  grasp  of  “greenback” 
or  Populist  economics,  though  he  was  loyal  to  the  Omaha  Plat- 

1 Joseph  C.  Manning,  From  Five  to  Twenty-Five,  His  Early  Life  as  Recalled  by 
Joseph  Columbus  Manning  (New  York,  1929),  24-33.  Cited  hereafter  as  Man- 
ning, Five  to  Twenty-Five.  Also  see  Jerrell  H.  Shofner  and  William  W.  Rogers, 
Joseph  C.  Manning:  Militant  Agrarian,  Enduring  Populist,”  Alabama  Historical 
Quarterly,  Spring  and  Summer,  1967,  7-37. 

’Dadeville  Tallapoosa  New  Era,  April  21,  28,  1892;  and  Rockford  Coosa  Advo- 
April  21,  1892.  Also  see  Manning,  Five  to  Twenty-Five,  42. 

Clay  County  Probate  records  reveal  the  elder  Manning’s  status.  In  particular  see 
Direct  and  Reverse  Index  to  Deeds,  Books  A-E,  and  Deed-Mortgage  Record 
Books  G-I.  For  the  Methodist  history  of  Clay  County,  see  registers  and  minute- 
-books on  file  at  the  Ashland  United  Methodist  Church. 

'Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  March  2,  1894. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


21 


form  throughout  strenuous  “campaigns  of  education.”  From  a 
myriad  of  back  country  stumps,  J.  C.  Manning  almost  single- 
handedly  fashioned  a working  People’s  Party  in  Alabama.5 

The  People’s  Party  in  Alabama  was  secondary  in  impor- 
tance among  reform  parties,  however,  to  the  Jeffersonian  De- 
mocracy of  Reuben  F.  Kolb.  As  State  Commissioner  of  Agri- 
culture (1887-1891),  the  magnetic  Kolb  had  built  up  a personal 
following.6  One  opponent  claimed  that  some  farmers  would 
vote  for  Kolb  “if  he  was  to  steal  a sheep  and  they  even  saw 
him  do  it.”7  Thwarted  in  his  gubernatorial  ambitions  by  Bour- 
bons in  control  of  the  Democratic  party  machinery,  Kolb  led  a 
number  of  “simon-pure  Jeffersonian  Democrats”  into  a species 
of  political  limbo  in  1892.8  His  supporters,  still  trapped  in 
provincial  loyalties,  could  not  bear  to  move  openly  into  the  camp 
of  the  Populists  or  the  Republicans;  yet  they  joined  with  them 
in  the  war  against  Democratic  machine  rule.  In  the  words  of 
party  member  Frank  Baltzell,  editor  of  the  influential  Mont- 
gomery Alliance  Herald,  the  Jeffersonians  were  “those  who 
have  studied  only  state  affairs.”9  Where  economic  matters  were 
concerned,  most  of  the  Jeffersonians  clung  to  the  relative  con- 
servatism of  “free  silver”  demands,  despite  the  efforts  of  Balt- 
zell and  a handful  of  radical  editors  to  make  them  understand 
fiat  money  theory.10  Still,  the  “Jeffs”  commanded  a majority 
of  the  hill  country  whites  who  might  some  day  take  the  final 
step  into  genuine  Populism;  so  Manning  and  other  Populist 
leaders  “boomed”  for  Kolb,  capitalizing  upon  his  popularity.11 


'Rockford  Coosa  Advocate,  April  28,  May  5,  1892;  Montgomery  Alliance  Herald, 
November  11,  December  7,  1893;  Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  March  2, 
April  20,  December  7,  1894. 

'William  W.  Rogers,  The  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  Agrarianism  in  Alabama,  186 5- 
1896  (Baton  Rouge,  1970),  115-120,  161-162,  167-185.  Hereafter  cited  as 
Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion. 

TDr.  Robert  Leslie  to  Captain  Harry  Jones,  n.d.,  1892,  in  the  Thomas  Goode 
Jones  Papers,  Alabama  Department  of  Archives  and  History. 

'Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  203,  209-213. 

9 Ibid.,  190;  Montgomery  Alliance  Herald,  November  11,  1893. 
l0lbid.,  May  14,  1891,  April  26,  1894.  Also  see  Lawrence  Goodwyn,  Democratic 
Promise:  The  Populist  Movement  in  America  (New  York,  1976),  314,  323,  406. 
Hereafter  cited  as  Goodwyn,  Democratic  Promise. 

Manning  wrote  and  printed  at  his  own  expense  a pamphlet,  Politics  of  Alabama 
(Birmingham,  1893),  which  was  used  as  a campaign  document  for  Kolb  in  1894. 


22 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


In  1892  Kolb  lost  to  Governor  Thomas  G.  Jones  by  a meagre 
10,000  votes,  in  an  election  marred  by  massive  Democratic 
frauds.12  In  1894  ‘the  Genial  Reuben”  waged  a tumultuous 
campaign  of  vindication  against  William  Calvin  Oates,  the 
“archetypal  Bourbon  leader.”13  The  People’s  Party  backed  the 
Jeffersonian  nominee,  but  not  happily.  James  M.  Whitehead, 
the  one-legged  “straightout”  Populist  who  edited  the  Green- 
ville Living  Truth,  exchanged  broadsides  with  Frank  Baltzell 
over  the  foolishness  of  fielding  two  reform  parties.14  Manning, 
who  won  election  to  the  legislature  from  Clay  County,  worried 
that  the  People’s  Party  would  be  “considered  a faction  or  tail 
to  the  kite  of  the  Jeffersonians.”  The  Evangel  sensed  that  prin- 
ciples and  a crucial  element  of  public  involvement  were  slipping 
into  the  background  of  personal  and  political  maneuverings : 


The  people  do  not  care  about  the  name ; they  now  want 
the  substance.  ...  If  we  need  anything,  it  is  a people’s 
party  — a party  of  and  for  the  people.15 


The  state  elections  of  August  6,  1894,  were  disastrous  to 
the  anti-Democratic  cause  in  Alabama.  For  all  the  efforts  of 
Jeffersonians,  Populists,  and  Republicans,  Kolb  polled  fewer 
official  votes  than  before,  while  Oates  won  with  the  usual  Black 
Belt  majorities.16  True,  more  than  forty  reformists  were  elected 
to  the  state  house  and  senate,  but  many  thought  that  in  a fair 


“The  official  count  was  Jones,  126,952  to  Kolb,  115,524.  In  fifteen  "Black  Belt” 
counties  Jones’  margin  was  30,217  votes,  almost  three  times  his  total  majority. 
Kolb  almost  certainly  received  a majority  of  the  legally  cast  votes,  but  Alabama 
law  did  not  provide  for  a contest  of  the  election.  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion, 
221-222.  For  contemporary  evidence  of  fraud,  see  Chappell  Cory  to  T.  G.  Jones, 
August  14,  1892;  J.  P.  Speer  to  T.  G.  Jones,  August  22,  1892;  and  J.  D.  Nix  to 
T.  G.  Jones,  September  10,  1892,  in  the  Jones  Papers. 

"Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  276-283. 

"Montgomery  Alliance  Herald,  November  24,  1893. 

Butler  Choctaw  Alliance,  January  24,  1894;  Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate, 
June  8,  15,  29;  July  6,  13,  27,  August  10,  1894.  See  also  J.  C.  Manning  to 
Ignatius  Donnelly,  March  13,  19,  1894,  in  the  Ignatius  Doruielly  Papers,  The 
Minnesota  Historical  Society.  Manning  confided  to  Donnelly  that  he  was  seeking 
means  to  command  the  Jeffersonians,”  some  of  whom,  he  knew,  "have  no  sym- 
pathy with  the  People’s  Party  as  a national  movement.” 

The  official  count  was  Oates,  111,875  to  Kolb,  83,292.  In  addition  to  stuffed 
ballot  boxes  in  the  Black  Belt,  the  difficult  registration  procedures  of  the  Sayre 
Election  Law,  passed  in  1893,  effectively  disfranchised  many  farmers  and  helped 
defeat  Kolb.  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  237-241,  281-285. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


23 


election  the  “Kolbites”  would  have  controlled  the  hundred- 
member  House  at  least.17  The  shock  of  such  a thorough  if 
The  determined  agrarians,  however,  recovered  quickly  enough 
dubious  defeat  was  simultaneously  paralysing  and  infuriating, 
to  make  two  quick,  ineffectual  attempts  at  revolutionary 
retaliation. 

One  new  departure  was  plotted  by  Kolb  and  Senator  Wil- 
liam E.  Chandler  of  New  Hampshire.  On  August  10  Chandler, 
who  had  been  a major  proponent  of  the  Lodge  “Force  6111,” 
introduced  a resolution  of  inquiry  concerning  the  Alabama  elec- 
tions. In  particular,  Chandler  wanted  to  know  if  the  new  legis- 
lature was  a freely  elected,  constitutional  body  competent  to 
choose  a United  States  senator  — since  John  T.  Morgan,  a 
strong  Democrat,  was  coming  up  for  re-election.18  Two  years 
earlier  Frank  Baltzell  had  suggested  that  Congress  determine 
whether  Alabama  had  “a  republican  form  of  government.”19 
Now  Kolb,  Jeffersonian  chairman  Albert  T.  Goodwyn,  and 
campaign  committee  chairman  W.  H.  Skaggs  openly  endorsed 
Baltzell’s  plan,  despite  warnings  from  conservative  friends.20 
Manning  and  his  Clay  County  radicals  further  endorsed  this 
Jeffersonian  move  away  from  a states’  rights  point  of  view 
by  suggesting  the  passage  of  a national  election  law.21  But 
Chandler’s  resolution  made  no  progress  in  the  Democratic  Fifty- 
third  Congress.  The  Fifty-fourth  Congress,  generally  expected 
to  be  Republican,  would  not  meet  for  over  a year,  and  it  seemed 


”R.  F.  Kolb  to  W.  E.  Chandler,  August  20,  1894,  in  the  William  E.  Chandler 
Papers,  Library  of  Congress. 

Ibid.,  August  20,  September  24,  1894,  and  Montgomery  Advertiser,  August  11, 
1894.  The  "Force  Bill,”  or  Federal  Elections  Bill  of  1890  would  have  provided 
for  federal  supervision  of  state  elections  under  certain  conditions.  The  measure 
failed  to  pass  in  the  Senate,  and  is  considered  to  be  the  last  serious  effort  made  by 
national  Republican  leaders  to  protect  the  civil  rights  of  Southern  blacks.  For 
relevant  information  see  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  50,  184,  214  and  Good- 
wyn, Democratic  Promise,  227. 

’Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  228,  229-230. 

Frank  Baltzell  to  W.  E.  Chandler,  November  26,  1894,  in  the  Chandler  Papers, 
and  Montgomery  Advertiser,  August  24,  1894.  For  a conservative  warning  see 
Robert  McKee  to  A.  T.  Goodwyn,  August  15,  1894,  in  the  Robert  McKee  Papers, 
Alabama  Department  of  Archives  and  History. 

Joshua  Franklin  to  W.  E.  Chandler,  August  29,  1894,  and  J.  C.  Manning  to 
W.  E.  Chandler,  April  6,  1896,  in  the  Chandler  Papers.  Also  see  Ashland  People’s 
Party  Advocate,  August  24,  31,  1894. 


24 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


that  some  speedier  action  was  in  order.22 

A second,  more  revolutionary  course  was  to  disregard  the 
official  ballot  count.  This  alternative  speedily  suggested  itself 
to  Reuben  F.  Kolb  and  his  lieutenants,  who  were  certainly  not 
thoughtless  incendiaries;  by  the  late  summer  of  1894  many 
reformers  were  prepared  to  consider  backing  an  insurrectionary 
“de  jure”  government.23  Since  the  question  was  obviously  con- 
troversial, Skaggs’  Central  Campaign  Committee  decided  to  test 
the  public  temper.  Mass  indignation  meetings  were  planned 
for  August  23,  at  which  militant  “law  and  order  leagues”  were 
to  be  formed.24  Though  agrarian  leaders  counseled  against 
lawlessness,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  leagues  could  have  func- 
tioned as  a revolutionary  army  had  popular  sentiment  justified 
violent  action.  Manning  helped  draw  up  plans  for  the  public 
meetings,  then  left  for  a scheduled  address  before  the  Texas 
Farmer’s  Alliance.  On  August  22  at  Grandview,  Texas,  he 
showed  the  desperate  fury  which  gripped  a broad  spectrum  of 
agrarian  leaders  immediately  after  the  election.  The  Galveston 
News  reported  that  the  Evangel  said  of  Kolb:  “We  will  seat 

him  if  we  have  to  wade  in  blood.”  When  some  level-headed 
individual  reminded  him  that  Grover  Cleveland  might  send 
troops,  Manning  spat  out  an  original  profanity:  “Cleveland 

can  to  to  the  damn  Democratic  Party.”  Catching  the  quixotic 
spirit  of  the  speech,  excited  Lone  Star  Alliancemen  offered  the 
young  man  200,000  Texans  to  help  seat  Kolb.25 

When  Manning  returned  to  Alabama,  the  tentative  revolu- 
tion was  in  ruins.  Most  counties  held  no  meetings,  and  outraged 
public  sentiment  hid  its  head.20  The  timidity  of  the  hill  country 
yeomen  shocked  and  sobered  reformers  of  all  parties.  Populists 
like  J.  M.  Whitehead  began  to  make  sense  when  they  argued 

Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate , August  31,  September  7,  1894.  For  the  prospects 
of  the  54th  Congress,  see  Montgomery  Advertiser,  October  26,  November  8,  1894. 
Reuben  F.  Kolb  to  W.  E.  Chandler,  September  24,  1894,  in  the  Chandler  Papers. 
Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  August  10,  17,  1894,  and  Montgomery  Adver- 
tiser, August  9,  10,  16,  19,  1894- 

Galveston  News,  quoted  in  the  Montgomery  Advertiser,  August  24,  1894. 
"Montgomery  Advertiser,  August  24,  1894,  Butler  Choctaw  Alliance,  August  29, 
1894,  and  Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  August  31,  September  7,  1894.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  rallies  made  it  clear  that  reformers  all  over  Alabama  favored 
the  idea  of  a congressional  investigation.  Chandler’s  resolution  was  endorsed  in 
Calhoun.  Clay,  Conecuh,  Elmore,  Jefferson,  Montgomery  and  Pike  Counties. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


25 


that  poverty-stricken  farmers  feared  the  consequences  of  a 
“war.”  The  countryside,  according  to  Whitehead,  could  not 
support  a rebel  force,  nor  could  penniless  volunteers  stand  up 
to  state  and  federal  troops.27  There  was  little  for  Manning  to 
do  but  plunge  into  the  work  of  electing  reform  candidates  to 
Congress.  He  toured  eastern  Alabama  for  two  friends,  A,  T. 
Goodwyn  of  the  5th  district  and  W.  C.  Robinson  of  the  3rd 
district.  Since  both  men  were  pacifically  inclined  Jeffersonians, 
no  doubt  they  helped  quench  the  Evangel’s  thirst  for  blood.28 

After  the  disappointments  of  August,  Joseph  Manning  was 
alert  to  the  need  for  a workable  reformist  strategy.  As  he 
faced  the  people,  the  conviction  grew  in  him  that  local  agrarian 
initiative  had  suffered  under  the  leadership  of  Reuben  Kolb. 
Soon  Manning  was  working  to  build  up  enthusiasm  and  broader 
intellectual  horizons  among  the  “suppressed  and  repressed” 
electorate.  He  emphasized  his  own  variety  of  Populist  eco- 
nomics, and  his  contention  that  “human  rights  are  vested  rights” 
was  calculated  to  raise  the  consciousness  of  toilers  who  were 
“bonded  slaves”  on  the  land  and  at  the  polls.29  “Under  a proper 
distributive  system,”  Manning  wrote  for  the  Clay  County 
People's  Party  Advocate,  “no  man  who  works  should  be  poor. 
Labor  produces  all  wealth.  Labor  should  enjoy  what  it  pro- 
duces.” 30  Mingled  with  his  economic  argument  was  the  vision 
on  an  aggressive  working-class  solidarity: 

True  socialism  asserts  that  . . . the  world  is  one  great 
family.  ‘An  injury  to  one  is  the  concern  of  all.’  The 
masses  begin  to  ‘catch  on’  and  understand  this  question. 

What  a laborer  produces  or  earns  by  his  labor  belongs 
to  him.  To  take  it  from  him  without  giving  him  an 
equivalent  is  to  rob  him.31 

While  Manning  employed  an  ideological  approach,  certain 

"Montgomery  Advertiser,  August  23,  1894,  quoting  Greenville  Living  Truth.  See 
Malso  Robert  McKee  to  W H.  Skaggs,  February  18,  1894,  in  the  McKee  Papers. 
“Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  October  5,  November  2,  1894,  and  Montgomery 
Advertiser,  October  19,  23,  25,  1894. 

"Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  July  18,  September  14,  1894,  and  Manning 
Five  To  Twenty-Five,  38-39. 

Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  September  14,  1894. 

31lbid.,  November  9,  1894. 


26 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Jeffersonians  still  worked  toward  a “revolution”  on  behalf 
of  Reuben  Kolb,  whatever  the  consequences.  As  early  as  Au- 
gust 18,  a correspondent  of  Governor  Jones  revealed  the  pa- 
thetic determination  of  Kolb's  hard  core  supporters.  “Some  of 
them,”  he  wrote,  “is  saveing  eggs  to  sell  to  seat  Kolb.”32  On 
September  27,  the  Jeffersonian  and  Populist  chairmen  arranged 
for  a general  convention  in  Montgomery  on  November  12,  one 
day  before  the  legislature  was  to  convene  and  less  than  a week 
after  the  congressional  elections  were  to  take  place.33  Clearly, 
if  the  congressional  elections  -saw  the  commission  of  yet  more 
outrageous  frauds,  angry  men  might  be  able  to  talk  the  con- 
vention into  supporting  what  was  referred  to  as  “dual  govern- 
ment.” Fanatical  Kolbites  like  Grattan  B.  Crowe  of  Perry 
County  were  busily  trying  to  find  men  willing  to  stand  by  the 
“Governor,”  and  Kolb's  new  Birmingham  People's  Tribune  did 
nothing  to  discourage  such  activity.34  Manning,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  one  of  a majority  of  Populists  and  Jeffersonians  who 
had  perceived  the  futility  of  violence.  The  Evangel  had  founded 
his  work  anew  on  more  nearly  Populist  principles,  and  shortly 
after  the  convention  was  announced,  he  made  a Populist  deci- 
sion. In  mid-October,  in  a major  letter  to  the  Butler  Choctaw 
Alliance , he  attacked  the  Jeffersonian  Democrats  and  questioned 
the  leadership  of  Reuben  F.  Kolb.35 

Manning  began  his  letter  by  invoking  the  name  of  his  old 
mentor,  Tom  Watson,  whose  Georgia  People's  Party  had  re- 
cently made  “wonderful  progress”  in  reducing  Democratic  ma- 
jorities. Watson's  pure,  flamboyant  Populism,  he  said,  made 
recruits  for  “the  only  political  party  in  America  that  is  the 
avowed  friend  of  the  producer  and  the  fearless  enemy  of  the 
absorber.”36  Watson’s  achievements  commanded  favorable 
“comment  from  the  press  in  the  East,”  an  important  point  for 
Alabama  reformers,  who  had  to  rely  on  the  good  will  of  north- 
ern Republicans  if  W.  E.  Chandler's  resolution  were  ever  to 


”M.  M.  McAliley  to  T.  G.  Jones,  August  18,  1894,  Box  33,  Official  Governors" 
Papers,  Alabama  Department  of  Archives  and  History. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser , September  28,  1894. 

“Ozark  Banner- Advertiser,  November  21,  1895;  Birmingham  People’s  Weekly  Tri- 
bune, November  8,  1894. 

Butler  Choctaw  Alliance,  October  17,  1894 
Klbid. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


27 


pass.37  There  was  in  these  considerations,  as  Manning-  later 
said,  “something  here  of  practical  politics/’38  But  he  was  after 
more  than  just  political  advantage. 

Politically  and  morally,  Joseph  Manning  was  sanguine 
about  the  future  of  the  People’s  Party  movement.  From  the 
heights  of  his  determination,  he  soon  laid  down  the  law  to  the 
Jeffersonians : 

Factions  and  local  contests  and  organizations  soon 
lose  their  cast  and  sentiment.  They  hurridly  [sfc]  pass 
away.  The  People’s  Party  is  founded  on  the  lasting 
rock  of  substantial  justice,  and  the  sooner  a contest  is 
made  squarely  upon  its  eternal  principles,  the  better 
for  those  seeking  true  reformation.  A free  ballot  and 
an  honest  count  is  demanded,  but  is  it  not  better  to 
make  the  next  contest  on  principles?39 

No  man  resented  the  Democratic  practice  of  ballot  fraud 
more  passionately  than  Joseph  Manning.  But  now  he  was 
advising  his  more  conservative  allies  that  a reform  movement, 
if  it  is  to  be  successful,  must  have  a positive  program;  in  the 
long  run  the  cry  of  fraud  was  not  enough.40  He  now  believed  a 
mighty  work  of  public  education  would  surely  go  far  toward 
securing  justice  at  the  ballot  box.  “Convert  the  people  to  our 
doctrines,”  Manning  wrote,  and  let  them  see  “that  the  enact- 
ment of  the  principles  we  advocate  into  law  means  relief  from 
oppression,  and  then  they  will  feel  the  necessity  of  throwing 
out  fraud  in  elections.”41 

Quickly  the  young  reformer  closed  in  for  the  kill.  Urging 
that  future  contests  be  made  “on  a higher  and  broader  plane,” 
he  daringly  blamed  Alabama’s  leading  agrarian  for  past  de- 
feats: “We  have  had  enough  of  Jeffersonian  Democracy, 


"ibid. 

3*Ozark  Banner- Advertiser,  September  26,  1895. 

,8Butler  Choctaw  Alliance,  October  17,  1894. 

<0Manning,  Five  to  Twenty-Five,  68-72.  Also  see  J.  C.  Manning  to  H.  D.  Lloyd, 
March  5,  23,  1895,  in  the  Henry  Demarest  Lloyd  papers,  State  Historical  Society 
of  Wisconsin. 

41Butler  Choctaw  Alliance.  October  17,  1894. 


28 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Kolbism,  and  personal  and  factional  contests.”42  The  die  was 
cast,  and  Manning  ended  his  letter  with  a rousing  appeal  for 
unity  within  the  People’s  Party : 

If  you  are  a Populist,  don’t  be  ashamed  to  unfurl  its 
banner  and  thank  God  that  you  are  with  the  common 
people.  Clear  the  deck  of  the  [reform]  ‘Conglomera- 
tion.’ Organize  for  a straight,  bold,  and  fearless 
‘Georgia  campaign’  for  the  future.43 

Coupled  with  the  efforts  of  reformers  to  secure  a senate 
investigation,  Manning’s  proposals  opened  up  a sophisticated 
strategy.  If  the  agrarian  parties  could  unite  upon  common 
principles  while  working  for  effective  federal  regulation  of 
elections,  a remarkable  balance  between  purity  and  practicality 
would  be  the  result.  As  Manning  explained  in  a press  inter- 
view, a Populist  senator  from  Alabama  could  be  seated  if  wide- 
spread fraud  were  proved  and  Republican  assistance  mar- 
shalled.44 He  was  convinced  that  these  developments  would  de- 
stroy the  profitability  of  Democratic  fraud  in  Alabama.  Also 
he  understood  that  no  Populist  ends  would  be  served  by  violence. 
Indeed,  the  Evangel  claimed  that  the  Democrats,  by  laying  vio- 
lent hands  upon  the  ballot  box,  had  themselves  become  the  party 
of  revolution.  True  patriots,  he  felt,  must  work  ceaselessly 
and  peaceably  to  turn  public  opinion  against  the  Bourbon  ma- 
chines.45 

Manning’s  plan  evolved  as  an  intricate  incorporation  of 
“fusionist”  and  “middle-of-the-road”  elements.46  Other  Popu- 
lists had  called  for  agrarian  unity,  but  none  with  such  a sweep- 
ing challenge  at  so  critical  a moment.  Apparently  Manning 
seized  the  right  time  and  tone,  for  he  commanded  a firm  ma- 
jority at  the  November  12  convention.  To  begin  with,  he  was 

"/ bid. 

“ibid. 

“Butler  Choctaw  Herald,  December  12,  1894.  Also  J.  C.  Manning,  The  Fadeout  of 
Populism:  Pot  and  Kettle  in  Combat  (New  York,  1928),  22,  35-36.  Cited  here- 
after as  Manning,  Fadeout  of  Populism. 

“Ashland  People's  Party  Advocate,  February  1,  1895,  and  Ozark  Banner- Adver- 
tiser, August  29,  1895. 

Fusion  refers  to  the  union  or  cooperation  of  two  political  parties.  "Middle-of- 
the-Road  or  Midroad”  Populists,  on  the  other  hand,  made  no  political  or 
ideological  concessions  to  either  of  the  "old  parties.”  See  Goodwyn,  Democratic 
Promise,  426. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


29 


supported  nicely,  sometimes  rather  automatically,  by  the  Popu- 
list rank  and  file.  This  occurrence  may  be  explained  in  part 
by  the  Evangel's  having  toured  extensively  on  behalf  of  reform- 
ist congressional  candidates  during  the  period  when  local  meet- 
ings chose  convention  delegates.  Accordingly,  he  inspired  a 
rare  degree  of  unanimity  among  Alabama  Populists.47  It  is 
more  difficult,  however,  to  speculate  upon  the  motives  of  an 
influential  group  of  Jeffersonian  leaders  who  supported  Man- 
ning against  the  founder  of  their  party. 

Reuben  Kolb’s  courage  and  enterprise  loomed  over  the  brief 
history  of  the  Jeffersonian  Democrats,  but  his  actions  some- 
times caused  even  close  supporters  to  doubt  his  wisdom.  Frank 
Baltzell,  whose  hard-hitting  Alliance  Herald  had  recently  folded, 
was  left  “high  and  dry”  when  Kolb  hired  the  moderate  Democrat 
John  W.  DuBose  to  edit  a new  journal,  the  People's  Tribune** 
Shortly  after  the  August  elections,  A.  T.  Goodwyn  had  quarreled 
with  Kolb  over  the  question  of  whether  or  not  violence  was 
justified  against  W.  C.  Oates’  administration.  On  August  23 
Goodwyn  had  warned  the  Elmore  County  indignation  meeting 
that  they  must  look  to  aid  from  the  federal  government  as  an 
alternative  to  horrible  civil  strife.49  It  is  difficult  to  pinpoint 
the  origins  of  a feeling,  but  by  November  some  men  quite  close 
to  Kolb  had  decided,  as  an  astute  Talladega  woman  believed, 
that  he  “might  be  led  to  do  certain  things  . . . which  his  genuine 
better  feelings  would  regret.”50  W.  H.  Skaggs,  for  example,  had 
expressed  grave  doubts  about  Kolb  as  early  as  the  winter  of 
1893-1894.  Trying  in  vain  to  enlist  the  eminent  journalist 
Robert  McKee  in  a newspaper  project,  Skaggs  finally  pleaded 
with  him  to  work  for  the  sake  of  principle:  “It  was  decided 

between  us  that  while  Captain  Kolb  was  unfortunately  the  can- 
didate, he  was  a mere  incident  to  the  issue.”51  Kolb  probably 

"Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate , October  5,  November  2,  1894.  For  examples  of 
Manning’s  numerous  reform  contacts,  see  the  New  Orleans  Daily  Picayune , Janu- 
ary 19,  1895. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser , August  31,  September  12,  1894;  also  Rogers,  One- 
Gallused  Rebellion , 256-257. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser , August  24,  December  1,  1894,  and  Butler  Choctaw 
Herald , December  12,  26,  1894;  see  also  Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  De- 
cember 14,  1895. 

“"Georgia  C.  McElderry  to  John  W.  DuBose,  Match  17,  1897,  in  the  John  W. 
DuBose  Papers,  Alabama  Department  of  Archives  and  History. 

W.  H.  Skaggs  to  Robert  McKee,  March  19,  1894,  in  the  McKee  Papers. 


30 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


knew  that  these  lieutenants  were  wavering,  for  early  in  No- 
vember he  declared  that  he  would  never  be  a candidate  again.52 
He  did  not,  however,  abandon  his  claims  to  the  statehouse. 

A.  T.  Goodwyn,  W.  H.  Skaggs,  Frank  Baltzell,  and  even 
Kolb’s  good  friend  P.  G.  Bowman  supported  Manning’s  leader- 
ship on  November  12.  Though  each  of  these  men  had  his  own 
motives  and  ambitions,  all  were  fearful  of  the  consequences 
of  an  abortive  rebellion.  In  addition,  feelings  of  sheer  despera- 
tion over  repeated  Democratic  frauds  may  have  created  a will- 
ingness among  Jeffersonians  (including  Kolb)  to  merge  with  a 
militant  national  party  and  cast  off  the  dishonored  name  “Demo- 
crat.” In  any  event,  Manning  probably  would  not  have  suc- 
ceeded without  the  help  of  his  Jeffersonian  allies. 

When  the  great  day  came,  about  250  delegates  and  several 
hundred  sympathetic  spectators  thronged  into  “The  Montgom- 
ery Theatre.”  The  congressional  elections  had  come  off  with 
a flurry  of  stuffed  ballots,  and  though  the  People's  Tribune 
claimed  victory  for  the  coalition  candidates,  only  M.  W.  Howard 
of  the  7th  district  won  on  the  face  of  the  returns.53  The  con- 
vention itself  quickly  boiled  down  to  a contest  of  rival  emotions 
and  timing.  Grattan  B.  Crowe,  and  to  a lesser  extent  Kolb, 
relied  on  the  power  of  righteous  wrath  to  sweep  the  meeting 
toward  establishing  a “legitimate”  government.  Manning  and 
hi-s  allies  stressed  the  necessity  for  peace  and  the  possibilities 
inherent  in  unity.  During  the  sessions  the  Populist  side  cap- 
tured the  initiative. 

At  10:30  a.m.  Jeffersonian  Chairman  Albert  T.  Goodwyn 
pounded  the  gavel  and  “emphasized  that  the  convention  was  a 
“deliberative,”  not  a constitutional  body.”54  With  this  reminder 
to  Grattan  B.  Crowe  and  his  contingent,  Goodwyn  called  sev- 
eral speakers  to  the  podium,  each  of  whom  recounted  some  as- 
pects of  the  August  and  November  elections.  Soon  a committee 

“'Montgomery  Advertiser , November  4,  1894. 

Birmingham  People’s  Weekly  Tribune , November  8,  1894.  Eventually  three  more 
reform  candidates  were  seated:  Populist  A.  T.  Goodwyn  of  the  5th  district,  and 
Republicans  W,  F.  Aldrich  of  the  4th  district  and  T.  H.  Aldrich  of  the  9th 
district.  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  287-289. 

Montgomery  Advertiser,  November  13,  1894,  and  Eufaula  Times  and  News, 
November  15,  1894. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


31 


well  stocked  with  Populists  and  “pacifists”  was  appointed  to 
prepare  resolutions.  As  the  committee  retired,  “loud  cries” 
arose  for  “Evangel  Manning.”55  Either  by  accident  or  careful 
stagemanaging,  the  young  orator  took  the  platform  at  a preg- 
nant moment.  He  stood  before  a gathering  which  was  torn 
between  caution  and  fury.  If  he  made  the  right  speech  now, 
he  could  determine  the  course  of  the  convention. 

The  Evangel  started  awkwardly,  respectfully  praising  Kolb 
and  telling  a few  campaign  jokes.  But  after  the  obligatory 
compliments,  Manning  pointed  out  some  basic  facts  to  those 
absorbed  with  the  “Governor’s”  wrongs.  In  less  than  diplo- 
matic tones,  he  discussed  the  price  they  had  paid  for  keeping 
the  reform  movement  divided  and  subservient  to  one  man’s 
candidacy : 

If  you  think  that  this  is  Kolb’s  movement,  you  are  mis- 
taken. It  is  as  much  ours  as  it  is  Ms.  If  the  people 
of  Alabama  could  have  realized  this,  as  Kolb  has,  he 
would  have  been  governor  of  Alabama  today.56 

After  this  slap  at  the  very  nature  of  Kolb’s  last  campaign, 
Manning  answered  a shout  from  the  floor  — “Let  us  declare 
him  governor!”  — with  a dignified  warmth  which  atoned  for 
the  rashness  of  his  earlier  speech  in  Texas: 

Let  us  be  conservative.  . . . Let  me  tell  the  people  that 
we  realize  there  is  an  element  in  our  party  clamoring 
to  seat  the  rightfully  elected  governor  by  force,  but  this 
is  not  what  we  desire.  . . . We  do  not  want  the  fathers 
of  little  children  in  Alabama  today  to  have  their  blood 
spilt  as  dewdrops  on  the  violets,  but  we  want  these 
fathers  to  live  and  pray  and  vote  right,  and  persuade 
the  people  of  Alabama  to  vote  right.57 


“The  committee  was  announced  by  the  chair,  and  included  J.  M.  Whitehead  of  the 
Living  Truth;  Rev.  S.  M.  Adams,  past  president  of  the  Farmer’s  Alliance;  and 
J.  L.  Pitts,  Populist  executive  chairman.  Montgomery  Advertiser , November  13, 
1894. 

“Ibid.  See  also  Livingston  Journal,  November  16,  1894. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser,  November  13,  1894;  see  also  Ashland  People’s  Party 
Advocate,  December  7,  1894,  quoting  the  Montgomery  Evening  Journal. 


32 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


M.  W.  Whatley  of  Clay  County  spoke  next,  and  the  non- 
violent group  semed  to  be  in  command.  Kolb  himself  delayed 
his  appearance  until  1:00  p.m.,  when  “Mr.  Manning  of  Clay 
demanded  that  the  convention  should  see  the  Governor  of  Ala- 
bama:”58 

At  this  juncture,  Kolb  made  a powerful  speech  in  an 
effort  to  rally  the  convention  to  his  cause.  He  was  deter- 
mined — “I  intend  to  stay  with  you  until  hell  freezes  over, 
and  then  I will  tackle  them  a while  on  the  ice”  — but  he  was 
dignified  and  conciliatory  to  the  Populists.59  He  wanted  very 
much  to  be  governor,  but  under  the  circumstances  he  balanced 
that  fact  neatly  with  concessions: 

I want  to  emphasize  that  which  Mr.  Manning  has  said, 
that  it  was  not  Kolb  in  this  fight.  . . . My  individuality 
did  not  enter  into  it  at  all.  ...  It  was  the  people  of  Ala- 
bama who  raised  up  in  their  majesty  and  . . . twice 
elected  me  governor  of  this  state.60 

“The  Genial  Reuben,”  who  had  flooded  the  state  with  agents 
“working  up  a strong  feeling  in  my  behalf”  as  early  as  1889, 
would  not  give  up  easily.61  He  had  given  Manning  a chance  to 
keep  the  momentum,  however,  and  during  the  afternoon  ses- 
sion the  Populist  leader  played  his  own  emotional  trump  cards. 
No  one  took  down  Manning’s  successful  speech  for  unification, 
but  it  is  likely  that  the  youthful  Clay  Countian  stressed  quasi- 
religious themes  of  unity  and  brotherhood,  ending  with  an  af- 
firmation of  Populist  faith  similar  to  that  which  he  had  made 
before  a joint  convention  in  February  of  1894:  “We  are  one 

and  the  same  people,  and  together  we  will  have  the  same  God 
and  whip  the  world,  flesh  and  the  devil.”  One  journalist  wrote 
that  “amid  great  applause,  Mr.  Manning  made  a speech  which 
set  his  auditors  wild,”  and  the  convention  voted  for  a union  of 
the  two  agrarian  parties.62 

68Montgomery  Advertiser,  November  13,  1894. 

89Kolb  is  quoted  in  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  290. 

*°Eufaula  Times  and  News,  November  15,  1894. 

R.  F.  Kolb  to  Leonidas  L.  Polk,  June  6,  1889,  in  the  Leonidas  L.  Polk  Papers, 
Southern  Historical  Collection,  University  of  North  Carolina. 

Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate,  December  7,  1894,  quoting  the  Montgomery 
Evening  Journal.  None  of  the  extant  accounts  refer  to  the  size  or  manner  of  taking 
this  vote,  except  to  state  that  it  was  enthusiastically  done. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


33 


After  this  triumph,  the  Populists  “worked”  the  situation 
in  a manner  which  hints  at  prearrangement.  A host  of  speakers 
jumped  to  their  feet  and  testified  for  “amalgamation.”  The 
most  interesting  was  J.  L.  Hosey  of  Calhoun  County,  who  “came 
to  the  convention  to  represent  the  agricultural  population,  and 
was  instructed  to  follow  the  footprints  of  Manning  and  Tom 
Watson.”63  After  more  “glad  tidings,”  Joseph  Manning,  in  a 
truly  evangelical  move,  offered  “the  hymn  for  the  praise 
service” : 

All  hail  the  power  of  the  people’s  name, 

Let  the  ballot-stuffers  prostrate  fall; 

Bring  forth  the  royal  diadem, 

And  crown  the  people  sovereign  all.64 

Although  the  Populists  had  triumphed  so  far,  they  still 
had  to  deal  with  the  irrepressible  enrage  Grattan  B.  Crowe. 
“The  proper  course  for  us  to  pursue,”  said  Kolb’s  chief  of 
militia,  “is  to  take  this  government  and  run  it.”65  Crowe  was 
an  eloquent  speaker,  but  he  had  missed  the  crucial  psychological 
moment  by  waiting  until  unification  was  an  accomplished  fact, 
possibly  not  realizing  that  peace  and  Populism  were  bound  to- 
gether. Moreover  he  betrayed  himself  by  his  own  excesses. 
In  his  dreams,  he  related,  “the  angel  of  the  lord”  had  “wiped 
these  tarred  holes  off  the  face  of  the  earth.  There  was  not  a 
block  left  in  Montgomery  or  Selma.”66  After  Crowe  had  spoken, 
the  convention  pushed  ahead  to  choose  an  executive  committee 
for  the  reorganized  People’s  Party.  Interestingly,  the  Jeffer- 
sonian financial  radical,  Samuel  M.  Adams,  was  made  chairman 
and  Manning  was  picked  for  member-at-large.67 

At  the  evening  session  W.  H.  Skaggs  reported  for  the  reso- 
lutions committee.  The  convention  agreed  that  evidences  of 
fraud  should  be  distributed  in  a nationwide  campaign  of  pub- 
licity. Massive  petitions  for  restoration  of  republican  govern- 
ment should,  likewise  be  sent  to  Congress.  Locally,  Populists 

“Montgomery  Advertiser , November  13,  1894. 

“Ibid. 

“ibid.  See  also  Eufaula  Times  and  News,  November  15,  1894. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser,  November  13,  1894. 

"Dadeville  Tallapoosa  New  Era,  April  25,  May  16,  1895,  and  Anniston  Alabama 
Leader,  March  19,  1896. 


34 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


should  work  for  a fair  contest  law  but  take  no  overt  action 
against  the  Oates  administration,  unless  theii  just  demands 
were  ignored.  With  the  power  of  state  and  federal  troops 
against  them,  Skaggs  argued,  it  was  useless  to  establish  a gov- 
ernment which  could  not  stand.  The  convention  approved 
Skaggs’  resolutions  and  propositions,  evidently  by  voice  vote, 
and  so  opened  a broader  field  for  the  agrarian  movement  in 
Alabama.68 

The  triumph  was  far  from  complete.  While  Skaggs  was 
reporting,  Crowe  and  an  important  minority  of  delegates  lis- 
tened in  “sullen  silence,”  convinced  that  the  resolutions  were  a 
betrayal.69  These  men  were  not  satisfied,  and  neither  was 
Kolb.  After  the  legislature  convened,  the  latter  demanded  his 
rights  and,  following  a series  of  heated  caucuses,  was  “inaugu- 
rated” by  a Justice  of  the  Peace  on  December  1,  a few  hours 
before  W.  C.  Oates  was  sworn  in.  On  that  day  Joseph  Man- 
ning, Warren  S.  Reese,  Jr.,  of  Montgomery,  and  other  moderates 
assembled  at  the  top  of  Dexter  Avenue  together  with  Kolb, 
Crowe,  and  perhaps  200  followers  in  a courageous  demonstra- 
tion before  the  massed  troops  of  the  state.70  Denied  access 
to  the  capitol  steps,  Kolb  spoke  from  the  bed  of  a wagon  drawn 
up  in  the  street.  He  had  hesitated  until  Manning  spoke  up, 
probably  in  an  exquisitely  ironical  tone:  “Go  ahead  Captain, 

they  may  kill  you  but  you  will  go  down  ...  as  a martyr  to 
the  Populistic  cause.”71  Facing  the  tangible  array  of  Demo- 
cratic power,  Kolb  advised  his  followers  to  act  peaceably,  but 
not  to  pay  taxes  to  a fraudulent  administration.72 

The  ceremonies  of  December  1 ushered  in  an  awkward 
period  in  which  Populist  leaders  participated  in  the  constituted 
state  government  without  being  able  to  ignore  the  “Governor’s” 
pronouncements.  Kolb  was  sometimes  at  odds  with  Manning, 
Goodwyn,  and  the  Populist  legislative  caucus,  and  as  a matter 
of  fact  remained  open  to  proposals  of  violent  action  until  a 

Montgomery  Advertiser,  November  13,  1894.  Again,  no  reliable  information 
exists  as  to  the  nature  of  this  vote. 

"Ibid. 

10Ibid.,  December  2,  1894;  see  particularly  Warren  S.  Reese  to  J.  C.  Manning,  De- 
cember 2,  1927,  in  Manning,  Fadeout  of  Populism,  142-144. 

"Ibid.,  143. 

Montgomery  Advertiser , December  2,  1894. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


35 


Populist  conference  of  March,  1895. 73  Sorely  tried  and  frus- 
trated, Kolb  diverted  reformist  energies  from  the  new  de- 
partures of  November,  1894. 

In  a larger  sense  Manning  and  the  Populist  unifiers  were 
doomed  to  defeat  from  the  start.  The  ideological  weakness 
of  the  reform  movement  in  Alabama,  which  drove  Manning 
into  a new  campaign  of  education,  left  the  reorganized  Peo- 
ple’s Party  vulnerable  to  the  free  silver  craze.  The  radical 
“greenback”  theories  common  to  Texas  and  Georgia  Populists 
never  won  complete  acceptance  in  Alabama,  especially  among 
ex-Jeffersonians  such  as  A.  T.  Goodwyn,  who  became  the 
Populist-Republican  “cooperation”  candidate  for  governor  in 
1896.74  Thus  Joseph  F.  Johnston,  a silver  Democrat  who  cap- 
tured the  gubernatorial  nomination  of  his  party  after  a well- 
financed  drive  of  two  years’  duration,  posed  a serious  threat  to 
Populist  unity.  When  Johnston  promised  fair  elections  and  in- 
vited Populists  to  return  to  the  “fold,”  a number  of  them  took 
him  at  his  word.75  In  the  meantime,  Joseph  Manning  had  toured 
the  nation  on  behalf  of  ballot  reform  — the  one  issue  which 
he  felt  would  unify  southern  reformers  and  at  the  same  time 
interest  northern  Republicans.70  A number  of  Populists,  in- 
cluding J.  M.  Whitehead  and  Philander  Morgan  of  Talladega, 
objected  to  Manning’s  capitulation,  as  they  termed  it,  to  state 
and  national  Republicanism:  the  consequent  division  of  Ala- 
bama Populism  into  factions  weakened  the  party  before  the 
onslaughts  of  the  silver  Democracy.77 

The  two  years  following  his  November  triumph  were  years 
of  failure  for  Manning  and  for  the  People’s  Party.  In  May, 
1896,  his  hopes  for  a senate  investigation  of  Alabama  politics 

73Raleigh,  North  Carolina  Daily  Caucasian , March  13,  1895,  and  Ozark  Banner- 
Advertiser,  March  21,  28,  1895. 

Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  309,  and  Goodwyn,  Democratic  Promise,  406, 
672  f.n.  22.  Sec  a^so  Raleigh,  North  Carolina  Weekly  Caucasian,  July  1 1,  1895. 
Dadeville  Tallapoosa  New  Era,  January  30,  1896,  and  Anniston  Alabama  Leader, 
January  30,  1896.  The  official  vote  in  the  gubernatorial  election  of  1896  was 
fohnston,  128,541,  to  Goodwyn,  89,290.  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion,  314-315. 
7,Ozark  Banner- Advertiser,  September  26,  October  31,  1895  and  Ashl  and  People’s 
Party  Advocate,  November  1,  1895. 

Karl  Louis  Rodabaugh,  "Fusion,  Confusion,  Defeat  and  Disfranchisement:  The 
Fadeout  of  Populism’  in  Alabama,”  Alabama  Historical  Quarterly,  Summer,  1972, 
131-155. 


36 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


came  to  an  end  when  a resolution  sponsored  by  William  V. 
Allen  of  Nebraska  and  W.  E.  Chandler  failed  by  a vote  of 
forty-one  to  six.78  In  July  came  the  capture  of  the  Populist 
presidential  nomination  by  W.  J.  Bryan  and  the  silver  lobby. 
Manning  recognized  “the  fadeout  of  Populism”  in  these  develop- 
ments and  joined  the  Republican  Party  in  disgust.79  So  ended 
one  man’s  efforts  to  reconcile  politics  and  Populist  principles. 

Given  the  overwhelming  tendency  of  late  nineteenth- 
century  politics  to  conformistic,  sectional  conservatism,  the  sig- 
nificant thing  about  Manning  and  his  fellow  Populists  was  that 
they  tried  to  break  down  this  established  order.80  Nor  should 
it  be  forgotten  that,  for  all  the  convolutions  of  his  strategy, 
Joseph  C.  Manning  briefly  unified  the  ranks  of  Alabama  Popu- 
lism for  its  march  toward  ultimate  defeat. 


Ashland  People’s  Party  Advocate , March  13,  1896,  Butler  Choctaw  Herald , May 
27,  1896  and  Dadeville  Tallapoosa  Netv  Era,  May  28,  1896. 

Alexander  City  Outlook,  September  18,  1896,  and  Rogers,  One-Gallused  Rebellion , 
320,  quoting  the  Eufaula  Times  and  News,  July  23,  1896. 

Goodwyn,  Democratic  Promise,  vii-xxiii,  515-555. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


37 


“THE  HUSBANDMAN  THAT  LABOURETH  MUST  BE 
FIRST  PARTAKER  OF  THE  FRUITS”  (2  TIMOTHY  2:6): 
AGRICULTURAL  REFORM  IN  ANTE  BELLUM  ALABAMA 

by 

William  Warren  Rogers,  Jr. 

After  a brief  territorial  period,  Alabama  was  admitted  to 
the  Union  in  1819.  Despite  its  comparatively  late  development 
Alabama  quickly  joined  other  Southern  states  in  the  production 
of  that  heralded  and  much  in  demand  crop : cotton.  The 

1820’s  and  1830’s,  the  true  flush  years  of  the  state,  were 
characterized  by  rapid  settlement  and  runaway  cotton  prices. 
Statehood  brought  an  influx  of  settlers  eager  to  participate 
in  the  cotton  bonanza.  The  Tennessee  Valley  region  was  opened 
first,  and  not  long  afterwards  the  fertile  Black  Belt  tracts  were 
claimed.  Land  sales  soared.  In  the  1830’s  areas  inhabited 
by  Creek  Indians  a short  time  before  were  swiftly  cleared  and 
converted  into  cotton  fields.1  A visitor  to  Alabama’s  Black 
Belt  found  that  farmers  “were  picking  cotton  and  clearing 
land,  — the  axes  were  cutting  until  midnight,  and  an  hour 
before  day  the  next  morning.”2  Despite  periodic  recessions, 
cotton  quickly  became  the  object  around  which  Alabama’s  eco- 
nomic life  revolved.3 

In  the  ensuing  ante-bellum  years,  the  fleecy  staple,  so  well 
received  in  the  markets  of  New  York  and  Liverpool,  shaped 
and  defined  the  lives  of  most  Alabamians,  white  and  black. 
Other  crops  such  as  Irish  and  sweet  potatoes,  peas,  and  corn 


'Montgomery  Tri-Weekly  Alabama  Journal , June  6,  1849;  Tuscumbia  North  Ala- 
bamian, February  21,  1845.  See  also  Charles  Davis,  The  Cotton  Kingdom  in 
Alabama  (Montgomery,  1939),  24-25,  37;  Lewis  Gray,  History  of  Agriculture  in 
the  Southern  United  States,  II  (Gloucester,  1958),  890-895;  Thomas  Perkins 
Abernethy,  The  Formative  Period  in  Alabama  1815-1828  (Montgomery,  1922), 
25,  30,  38,  65;  Joseph  G.  Baldwin,  The  Flush  Time  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi 
(New  York,  1843),  90. 

Weymouth  T.  Jordan,  "The  Elisha  F.  King  Family  Planters  of  the  Alabama  Black 
Belt,"  Agricultural  History , XIX  (July,  1945). 

Abernethy,  Formative  Period  in  Alabama , 61,  66;  Davis,  Cotton  Kingdom  in  Ala- 
bama, 37-39. 


38 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


were  also  raised  on  a large  scale,  but  cotton  was  the  cash  crop.* * 4 
Five  years  after  Alabama’s  admission  to  statehood  cotton  pro- 
duction had  doubled.  By  1840  only  three  states  produced  more 
cotton  than  Alabama.5  Meanwhile,  the  once  raw  and  extensive 
Alabama  frontier  evaporated  as  settlers  “bought  farms,  wore 
them  out,  sold  them  for  a song,  bought  new  ones  and  grew 
rich.”6  But  even  the  most  fervid  cotton  booster  could  not  have 
predicted  the  report  of  the  1850  census.  That  ten-year  collec- 
tion of  statistics  revealed  that  Alabama  raised  more  cotton 
than  any  other  state  in  the  Union.7  Yet,  to  a growing  number 
of  Alabamians  such  phenomenal  production  figures  did  not 
represent  progress.  Concerned  agrarian  reformers  in  Alabama 
served  notice  to  both  small  farmers  and  large  planters  alike 
that  they  were  on  a course  of  economic  self-destruction.  As 
time  passed,  their  voices,  muted  in  the  past  by  windfall  profits, 
would  become  increasingly  audible. 

The  origins  of  agricultural  reform  in  Alabama  could  be 
traced  to  the  formation  of  agrarian  societies  in  Monroe,  Greene, 
and  Jackson  counties  as  early  as  1828.8  These  organizations 
soon  folded,  and  not  until  the  1840’s  was  the  heyday  of  the 
local  agrarian  societies  inaugurated.  Among  the  two  earliest 
and  most  active  organizations  were  the  Talladega  Agricultural 
Society  and  the  Greensboro  Agricultural  Society.  The 
“golden  age”  of  the  agricultural  societies,  the  1850’s, 
witnessed  their  proliferation  across  the  state.9  The  Greens- 
boro Agricultural  Society,  founded  in  1850,  pledged  to 
“promote  agricultural  improvements,  to  improve  the  breed  of 
domestic  animals,  to  encourage  household  manufacture,  and 
the  introduction  of  new  as  well  as  the  improvement  of  old 


Mss.  Census,  1850,  Alabama,  Agriculture,  passim.  A random  selection  of  counties 

in  the  Wiregrass,  Black  Belt,  and  Tennessee  Valley  regions  of  Alabama  reveals 

that  in  18  50,  cotton  was  grown  primarily,  but  not  exclusively,  in  the  Black  Belt. 

5 Eleventh  Census , 1890,  Agriculture,  23. 

"’"Hillside  Ditching  and  Horizontal  Culture,”  Alabama  Cotton  Planter,  I (October, 
1853),  317. 

7 Eleventh  Census,  1890,  Agriculture,  23. 

Acts  of  Alabama,  1828-1829,  52;  Weymouth  T.  Jordan,  Ante-Bellum  Alabama: 
Town  and  Country  (Tallahassee,  1957),  122-125. 

8Jordan,  Ante-Bellum  Alabama,  122-125. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


39 


implements  of  husbandry.”10  Usually  these  societies  set  up 
committees  to  study  the  cultivation  of  cotton,  corn,  and  other 
crops  grown  in  any  given  area.  Annual  agricultural  fairs  were 
also  sponsored  by  the  reform  orders.  Lasting  anywhere  from 
one  to  three  days,  these  local  fairs  attracted  large  crowds  who 
turned  out  to  view  the  exhibits  of  agricultural  produce,  all  types 
of  livestock,  farm  implements,  and  a bewildering  variety  of 
items  made  at  home.  Invariably  there  was  close  competition 
for  the  premiums  that  were  awarded  to  the  most  outstanding 
exhibits.  The  agricultural  societies,  totally  apolitical,  served 
the  dual  purpose  of  emphasizing  the  need  for  reform  and  of 
disseminating  farm-related  information.11 

Agricultural  journals  and  newspapers  also  played  an  in- 
tegral part  in  Alabama’s  reform  movement.  The  most  widely 
read  and  influential  publication  was  the  American  Cotton 
Planter,  founded  in  1853  by  Noah  B.  Cloud.  Masterful  edi- 
torialist, consummate  experimenter,  and  enthusiastic  promoter, 
Noah  Cloud  did  more  for  agricultural  reform  in  Alabama  be- 
tween 1840  and  1860  than  any  other  single  individual.  In  large 
part,  the  years  he  spent  in  Alabama  spanned  the  agricultural 
reform  period.  A native  of  South  Carolina,  Cloud  migrated 
to  Russell  County,  Alabama,  in  1838.  Three  years  later  he 
moved  his  family  and  six  slaves  to  the  small  settlement  of  La 
Place  in  Macon  County.  There,  in  the  heart  of  the  Black  Belt, 
he  began  in  earnest  a series  of  revolutionary  experiments.12 

At  the  outset,  Cloud’s  journal,  published  in  Montgomery, 
had  less  than  five  hundred  subscribers.  Yet  the  tireless  efforts 


’"Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon,  March  27,  1850.  Among  the  agricultural  societies 
founded  were  the  Agricultural  Society  of  Greensboro,  Acts  of  Alabama,  1828- 
1 829,  52;  the  North  Alabama  Agricultural  and  Mechanical  Association,  Acts  of 
Alabama,  1857-1858,  104;  Agricultural  Society  of  Macon  County,  Tuskegee 
Macon  Republican,  October  9,  1851;  Talladega  County  Agricultural  Society, 
Southern  Cultivator,  IV  (February,  1846),  92;  Pickens  County  Agricultural  So- 
ciety, Alabama  Cotton  Planter,  II  (August,  1854),  236. 

"Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon,  October  23,  1849;  Alabama  Cotton  Planter,  I 
(January,  1853),  20;  American  Cotton  Planter  and  Soil  of  the  South,  VI  (April, 
1857),  97-98;  Elizabeth  Essler,  "The  Agricultural  Reform  Movement  in  Alabama 
18  50-1860,”  Alabama  Review,  I (Winter,  1948),  2 50. 

Noah  B.  Cloud,  Southern  Cultivator,  X (January,  1852),  27-39;  Weymouth  T. 
Jordan,  "Noah  B.  Cloud’s  Activities  on  Behalf  of  Southern  Agriculture,”  Agri- 
cultural History,  XXV  (April,  1951),  53-58. 


40  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

of  Cloud,  the  useful  information  the  journal  provided,  and  the 
dire  need  of  such  a publication  made  the  monthly  magazine  a 
success.  A typical  issue  contained  articles  concerning  appro- 
priate manures,  innovative  farming  techniques,  announcements 
of  the  latest  inventions,  and  advice  on  a myriad  number  of 
related  subjects.  Commenting  on  the  American  Cotton  Planter, 
a Wetumpka  newspaper  editor  felt  that  “every  farmer  ought 
to  have  it,  if  it  cost  $10  instead  of  $1,”  and  added  somewhat 
facetiously  “We  ought  to  have  a statute  in  our  penal  code, 
making  it  a penitentiary  offense  for  an  Alabama  planter  to  be 
without  the  Cotton  Planter,  it  is  just  as  necessary  to  him  as 
a good  wife.”13  In  1857  when  Cloud’s  journal  merged  with 
the  Soil  of  the  South , the  largest  agricultural  organ  in  Georgia, 
the  journal’s  circulation  had  reached  10,000.14  Without  doubt, 
the  journal  exercised  an  important  influence  on  farming  and 
farmers  of  the  Deep  South. 

Agricultural  newspapers,  usually  weeklies,  were  also  vital 
to  the  reform  impulse.  Promising  that  “every  scheme  of  a 
practical  bearing  will  be  presented  to  the  planters,”15  the  first 
issue  of  the  Alabama  Planter  rolled  from  a Mobile  press  in 
1853.  In  August  1849,  the  Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon  dis- 
pensed almost  entirely  with  politics  and  announced  that  its 
columns  would  henceforth  be  devoted  to  agriculture.16  Dozens 
of  other  papers  catered  to  agricultural  interests,  usually  by 
printing  syndicated  articles  that  had  first  appeared  in  one 
of  the  numerous  Southern  agricultural  journals.17 

Although  in  1840  a visitor  through  the  state  pronounced 
Alabama  “yet  too  young  to  show  the  result  of  a desolating  sys- 
tem of  cultivation,”18  there  were  those  who  did  not  share  his 


13Wetumpka  Spectator,  January  15,  1856. 

14 American  Cotton  Planter  and  Soil  of  the  South,  V (March,  18  57),  66;  Jordan, 
Noah  B.  Clouds  Activities  on  Behalf  of  Southern  Agriculture,”  5 8. 

18Mobile  Press  Register,  March  12,  1845. 

Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon,  August  25,  1849. 

7See  Huntsville  Democrat , May  5,  1853;  Tuskegee  Macon  Republican,  November 
21,  1850;  Eufaula  Democrat,  August  1,  1848;  Huntsville  Southern  Advocate , 
December  4,  1847;  Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian,  January  24,  1845;  Montgomery 
Advertiser  and  Gazette,  May  11,  1852. 

Southern  Cabinet , I (January,  1840),  9.  The  place  of  publication  of  this  obscure 
journal  is  unknown. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


41 


optimism.  For  years  Alabama  farmers  had  (because  of  ig- 
norance, simple  inertia,  or  just  plain  habit)  gone  about  their 
agricultural  pursuits  in  a way  detrimental  to  the  soil.  Caught 
up  in  the  cotton  mania,  the  farmers  recklessly  grew  the  money- 
making staple.  Few  attempts  were  made  to  fertilize,  rotate 
the  crops,  diversify,  let  the  land  lie  fallow,  or  in  any  way  re- 
store to  the  earth  its  vitality.  The  average  tiller  of  the  soil 
assumed  that  the  land  was  inexhaustible.  But  by  the  mid- 
1 840’s  this  mentality  had  been  strongly  called  to  task.  As 
Charles  C.  Langdon,  a distinguished  but  disgusted  agrarian 
speaker,  told  the  Alabama  State  Agricultural  Society,  farmers 
“produce  nothing,  literally  nothing  but  cotton,  cotton,  cot- 
ton . . .”  Although  it  had  been  “an  easy  matter  to  raise  cotton 
in  Alabama  — requiring  no  mental  effort,  no  study,  no  obser- 
vation,  hardly  the  labor  to  think.  . . ,1!)  the  folly  of  such  a sys- 
tem was  evident.  With  the  passing  years,  Alabama  farmers 
acutely  felt  the  effects  of  their  neglect  and  abuse  of  the  land. 
In  time,  as  many  Alabama  farmers  learned,  even  the  alluvial 
stretches  of  land  could  be  worn  out.20 

Not  so  coincidentally,  the  rise  of  agricultural  societies 
and  the  growth  of  the  reform  press  were  paralleled  by  the 
appearance  of  disturbing  signs  on  Alabama’s  economic  front. 
Most  pertinent  was  the  sudden  drop  in  cotton  prices.  In  1839 
cotton  farmers  received  a respectable  14  cents  per  pound.  One 
year  later  the  price  had  almost  been  cut  in  half.  A decade  of 
low  prices  followed,  and  by  1850  cotton  was  being  sold  for  as 
low  as  five  cents  a pound.  Alabama’s  image  as  a profitable 
cotton  kingdom  had  been  severely  tarnished.  For  many  farmers 
used  to  profitable  cotton  returns,  their  livelihood  ceased  to 
be  so  remunerative.21 

Blame,  condemnation,  and  disbelief  came  from  different 
corners.  Although  reform  sentiment  necessarily  addressed  the 
cotton  question,  there  was  not  always  unanimity  among  those 
who  assigned  the  blame  for  the  catastrophic  turn  of  events. 
Two  distinct  schools  of  thought  were  propogated  from  the  start. 


19Charles  C.  Langdon,  American  Cotton  Planter , IV  (April,  1856),  99. 

1 Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian , February  21,  1845;  Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon, 
October  13,  1849;  Debow’s  Review,  XIV  (January,  1853),  68-69. 

‘Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon,  September  22,  1849. 


42 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


A significant  number  of  agriculturalists  believed  that  too  much 
cotton  was  being  raised.  They  contended  that  the  almost  ex- 
clusive growth  of  the  crop  taxed  the  land  unnecessarily,  pre- 
vented the  cultivation  of  other  crops,  and  caused  overproduction 
which  was  accompanied  by  a fall  in  prices.22 

The  Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian  noted  that  the  emphasis 
on  cotton  reduced  the  planter  to  a “dangerous  state  of  vassalage 
and  dependence  upon  [the]  foreign  market  and  foreign  specu- 
lators.,,2S  A speaker  before  the  Chunnenugee  Horticultural 
Society,  also  critical  of  the  staple,  conceded  that  cotton  had 
made  Alabama,  but  it  had  “wasted  the  indigenous  growth  of 
our  forests,  impoverished  our  soil,  diminished  our  domestic 
enjoyments,  narrowed  our  minds,  and  greatly  retarded  our 
progress  in  other  fields  of  labor.’'2 1 Other  voices  added  to  the 
chorus  of  discontent. 

Others  of  similar  persuasion  attacked  the  traditional  staple 
for  reasons  more  social  than  economic.  These  critics  main- 
tained that  the  successful  cultivation  of  cotton,  largely  de- 
pendent on  fresh  lands,  forced  the  planter  or  farmer  to  move 
often.  By  doing  so  the  agrarians  forfeited  the  accruing  bene- 
fits of  a more  stable  existence.  Daniel  Pratt,  noted  industrial 
advocate  and  ante-bellum  promoter  of  cotton  mills  in  Alabama, 
regretted  this  migration.  According  to  Pratt,  it  precluded  the 
establishment  of  better  schools  and  churches,  improved  roads, 
and  the  development  of  an  artisan  or  manufacturing  class.25 
Some  claimed  that  the  ubiquitous  plant  even  had  an  undesirable 
moral  effect.  The  president  of  the  Mobile  Agricultural  and 
Horticultural  Society  had  no  tolerance  for  a crop  that  induced 
farmers  “heedlessly  [to]  turn  their  backs  upon  the  home  of 
their  childhood;  without  a tear  or  a sigh;  [and]  abandon  the 
spot  hallowed  by  the  graves  of  their  fathers.”26  Indeed,  the 
concentration  on  cotton  was  criticized  across  a wide  spectrum. 


“Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian , February  7,  1845;  Tuskegee  Macon  Republican, 
November  21,  18  50;  Mobile  Register  and  Journal,  February  25,  1845;  Southern 
Agriculturalist  (May,  1844),  176-183;  see  also  Davis,  Cotton  Kingdom,  171. 
“Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian,  February  21,  1845. 

“Charles  C.  Clay,  American  Cotton  Planter,  II  (July,  1855),  195. 

25Daniel  Pratt,  ibid.,  I (January,  18  53),  27. 

’“Charles  C.  Langdon,  ibid.,  II  (September,  1854),  258. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


43 


Not  all  observers  saw  cotton  as  a false  prophet.  Their 
explanation  for  economic  distress  took  a different  turn.  Noah 
Cloud  viewed  the  staple  more  favorably.  A leading  advocate  of 
scientific  agriculture,  Cloud  made  clear  in  the  first  issue  of 
the  American  Cotton  Planter  the  farmer’s  fundamental  problem. 
It  was  not  that  the  Alabama  farmer  raised  too  much  cotton,  but 
that  he  let  the  crop  monopolize  his  time  and  energy  — at  the 
expense  of  other  interests.  In  deference  to  cotton,  few  hogs, 
mules,  horses,  cattle  or  any  blooded  stock  were  raised.  De- 
pending almost  exclusively  on  cotton,  few  farmers  grew  their 
own  grain.  Such  tasks,  he  railed,  were  too  often  outside  the 
pale  of  the  average  Alabama  farmer.27 

As  the  preeminent  agriculturalist  explained,  it  was  also 
ironical  and  paradoxical  that  Alabamians  produced  vast  amounts 
of  cotton  but  converted  little  of  it  into  cloth.  The  potential 
of  textile  mills  was  largely  ignored  as  Alabama  farmers  con- 
centrated on  achieving  maximum  cotton  yields.  Consequently, 
the  farmer  was  forced  to  buy  cloth  and  clothing  at  inflated 
prices  from  northern  entrepreneurs.  Cloud  maintained  that 
the  typical  Alabama  farmer  was  analogous  to  the  “silly  African 
or  the  improvident  East  Indian,  that  roams  over  the  sun- 
scorched  sands  of  their  barren  country  and  gather  the  raw 
ivory  — and  thus  selling  become  poorer  every  year  — while 
the  foreign  manufacturer  grows  rich  in  giving  form,  polish, 
and  value  to  the  tooth.”28  Not  by  growing  less  cotton,  but 
by  growing  the  staple  more  efficiently,  could  the  farmer  im- 
prove his  situation.  By  judicious  management,  the  farmer 
might  cut  his  cotton  acreage  in  hal  grow  just  as  much  cotton, 
and  use  his  remaining  acres  for  glam  crops,  pastureland,  and 
other  purposes  that  would  enable  him  to  become  more  self- 
sufficient.29 

As  cotton  prices  continued  to  fall,  threatening  to  under- 
mine the  economic  basis  of  the  entire  state,  remedies  to  alle- 
viate the  situation  were  continuously  advanced.  To  many, 
economic  salvation  could  be  achieved  only  by  wholesale  diversi- 


*7Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian , October  24,  1845;  DeBotv's  Review,  XIV  (January, 
1853),  17;  American  Cotton  Planter,  I (January,  1853),  20-21. 

I8Noah  B.  Cloud,  American  Cotton  Planter,  I (January,  1853),  20. 

Mlbid.,  20;  Tuskegee  Macon  Republican,  March  3,  1853. 


44 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


fication.  The  growth  of  a greater  variety  of  crops  would  have 
a cure-all  effect.  Sugar  cane  was  pushed  as  a supplementary 
crop  by  some.  Reports  of  profits  from  the  growth  of  hemp 
were  circulated  and  endorsed.  There  were  even  experiments 
with  silk  cultivation.30 

The  Eufaula  Democrat  pleaded  with  farmers  to  devote  more 
time  and  interest  to  the  raising  of  vegetable  and  grain  crops. 
Other  reformers  pushed  for  more  corn,  much  of  which  would 
be  used  to  fatten  livestock.  Selective  breeding  of  cattle  and 
other  types  of  livestock  was  a favorite  theme.  Concomitant 
with  improved  herds  would  be  the  setting  aside  of  more  pas- 
tureland  for  the  livestock  to  graze  on.  In  south  Alabama 
there  were  claims  that  the  section’s  soil  would  support  the 
cultivation  of  rice.  Horticulture  was  also  a widely  discussed 
topic.  Varieties  of  fruits  such  as  apples  and  peaches,  previ- 
ously thought  unadaptable  to  the  Alabama  climate  or  soil,  were 
also  promoted.  None  of  these  ideas  was  ever  enthusiastically 
embraced  in  ante-bellum  Alabama,  but  their  mere  advancement 
indicated  that  a sizeable  number  of  Alabama  planters  and 
farmers  wanted  and  needed  a diversified  economy,  one  not  so 
dependent  on  cotton.31 

Increasingly,  scientific  agriculture  became  popular.  The 
farmer  was  urged  to  “make  experiments,  call  science  to  your 
aid,  read,  think,  study,  work  — in  short,  persevere,  and  suc- 
cess is  sure.”32  Innovative  farming  techniques  were  coming 
into  vogue.  Horizontal  plowing  and  hillside  ditching,  designed 
to  prevent  rich  top  soil  from  washing  away,  were  put  in 
greater  use.  The  planting  of  clover,  peas,  and  other  reliable 
legumes  became  fairly  widespread.  It  was  pressed  both  upon 
the  planter  who  dwelled  in  his  Greek  revival  mansion  and 
the  yeoman  farmer  who  lived  at  the  fork  of  the  creek  that 
farming  was  a business.  As  a businessman,  he  should  keep 
boobs  recording  his  efforts  and  their  results.  Time  and  labor 
saving  inventions  were  discussed.  Most  importantly,  the  patrons 

30Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian,  November  29,  1844;  Niles  National  Register  (May, 
1845),  180;  DeBow’s  Review,  IX  (August,  1850),  210. 

Eufaula  Democrat,  November  28,  1848;  Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon,  November 
3,  1849;  Mobile  Press  Register,  March  11,  1845;  Montgomery  Mail,  September  14, 
1857;  Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian,  October  24,  1845. 

32CharIes  Langdon,  American  Cotton  Planter,  II  (September,  18  54),  259. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


45 


of  science  promoted  the  use  of  fertilizers.33 

Economic  hard  times  turned  farmers  to  fertilizers.  Al- 
though not  unknown  to  the  Alabama  farmer,  fertilizers  had 
been  ignored  during  the  state’s  formative  or  flush  years.  Rich 
soil  that  became  depleted  only  gradually  caused  fertilizers  to 
be  neglected.  Predictably,  Noah  Cloud  was  behind  the  eventual 
acceptance  and  popularization  of  these  soil-building  agents.  He 
ran  countless  articles  advocating  the  use  of  fertilizers  in  the 
American  Cotton  Planter.  Citing  historical  precedent,  Cloud 
reminded  farmers  that  a manure-based  fertilizer  had  been  used 
extensively  during  the  days  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Cato  and 
Cincinnautus  had  both  championed  its  use.34 

Probably  more  convincing  were  the  numerous  farmers 
who  testified  to  the  efficacy  of  fertilizers.  Guano,  a highly- 
concentrated  fertilizer  imported  from  Peru,  first  appeared  in 
Alabama  in  the  early  forties.  Because  of  its  recommendations 
and  its  results,  guano  proved  popular.  According  to  one  au- 
thority, the  compound  acted  “like  magic  on  [the]  worn-out 
cotton  lands  in  the  Alabama  black  belt.”35  Cloud  used  guano 
some,  but  believed  that  the  more  readily  available  compost 
animal  manures  would  serve  the  Alabama  farmer’s  interest 
just  as  well  — at  a fraction  of  the  cost.36  Cotton  -seed  and 
marl  were  also  used  to  enrich  the  soil.  Increasingly,  fertilizers 
enjoyed  a wide  usage  and  their  promotion  took  on  the  aura  of 
a crusade.37 

By  1845  the  agricultural  crisis  in  Alabama  was  felt  state- 
wide. Alternately,  droughts  and  rain  had  plagued  the  cotton 
farmer.  The  boll  worm  and  caterpillars  were  persistent  nemeses. 
Drastic  fluctuations  in  cotton  prices  put  the  cotton  planter  in 

*3Eufaula  Democrat , March  6,  1849;  Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon , August  25,  1849; 
R.  H.  Powell,  American  Cotton  Planter  and  Soil  of  the  South , IV  (March,  1857), 
70;  American  Cotton  Planter,  II  (January,  1854),  1-8;  see  also  Minnie  Clare 
Boyd,  Alabama  in  the  Fifties  (New  York,  1931),  34-3  5. 

84 Southern  Cultivator,  VI  (February,  1848),  58. 

3jWeymouth  T.  Jordan,  “The  Peruvian  Guano  Gospel  in  the  Old  South,”  Agri- 
cultural History,  XXIV  (October,  1950),  220. 

*°Montgomery  Weekly  Alabama  Journal,  April  9,  1852;  Alabama  Cotton  Planter  II 
(November,  1854),  328-329;  American  Cotton  Planter  and  Soil  of  the  South, 
XII  (March,  1858),  77. 

3 Mobile  Register  and  Journal,  January  27,  1845;  Southern  Agriculturalist  (May, 
1844),  179;  Boyd,  Alabama  in  the  Fifties,  34-36. 


46 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


a perilous  position.38  Against  such  an  apocalyptic  backdrop, 
an  agricultural  meeting  was  called  in  February,  1845.  The 
conclave  was  probably  the  first  statewide  assembly  of  farmers 
in  Alabama.  Meeting  in  Montgomery,  delegates  from  various 
counties  discussed  ways  to  check  the  growing  despair.  Their 
principal  conclusion  was  embodied  in  a resolution  that  the 
poor  “state  of  things  grows  out  of  the  extreme  low  prices  of 
cotton,  induced  by  an  over-production  of  the  article.*’30  Dis- 
satisfaction with  the  staple  crop  was  obvious.  For  the  reform- 
minded  agriculturalists  the  needs  were  clear:  More  diversifi- 

cation, increased  cotton  manufacturing,  a geological  survey 
of  the  state  to  facilitate  the  mining  of  mineral  resources,  and 
the  formation  of  agricultural  societies  in  the  various  counties. 
Because  of  poor  promotion,  travel  difficulties,  sparse  attend- 
ance, and  limited  newspaper  coverage  the  convention  produced 
something  less  than  a mandate.  Yet  it  had  cogently  pointed 
out  what  needed  to  be  done,  and  it  paved  the  way  for  future 
gatherings.40 

Far  more  often  than  not  the  Cassandra-like  warnings  of 
the  agricultural  reformer  fell  on  deaf  ears.  Staunchly  in- 
dividualistic farmers  resented  the  pedantic  advice  of  distant 
editorialists.  Leaving  subscription  costs  aside,  many  farmers 
refused  on  principle  to  take  an  agricultural  journal.  Instead, 
they  contemptuously  labeled  the  reformers  “book  farmers”  who 
preached  impractical  notions.  To  mention  that  a certain  farmer, 
albeit  eminently  successful,  took  an  agricultural  paper  caused 
some  to  “run  from  his  teaching  as  from  a pestilence.”41  Tra- 
dition died  hard  among  certain  agrarians  who  refused  to  break 
from  the  time-honored  but  often  inefficient  practices  of  their 
forefathers.42 

In  1843,  the  thrust  of  what  became  known  as  the  “Cloud 
System  first  appeared  in  the  Southern  Cultivator . An  agri- 

Eufaula  Democrat,  June  19,  1849;  Tuskegee  Macon  Republican,  November  20, 
1851;  Montgomery  Weekly  Alabama  Journal,  September  4,  1852;  Charles  Lyell, 
Second  Visit  to  the  United  States  of  North  America  (London,  1849),  72. 
^Tuscumbia  North  Alabamian,  March  7,  1845. 

""Mobile  Register  and  Journal,  February  22,  26,  1845. 

“Alabama  Cotton  Planter,  II  (February  1864)’  55. 

“Greensboro  Alabama  Beacon,  August  25,  1849;  Montgomery  Weekly  Alabama 
Journal,  April  24,  1852;  Alabama  Cotton  Planter,  I (September,  1853),  246. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


47 


cultural  journal  published  in  Augusta,  Georgia,  the  Cultivator 
gave  a wide  audience  to  the  then  obscure  Alabama  agricultural- 
ist. In  its  columns  Cloud  outlined  a comprehensive  plan  that 
allowed  the  farmer  to  increase  his  yield  five  fold  (barring  the 
unpredictable  interference  of  natural  elements).  Basic  to 
Cloud's  cotton  scheme  was  the  use  of  fertilizer.  Four  to  five 
hundred  bushels  of  a manure-based  fertilizer  should  be  added 
to  every  acre  planted.  In  fact,  Cloud  put  his  own  slaves  to 
work  “collecting  barnyard  manure,  cotton  seed,  pine  straw, 
leaves,  wood  scrappings,  brush,  bars,  trash  . . .”43  and  other 
items  which  would  replenish  the  soil.  Ideally,  the  land  should 
be  allowed  to  lie  fallow  for  a year  before  the  staple  was  planted. 
The  terrain,  leveled  and  measured,  should  also  be  plowed  in  a 
way  to  prevent  erosion.  Anticipating  skeptics,  Cloud  confi- 
dently promised  that  if  the  predicted  yield  did  not  materialize, 
he  would  provide  the  farmer  with  a sack  of  his  own  cotton  seed. 
By  1850  Cloud’s  system  was  well  known  and  his  name  had 
become  synonymous  with  agricultural  reform.44 

The  price  cotton  brought  rose  considerably  after  1850 
and  remained  on  a high  plateau  throughout  the  decade.45  Con- 
sequently, agrarian  rhetoric  was  more  temperate,  less  fatalis- 
tic, and  infrequently  framed  in  Armageddon-like  terms.  Con- 
structive reform,  however,  went  on.  A watershed  event  in  the 
agricultural  reform  movement  was  the  formation  of  the  Ala- 
bama Agricultural  Society.  Meeting  at  the  capital  in  January 
1855,  the  delegates  evinced  no  sense  of  the  keen  despair  that 
hung  over  the  convention  held  ten  years  earlier  in  the  same  city. 
Scientific  farming  and  agricultural  cooperation  instead  of  limit- 
ing cotton  productiop  were  the  themes  of  this  gathering.  Isaac 
Groom,  an  innovative  and  successful  Greene  County  planter, 
was  elected  president.  Noah  Cloud  was  the  convention’s  choice 
for  secretary.46  That  same  year  the  society  was  put  on  a 
sound  financial  footing  when  the  state  of  Alabama  provided 

“Jordan,  Ante-Bellum  Alabama , 210. 

M Southern  Cultivator , I (January,  1843),  12-13;  American  Cotton  Planter,  II 
(November,  1854),  341;  Jordan,  "Activities  on  Behalf  of  Southern  Agriculture,” 
54-55. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser  and  State  Gazette,  May  1 1,  18  53;  Esseler,  "Agricultural 
Reform  in  Alabama,  249-250;  Boyd,  Alabama  in  the  Fifties,  38-39. 

“Montgomery  Advertiser  and  State  Gazette,  January  13,  1855;  Montgomery  Mail, 
January  11,  1855;  Alabama  Cotton  Planter,  III  (February,  1855),  49-50. 


48 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


$10,000  for  its  operation.47  The  rejuvenated  society  proved 
successful  in  diffusing  agricultural  information  and  promoting 
experimentation  on  all  levels. 

The  most  publicized  function  of  the  state’s  agricultural 
society  was  the  annual  fair.  Montgomery  was  the  perennial 
site  of  the  spectacular  extravaganza,  first  held  in  1855.  In- 
variably staged  in  the  fall  of  the  year,  the  fair  attracted  Mont- 
gomerians  and  others  from  across  the  state.48 

Thousands  of  marvelling  spectators  spent  hours  taking  in 
the  numerous  displays  spread  out  over  a lot  of  thirty  acres. 
A rambling  and  hastily  thrown  up  edifice,  known  as  the  In- 
dustrial Palace,  housed  many  of  the  exhibits.  Visitors  to  the 
fair  inspected  banner  crops,  prize  livestock,  cotton  gins,  and 
a host  of  products  made  at  home.40  The  presence  of  “monkey 
shows”,  a “hairy  woman”,  a “double  headed  girl,”  and  a “liquor 
shed  where  mean  whisky  was  vended,”50  drew  criticism  from 
purists,  but  most  people  liked  the  carnival-like  atmosphere. 


Theater  houses  catered  to  the  crowds  and  billed  top  at- 
tractions. During  fair  week  in  1860  John  Wilkes  Booth  ap- 
peared in  “The  Apostate.”  On  a swing  through  the  South, 
presidential  hopeful  Stephen  Douglas  also  spoke  in  Montgomery 
on  that  occasion.  His  otherwise  hospitable  reception  was  only 
slightly  marred  by  several  eggs  thrown  at  the  “Little  Giant” 
as  he  spoke  from  the  capitol  steps.  Traditionally,  the  Mont- 
gomery Blues,  a local  militia  organization,  escorted  the  gover- 
nor and  members  of  the  legislature  to  the  fair  grounds.  The 
festivities  were  climaxed  by  a chivalric  jousting  match  and  a 
grand  ball.  Speeches  made  at  the  fairgrounds  by  agricultu- 
ralists had  effects  difficult  to  measure  but  which  probably  did 
some  good.51 


Agricultural  reform  in  Alabama  was  given  its  impetus  by 

"Acts  of  Alabama , 1855-1856,  343-344. 

Montgomery  Advertiser , November  20,  1855;  American  Cotton  Planter,  IV  (No- 
vember, 1856),  337;  Esseler,  "Agricultural  Reform  Movement  in  Alabama,”  252- 


November  27,  1855;  Montgomery  Mail,  November  18, 
1857;  Montgomery  Advertiser,  November  23,  1855. 

Tuskaloosa  Independent  Monitor,  November  11,  1858 

Montgomery  Post,  October  30,  1800,  November  7,  1860;  Weekly  Mont- 

gomery  Confederation,  November  9,  1860. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


49 


the  collapse  of  cotton  prices  in  the  1840’s.  Initially,  agrarian 
discontent  crystalized  and  focused  on  the  universal  practice  of 
radsing  cotton,  regardless  of  its  harmful  corollary  effects.  Those 
who  criticized  the  staple  correctly  pointed  out  that  subservi- 
ence to  cotton  placed  the  farmer  at  the  mercy  of  outside  in- 
terests and  ultimately  wore  out  the  land.  But  if  the  growth 
of  cotton  declined,  it  did  not  do  so  appreciably,  and  the  cash 
crop’s  price  eventually  rose.52  Cotton  production  doubled  dur- 
ing the  prosperous  decade  prior  to  the  Civil  War  as  the  staple 
survived  a critical  interlude.53 

It  would  be  unfair  to  presume  that  the  success  or  failure 
of  the  agricultural  reform  movement  hinged  on  the  reduction  of 
cotton  acreage.  If  this  were  a valid  judgment,  the  effort 
would  have  ended  with  the  resurgence  of  cotton  prices.  In- 
stead, the  crusade  accelerated  and  influenced  greater  numbers 
of  Alabama  farmers.  At  least  partly  due  to  reform  efforts  farm 
values  tripled  between  1850  and  1860  as  thousands  of  acres 
were  opened  and  improved  on.54  With  the  extensive  use  of 
fertilizers  and  innovative  plowing  techniques,  farming  became 
less  wasteful.  It  seems  likely  that  farmers  became  somewhat 
more  self-sufficient.  A number  of  Alabamians  continued  to 
ably  spread  the  gospel  of  scientific  agriculture. 

Spokesmen  for  the  agrarian  cause,  their  voices  amplified 
by  the  reform  press,  remained  disenchanted  with  certain  aspects 
of  cotton  cultivation.  Yet  they  were  more  inclined  to  advance 
efficient  methods  to  raise  the  crop  than  to  recommend  large- 
scale  abandonment  of  the  staple.  Because  these  early  Alabama 
farmers  never  experienced  the  extreme  and  prolonged  hard- 
ships that  confronted  latter-day  agraraians,  the  reform  move- 
ment never  achieved  the  unity  and  crusading  zeal  that  members 
of  the  Farmer’s  Alliance  and  later  Populists  commanded  during 
the  1890’s.  The  drive  for  agricultural  reform  in  Alabama  was 
sporadic,  its  intensity  rising  and  falling  with  the  price  of  cotton. 
It  was  championed  by  various  means : individuals,  newspapers, 
magazines,  agricultural  societies  both  state  and  local  fairs. 


“DeBow’s  Review,  XX  (February,.  1852),  166;  ibid.,  IV  (September,  1847),  37. 
53Louis  Vandiver  Loveman  (Compiler),  Alabama  Book  of  Facts  and  Historical 
Statistics  (Gadsden,  1975),  73. 

“Ninth  Census,  1870,  Agriculture,  689-690. 


50 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


AH  of  these  efforts  considered  together  were  important.  They 
constituted  a genuine,  pragmatic  effort  to  sustain  and  re- 
vitalize Alabama’s  most  important  pursuit  — agriculture. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


51 


UP  THE  TOMBIGBEE  WITH  THE  SPANIARDS: 
JUAN  DE  LA  VILLEBEUVRE  AND  THE 
TREATY  OF  BOUCFOUCA  (1793)* * 

by 

Jack  D.  L.  Holmes 

In  the  leyenda  negra  historical  literature  of  the  United 
States  in  general,  and  the  Alabama  state  histories  in  particular, 
it  has  become  fashionable  to  denigrate  Spain’s  three  decades  of 
rule  in  the  Mobile  District  (1780-1813)  and  to  ridicule  her 
frontier  officers,  who  seemed  incapable  of  stemming  the  on- 
rushing  tide  of  American  frontiersmen  into  the  Old  Southwest.1 
Fortunately,  for  historical  truth,  the  documents  extant,  when 
perused  carefully,  illustrate  that  Spain  was  not  on  her  “last 
legs,”  and  that  skillful  frontier  diplomats  and  strategists  had 
actually  succeeded  in  blocking  the  westward  expansion  of  the 
United  States  by  making  use  of  the  same  formidable  barrier 
which  the  French  used  to  block  English  expansion  prior  to  1763. 

On  May  10,  1793,  the  Spanish  comisario  among  the  Choctaw 
and  Chickasaw  Indians,  Lieutenant-colonel  Juan  de  la  Ville- 
beuvre,  signed  a three-article  treaty  of  cession  with  twenty-six 
great  medal,  3mall  medal  chiefs,  and  captains  of  the  Small 
District  Division  of  the  Choctaw  Indians  at  Boucfouca.2  Un- 


*This  paper,  which  was  read  to  the  Alabama  Academy  of  Science  at  Mont- 
gomery, April  7,  1978,  was  made  possible  by  a grant-in-aid  from  the  U.A.B. 
Faculty  Research  Committee,  for  which  the  author  is  very  grateful. 

Among  the  most  xenophobic  authors,  few  drip  more  vitriol  from  the  pen  than 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  The  'Winning  of  the  West  (4  vols.;  New  York:  G.  P.  Putnam’s 
Sons,  1895-1896).  Among  the  Alabama  authors  who  pay  scant  attention  to  the 
Spanish  period  are  Albert  James  Pickett,  History  of  Alabama  and  Incidentally  of 
Georgia  and  Mississippi , from  the  Earliest  Period  (2  vols:;  Charleston,  S.C.,  1851;  a 
one-volume  edition  was  published  in  Tuscaloosa,  Alabama  in  1962);  and  Peter  J. 
Hamilton,  Colonial  Mobile , and  Historical  Study  . . . (Boston:  Houghton-Mifflin, 
1897;  several  revisions  have  been  published,  including  one  edited  by  Charles  G. 
Summersell,  Tuscaloosa:  University  of  Alabama  Press,  1976). 

*The  treaty  is  found  in  several  places:  Archivo  General  de  Indias  (Sevilla),  Papeles 
procedentes  de  la  Isla  de  Cuba  (after  cited  as  AGI,  PC),  legajo  23  53;  and  Archivo 
Historico  Nacional  (Madrid),  Seccion  de  Estado  (hereafter  cited  as  AHN,  EST.), 
legajo  3898.  It  is  printed  in  Manuel  Serrano  y Sanz,  Espana  y los  indios  cherokis 
y chactas  en  la  sequnda  mitad  del  siglo  xviii  (Sevilla:  Tip  de  la  "Guia  Oficial,” 
1916),  90. 


52 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


like  the  treaties  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Cherokees  or  even  the  Creeks,  the  Spanish  treaty  did  not  include 
much  land.  For  expenses  estimated  at  $1,000  in  gifts  and 
provisions,  Spain  acquired  the  support  of  the  10,000-brave 
Choctaw  Indians  and  the  transfer  of  some  thirty  arpents  of 
land  located  at  a strategic  point  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Black  Warrior  and  Tombigbee  Rivers.3  The  arpent  was  a 
French  measure  used  throughout  the  Mississippi  Valley,  but 
it  was  about  .85  of  an  acre,  thus  making  the  land  cession  of 
Boucfouca  approximately  25%  acres.4 

The  treaty  itself  is  a terse  statement  containing  three 
articles,  stated  in  simple  language  that  the  Choctaws  could 
readily  understand: 

“Treaty  of  friendship  between  His  Catholic  Majesty,  Great 
King  of  Spain  and  of  the  Indies,  party  of  the  first  part,  repre- 
sented by  his  Lieutenant-colonel  Juan  de  la  Villebeuvre,  Captain 
of  Grenadiers  in  the  Louisiana  Infantry  Regiment,5  and  com- 
missioner for  Spain  among  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  Na- 


3Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  "Spanish  Treaties  with  West  Florida  Indians,  1784-1802,” 
Florida  Historical  Quarterly , XLVIII,  No.  2 (October,  1969),  152;  Carondelet  to 
Duque  de  Alcudia,  No.  24,  Confidential,  New  Orleans,  January  18,  1794,  copy  in 
AGI,  Audiencia  de  Santo  Domingo,  legajo  2531. 

On  the  value  of  the  arpent,  see  Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  Gayoso,  the  Life  of  a Spanish 
Governor  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  1789-1799  (Baton  Rouge:  Louisiana  State 
University  Press  for  the  Louisiana  Historical  Association,  1965;  reprinted, 
Gloucester,  Mass.:  Peter  Smith  1968),  34  note. 

On  this  military  organization,  see  Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  Honor  and  Fidelity:  The 
Louisiana  Infantry  Regiment  and  the  Louisiana  Militia  Companies,  1766-1821, 
Vol.  I,  Louisiana  Collection  Series  of  Books  and  Documents  on  Colonial  Louisiana 


(Birmingham:  Louisiana  Collection  Series,  1965). 

De  la  Villebeuvre  s success  in  winning  Choctaw  support  for  Spain  against  the 
British  during  the  American  Revolution  and  successful  trips  to  the  Nation  in 
1784,  1787  and  1788  led  to  his  appointment  as  "comisario”  or  Commissioner  of 
the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws.  Preliminary  appointment  included  in  Carondelet 
to  Franchimastabe,  New  Orleans,  July  10,  1792,  AGI,  PC,  leg.  122-A.  The 
ministry  appointment  was  dated  November  3,  1792,  AHN,  EST.,  leg.  3887. 
Carondelet’s  predecessor,  Esteban  Miro,  has  recommended  de  la  Villebeuvre  for 
promotion  after  the  successful  missions.  Certification  of  Miro,  New  Orleans,  De- 
J*  20,  1791»  attached  to  de  la  Villebeuvre’s  petition,  New  Orleans,  March  3, 
1792,  AGI  Audiencia  de  Santo  Domingo,  legajo  2560.  By  1795,  his  salary  had 
been  raised  to  800  pesos  yearly  and  charged  to  the  "Division  of  Immigration 

an  ndian  Friendship”  (Ramo  de  Poblacion  y Amistad  de  Indies):  AGI,  PC,  leg. 
I o4-A. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


53 


tions  ;6  and  for  the  party  of  the  second  part,  the  following  great 
and  small  medal  chiefs  and  war  captains  from  the  Small  District 
of  the  Choctaw  Nation:7 


Nanhoula  Mastabe 
Totehouma 
Tapina  Hokio 
Tascauna  Opaye 
Pouchahouma 
Estonaka  Opaye 
Opayehouma 
Paye  Mastabe 
Taskienia 
Emalabe 
Panchahouma 
Janequi  Mastabe 
Tascapatapo 


Cathia  Opaye 

Panchinantla 

Tascapatapo 

Tanimingui  Mastabe 

Alpatakhouma 

Atougoulabe 

Tanaphouma 

Tchou  Mastabe 

Yatalahouman 

Pouchahouma 

Esatche  Fiaha 

Pancha  Bahuole 

Macheauche 


“We  all  agree  and  covenant  voluntarily  in  the  village  of 
Boucfouca8  to  the  following  articles : 

7The  three  divisions  of  the  Choctaws  used  by  the  French  and  the  Indians  them- 
selves were  the  Great  District  (Gran  Partida),  given  variously  as  Opatukla  (Hodge, 
I,  778),  Oypatukla  or  Ahepat  Okla,  and  located  in  the  northeastern  or  eastern 
section;  the  Small  District  (Pequena  Partida)  or  Okla  Falaya  ("the  long  people”), 
Indians  from  whom  were  scattered  in  small  settlements  over  a large  extent  of 
territory;  and  the  Six  Towns  (Seis  Aldeas),  or  Okla  hannali,  in  the  southeast, 
closer  to  New  Orleans.  For  all  full  discussion,  see  Frederick  Webb  Hodge  (ed.). 
Handbook  of  American  Indians  North  of  Mexico  (2  vols.;  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology  Bulletin  No.  30;  Washington:  Government  Printing  Office,  1907- 
1910;  reprinted,  New  York:  Pagaent  Books,  1959),  I,  778;  II,  115-116;  Henry 
Sale  Halbert,  "District  Divisions  of  the  Choctaw  Nation,”  Publications  of  the 
Alabama  Historical  Society , Miscellaneous  Collections , I (1901),  375-385;  and 
Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  "The  Choctaws  in  1795,”  Alabama  Historical  Quarterly, 
XXX,  No.  1 (Spring,  1968),  33-49. 

8As  with  all  Indian  spellings,  there  is  much  variation  in  the  documents  on 
Boucfouca.  It  appears  also  as  Boucfuca,  Boukfuka,  Buctuca,  Bouctouca,  and  even 
Bouctoucoulou.  Hodge,  Handbook , I,  289,  states  it  was  located  on  the  head- 
waters of  the  Pearl  River  in  Mississippi.  In  Holmes,  "Choctaws  in  1795,”  based 
on  the  large  padron  (census)  compiled  at  Fort  Confederation  on  November  26, 
1795  (located  in  the  Louisiana  Collection,  Bancroft  Library,  Berkeley,  California), 
the  word  appears  as  Bucfuka.  The  small  medal  chief  in  1795  was  Atonajuman. 
Two  captains  were  Pelechihabe  and  Anchalemastabe.  There  were  104  people  in 
the  village,  including  26  warriors,  42  women  and  33  children.  In  the  map  drawn 
by  Regis  du  Roullet  in  1732,  covering  his  pirogue  voyage  up  the  Pearl  and  along 
the  "chemin”  from  Boukfouka  (sic)  to  Mobile,  it  appears  that  the  town  was 
approximately  in  the  vicinity  of  present-day  Jackson,  Mississippi.  See  map  in 


54 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


•‘Article  One.  That  for  the  greater  efficiency  of  distribu- 
tion of  the  needs  of  the  Small  District  and  the  entire  Choctaw 
Nation,  their  brothers,  the  Spaniards,  will  be  granted  owner- 
ship of  a plot  of  land  measuring  30  square  arpents  more  o 
less,  on  the  site  which  the  French  formerly  occupied,  for  the 
purpose  of  building  thereon  a warehouse  or  storehouse  for  pro- 
visions and  supplies,  and  a fort  for  protection  of  the  Choctaws 
from  any  nation  which  in  the  future  might  wage  war  against 
them,  a fort  to  be  manned  with  cannon  and  troops.  The  Choc- 
taws’and  their  descendants  will  make  no  attempt  to  reclaim 
the  said  ceded  land,  but  on  the  contrary,  they  will  always  pro- 
tect their  brothers,  the  Spaniards,  in  the  possession  of  said 
storehouse  and  fort  against  any  attempts  to  drive  them  from 
their  land. 


“Second.  The  Spanish  Nation  declares  a reciprocal  offer 
to  defend  and  protect  the  land  of  their  faithful  allies,  the 
Choctaws,  against  any  people  who  may  attempt  to  disturb 
them  in  the  possession  of  said  lands. 


“Third.  The  said  chiefs  ratify  and  promise  to  be  stead- 
fast friends  to  the  entire  Spanish  Nation  and  to  preserve 


Dunbar  Rowland  and  A.  G.  Sanders  (eds.  and  trans.),  Mississippi  Provincial 
Archives , 17 10-1743 , French  Dominion  (3  vols.;  Jackson:  Mississippi  Department 
of  Archives  and  History,  1927-1932),  I,  opposite  192.  See  also,  ibid.,  155-163. 
’Spaniards  used  two  terms  to  describe  two  separate  military  posts  on  the  Tombig- 
bee  River.  Old  Fort  Tombecbe,  which  is  the  site  of  the  land  cession  in  the 
Treaty  of  Boucfouca,  was  located  on  Jones’s  Bluff  on  the  west  side  of  the  Tom- 
bigbee  River  where  the  Alabama  Great  Southern  Railroad  crossed  the  River  in 
Sumter  County.  It  is  at  Epes,  Alabama,  located  seven  miles  north-by-northeast 
of  the  campus  of  Livingston  State  University.  During  the  1735-1736  campaign 
of  Jean  Baptiste  LeMoyne,  Sieur  de  Bienville,  against  the  Chickasaws,  DeLusser 
was  sent  to  construct  a fort,  which  he  named  after  the  "Itomba-igabee”  Creek 
nearby.  Ovens  baked  bread  for  Bienville’s  troops  who  took  23  days  to  make  the 
trek  from  Mobile  to  Old  Fort  Tombecbe.  Following  the  French  and  Indian  War, 
the  British  occupied  it  and  renamed  it  Fort  York,  but  after  five  years  they 
abandoned  it.  In  1794  the  Spaniards  constructed  Fort  Confederation  on  the  site, 
and  during  the  1802-3  period,  Choctaw  lands  were  "liberated”  at  treaties  signed 
there.  Rowland  and  Sanders,  Mississippi  Provincial  Archives,  I,  258;  Walter  J. 
Saucier  and  Kathrine  Wagner  Seineke,  "Francois  Saucier,  Engineer  of  Fort  de 
Chartres,  Illinois,”  Frenchmen  and  French  Ways  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  edited 
by  John  Francis  McDermott  (Urbana:  University  of  Illinois  Press,  1969),  208; 
Robert  R.  Rea,  "The  Trouble  at  Tombeckby,”  Alabama  Review,  XXI,  No.  1 
(January,  1968),  21-39. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


55 

what  has  been  agreed  at  the  Mobile  Congress1"  and  thereafter 
by  the  said  governors.”11 

By  the  terms  of  this  important  treaty,  Lieutenant-colonel 
Juan  de  la  Villebeuvre  had  extended  Spanish  control  in  north- 
ern Alabama,  and  placed  such  posts  in  lower  Louisiana  and 
West  Florida  as  Mobile,  Natchez  and  New  Orleans  under  addi- 
tional protection.  It  was  part  of  Carondelet’s  frontier  defense 
policy  to  extend  Spanish  domination  into  the  Indian  country, 
win  their  support  and,  at  the  same  time,  block  the  land-grab- 
bing ambitions  of  the  Americans,  which  threatened  both  the 
Indians  and  Spain  in  the  possession  of  their  lands. 

Rather  than  resent  the  intrusion  of  Spain  in  the  heart  of 
their  hunting  lands,  the  Indians  seemed  to  welcome  it  as  a 
viable  alternative  to  allowing  American  frontiersmen  to  overrun 
their  traditional  hunting  lands.  As  for  Spain,  any  check  of 
American  expansion  through  the  use  of  their  Red  Men  “sepoys” 
(as  Whitaker  calls  them),  would  save  money  and  effect  the 
desired  results  without  loss  of  Spanish  life.  Bloody  Fellow, 
a noted  Cherokee  chief,  had  come  to  plead  with  Governor-general 
Carondelet  in  New  Orleans  during  1792  that  a post  be  re- 
established with  a frontier  fort  at  Old  French  Tombecbe  and 
the  Muscle  Shoals.  He  was  aware  that  such  treaties  as  Hope 
well  (1785  and  1786)  and  New  York  (1790)  had  “liberated” 
Indian  lands  in  favor  of  American  frontiersmen,  and  he  had 
no  wish  to  see  such  expansion  continue  into  the  Choctaw 
lands.12  The  Spanish  land  cession  treaties  offered  a dramatic 
contrast  with  the  rapacious  American  land  cessions,  so  much 
so,  that  the  Creeks  had  a word  for  the  frontiersmen  who  threat- 
ened their  livelihood:  Ecunnaunnuxulgee  — literally,  “people 


10The  Mobile  Congress  signed  by  the  Choctaws  on  July  14,  1784,  formed  an  al- 
liance with  Spain  and  established  a schedule  of  fur  prices  and  a list  of  annual 
presents.  Holmes,  "Spanish  Treaties  With  West  Florida  Indians,”  143-144. 

"Thanks  to  important  journeys  made  by  Juan  de  la  Villebeuvre  to  the  Choctaw 
camps  during  1787  and  1788,  Governor  Esteban  Miro  won  their  strong  allegiance. 
Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  "Juan  de  la  Villebeuvre  and  the  Spanish-Choctaw  Alliance  of 
1787,”  Unpublished  paper  given  to  the  Missouri  Valley  History  Conference, 
Omaha,  Nebraska,  March  11,  1976. 

"Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  "Spanish  Policy  Toward  the  Southern  Indians  in  the  1790  s, 
Four  Centuries  of  Southern  Indians,  edited  by  Charles  M.  Hudson  (Athens:  Uni- 
versity of  Georgia  Press,  1975),  66-67. 


56 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


greedily  grasping  after  all  their  lands.”13 

American  promoters  had  long  dreamed  of  converting  the 
thousands  of  acres  between  the  Appalachians  and  the  Mississippi 
into  flourishing,  producing  farms,  linked  to  the  outside  world 
by  water  courses  which  flowed  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Two 
centuries  before  the  Tennessee-Tombigbee  canal  project  caused 
such  consternation  among  environmentalists,14  Tennessee’s  Wil- 
liam Blount  called  for  the  construction  of  a canal  from  the 
Tennessee  River  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Tombigbee  which 
would  make  Muscle  Shoals  the  “commercial  capital  of  the  Ohio 
Valley.”  The  Georgia  Legislature  was  persuaded  to  grant  to 
a speculation  company  headed  by  Zachariah  Cox  thousands  of 
acres  near  Muscle  Shoals,  and  the  project  continued  to  pose  a 
threat  to  Spanish  defenses  of  Lower  Louisiana  and  West  Florida 
for  a score  of  yeans.15 

Indeed,  during  1792,  Juan  de  la  Villebeuvre  attended  a 
general  conference  held  at  Muscle  Shoals  between  the  United 
States  and  representatives  from  the  Creeks,  Choctaws,  Chicka- 
saws  and  Cherokees.  His  instructions  from  Governor-general 
Carondelet  made  clear  Spain’s  intention  to  block  American 

"Benjamin  Hawkins,  Letters  of  Benjamin  Hawkins,  1796-1806,  Vol.  IX,  Collections 
of  the  Georgia  Historical  Society  (Savannah:  Georgia  Historical  Society,  1916), 
252. 

HOne  of  the  best  anti-canal,  environmental  statements  is  Johnny  Greene,  "Selling 
Off  the  Old  South,”  Harper’s,  CCLIV  (April,  1977),  40-41.  On  Greene,  see 
Dale  Short,  "Demopolis  Native  Laments  Tombigbee  'Progress’, ” Birmingham  News, 
April  1,  1977,  Punch  Section,  p.  24.  Another  journalist,  bemoaning  what  is 
being  done  to  the  Tombigbee  River  ("Popular  River  May  Soon  Become  a Big 
Ditch,”  New  Orleans  Times-Picayune,  November  13,  1977,  VI,  8),  wrote,  "The 
Tombigbee  River  ...  is  one  of  the  last  great  natural  rivers  of  the  Deep  South, 
winding  its  way  through  mostly  virgin  wilderness  on  its  240-mile  route  from 
the  northeast  corner  of  Mississippi  to  its  juncture  with  the  Warrior  River  at 
Demopolis,  Ala.,  some  60  miles  north  of  Mobile  . . . With  a stretch  of  20  miles, 
we  saw  the  river  change  from  wide,  deep  and  gentle  curves  into  swift- flowing 
shallows  dotted  with  submerged  trees  and  gravel  bars.  We  passed  several  smaller 
rivers  and  streams  emptying  into  the  main  body  of  water.  At  some  places,  the 
river  winds  past  sheer  walls  of  clay  and  rock,  30  feet  steep,  and  dense  stands  of 
trees  and  foliage.  Occasionally,  we  saw  a great  blue  heron  wing  its  way  across  the 
water.” 

Arthur  P.  Whitaker,  "The  Muscle  Shoals  Speculation,  1783-1789,”  Mississippi 
Valley  Historical  Review,  XIII,  No.  3 (December,  1926),  365-386;  and  The 
Mississippi  Question,  1795-180),  A Study  in  Trade,  Politics,  and  Diplomacy  (New 
York:  D.  Appleton-Century,  1934),  106-107. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


57 


attempts  to  win  over  the  various  tribes,  and  he  was  largely 
responsible  for  the  failure  of  the  Americans. 1(-  The  following 
year  de  la  Villebeuvre  was  sent  to  Boucfouca  with  orders  to 
shore  up  weak  Spanish  defenses  against  the  possibility  of 
American  frontiersmen  driving  into  Northern  Alabama.  7 

Boucfouca  attracted  the  early  attention  of  the  French  in 
1732,  when  Regis  du  Roullet  poled  his  pirogue  along  the  Pearl 
River  to  the  headwaters,  not  far  from  present-day  Jackson. 
The  word,  which  was  translated  as  “surrounded  by  bayous,” 
was  composed  of  three  hamlets,  each  a quarter  of  a league  from 
the  other,  and  all  three  surrounded  by  bayous  for  the  extension 
of  at  least  twenty  leagues  in  circumference.  Since  Regis  du 
Roullet  had  successfully  negotiated  the  distance  from  Mobile 
to  Boucfouca,  he  suggested  taking  loaded  pirogues  there,  es- 
tablishing a storehouse  and  building  a fort  for  the  protection 
of  the  colony.  But  the  Rev.  Father  Beaudouin,  a Jesuit  mis- 
sionary, pointed  out  that  the  rapid  current  and  frequent  sand 
banks  along  a narrow  channel  made  difficult  — “if  not  to  say 
impossible”  — so  he  recommended  Tuscaloosa,  the  last  Choctaw 
village  of  the  eastern  part,  where  stone  might  be  available  to 
build  a good  fort.  Boucfouca  thus  lost  out  as  the  entrepot 
between  the  Tombigbee  headwaters  and  the  Mobile  River  which 
led  into  Mobile.18 

Three  letters  from  Governor-general  Carondelet  illustrate 
the  importance  of  the  Spanish  acquisition  of  the  site  of  Old 
French  Tombecbe  for  a fort.  In  the  first,  written  in  November, 
1792,  to  the  Conde  de  Aranda,  Spanish  Minister  of  State,  Ca- 
rondelet explained  how  three  strategic  locations  held  the  key 
to  defense  of  the  Old  Southwest  — Muscle  Shoals  on  the  Ten- 
nessee River;  the  Walnut  Hills  on  the  Mississippi,  near  the 

18A  draft  of  the  instructions  dated  April  3,  1792,  is  in  AGI,  PC,  leg.  122-A;  an- 
other, dated  New  Orleans,  April  4,  1792,  is  in  AGI,  PC,  leg.  18. 

17When  de  la  Villebeuvre  arrived  at  Boucfouca,  he  suffered  a painful  abcess  on  his 
upper  leg  which  confined  him  to  his  cot  for  a fortnight  with  fever  so  bad  he 
"could  not  write  the  official  letters”  with  his  own  hand,  de  la  Villebeuvre  to 
Carondelet,  Boukfouka  (sic),  March  30,  1793,  AGI,  PC,  leg.  208.  This  has  also 
been  translated  by  Roberta  and  edited  by  Duvon  C.  Corbitt,  "Papers  From  the 
Spanish  Archives  Relating  to  Tennessee  and  the  Old  Southwest,  178  3-1800,” 
Publications  of  the  East  Tennessee  Historical  Society,  XXX  ( 1958),  101. 
18Rowland  and  Sanders,  Mississippi  Provincial  Archives,  I,  136-163  and  map, 
I,  opposite  192.  See  above,  note  8. 


58  ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 

confluence  of  the  Yazoo  River  (present-day  Vicksburg) ; and 
Old  French  Fort  Tombecbe  on  the  Tombigbee  near  its  confluence 
with  the  Black  Warrior.  Carondelet  described  the  visit  to  New 
Orleans  of  Bloody  Fellow,  the  noted  Cherokee  chief  who  be- 
moaned the  loss  of  tribal  lands  to  the  rapacious  Americans  and 
warned  against  letting  it  happen  in  Alabama  and  Mississippi. 
He  urged  the  occupation  of  the  old  French  fort  as  well  as  the 
Muscle  Shoals.19 

By  referring  to  a rough  set  of  maps  which  accompanied  the 
dispatches,20  Carondelet  pointed  out  that  Fort  Nogales,  Old 
Fort  Tombecbe  and  Muscle  Shoals  all  lay  along  a line  of  defense 
for  Mobile,  some  80  leagues  away  from  the  two  former  sites. 
Muscle  Shoals  was  along  the  34th  parallel,  some  30  leagues  from 
the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi;  34  leagues  from  the  Ohio 
River;  and  only  20  leagues  from  the  Tombigbee  at  Epes.  It 
was  obvious  that  the  keystone  to  Spanish  defenses,  which  also 
included  Fort  San  Esteban  de  Tombecbe,  was  the  Old  Fold: 
Tombecbe.21 

To  Aranda’s  successor,  the  formidable  Spanish  minister, 
Manuel  de  Godov,  Duque  de  Alcudia  and  later  Principe  de  la 
Paz  (1795),  Carondelet  explained  that  the  situation  of  the  30 
square  arpents  of  land  obtained  by  Spain  at  the  Treaty  of 
Boucfouca,  was  located  at  33°  10'  North  Latitude  on  the  Chicka- 
saw [Tombigbee]  River,  “on  the  same  spot  where  the  French 
used  to  have  a settlement  named  Old  Tombecbe.”  The  Indian 
comisario  listed  the  advantages  to  Spain  of  acquiring  the  land: 
“it  will  cover  the  vast  land  included  between  the  Rivers  Tom- 
bigbee, Mobile,  Yazoo,  Mobile  and  Mississippi,  and  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.”  Consequently,  it  would  protect  the  settlements  at 

Carondelet  to  Conde  de  Aranda,  No.  23,  confidential,  New  Orleans,  November 
20,  1792,  AHN,  EST.,  leg.  3 898.  It  is  summarized  in  Serrano  y Sanz,  Espana 
y los  indios,  64-65. 

The  maps  are  printed  in  Miguel  Gomez  del  Campillo  (comp.),  Relaciones  diplo- 
maticas  entre  Espana  y los  Estados  Unidos  segun  los  documentos  del  Archivo  His- 
torico  Nacional  (2  vols.;  Madrid:  Consejo  Superior  de  Investigaciones  Cientificas, 
^1944-1945),  I,  opposite  272.  See  appendix. 

Carondelet  to  Aranda,  No.  23,  Confidential,  November  20,  1792.  On  the  1789- 
17>9  history  of  Fort  San  Esteban  de  Tombecbe,  often  referred  to  as  “New  Fort 
Tombecbe,”  which  later  became  St.  Stephens,  the  territorial  capital  of  Alabama, 
see  Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  "Notes  on  the  Spanish  Fort  San  Esteban  de  Tombecbe,” 
Alabama  Review,  XVIII,  No.  4 (October,  1965),  281-290. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


59 


Nogales,  Natchez,  New  Tombecbe  [Fort  San  Esteban  de  Tom- 
becbe],  Mobile,  and  the  rest  in  Lower  Louisiana.  Moreover, 
it  would  lend  support  to  the  alliance  which  existed  between  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Choctaws.  It  would  drive  the  American 
frontiersmen  from  those  fertile  territories  and  block  the  project 
they  had  of  opening  communication  between  the  Pearl  and 
Tombigbee  Rivers  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Finally,  Caron- 
delet  wrote,  it  would  place  Spain  in  a position  of  being  able 
to  communicate  directly  with  the  Cherokee  Nation,  whose  lands 
between  the  Tennessee  and  Cumberland  Rivers  Spain  had  great 
interest  in  preserving.22 

Carondelet’s  vigorous  and  generally  effective  Indian  policy 
had  suffered  when  the  Americans  living  around  Nashville  and 
Knoxville,  led  by  such  formidable  leaders  as  James  Robertson, 
John  Sevier  and  William  Blount,  had  encouraged  the  Chicka- 
•saws  to  make  war  against  the  wandering  hunting  parties  of 
Creeks,  and  this  unfriendly  gesture  had  almost  begun  a full- 
scale  frontier  war  between  the  two  tribes,  a war  whose  effects 
Carondelet  realized  would  be  a weakening  of  the  Indians  and 
a chance  for  Americans  to  push  them  off  their  lands,  particu- 
larly at  Chickasaw  Bluffs  and  Muscle  Shoals  — the  two  most 
strategic  locations  in  the  area.  Carondelet  hoped  to  forestall 
American  plans  by  arranging  for  a full-scale  Indian  conference 
of  Creeks,  Chickasaws,  Choctaws  and  Cherokees,  and  the  Treaty 
of  Nogales,  held  in  the  fall  of  1793,  had  the  desired  effect.23 

Carondelet  proposed  a stout  frontier  fort  made  from  the 
Tombigbee  limestone,  which  was  easy  to  cut  and  would  become 
hardened  by  the  weather  and  time  tie  estimated  the  expense 
of  fort,  storehouse  for  the  commercial  House  of  Panton,  bar- 
racks and  other  buildings  at  some  $25,000  but  he  pointed  out 
that  “their  duration  would  be  for  all  time  [“eterna”],  in  lieu 

22Carondelet  to  Alcudia,  No.  10,  Confidential,  New  Orleans,  June  11,  1793,  AHN, 
EST.,  leg.  3898.  It  is  summarized  in  Elena  Sanchez-Fabres  Mirat,  Situation 
hist orica  de  las  Floridas  en  la  segunda  mitad  del  siglo  xviii  (1783-1819):  los 
problemas  de  una  region  de  frontera  (Madrid:  Ministerio  de  Asuntos  Exteriores, 
Direccion  General  de  Relaciones  Culturales,  1977),  30-31. 

On  Spanish-American  rivalry  in  this  area  see  Jack  D.  L.  Holmes,  "Spanish- 
American  Rivalry  Over  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs,  1780-1795,”  and  "The  Ebb-Tide 
of  Spanish  Military  Power  on  the  Mississippi:  Fort  San  Fernando  de  las  Barrancas, 
1795-1798,”  Publications  of  the  East  Tennessee  Historical  Society , Nos.  34  (1962) 
and  36  (1964),  521-543  and  32-33,  respectively. 


60 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


of  those  which  we  have  made  up  to  now  out  of  wood,  which 
have  cost  some  $15,000  and  have  barely  lasted  fifteen  years.”24 

Carondelet’s  third  letter  to  his  brother-in-law,  the  captain- 
general  of  Cuba,  was  virtually  a duplicate  of  his  letter  to  Godoy, 
but  it  also  included  a copy  of  the  Treaty  of  Boucfouca.  In 
both  official  dispatches,  Carondelet  praised  the  work  of  his 
Choctaw  agents,  Juan  de  la  Villebeuvre  the  comisario,  and  Simon 
Favre,  the  Choctaw-Spanish  interpreter.  Favre  had  been  serv- 
ing since  1780,  when  Spanish  troops  under  Bernardo  de  Galvez 
captured  the  Mobile  District  from  the  British,  and  as  a result 
of  his  good  work  on  the  Treaty  of  Boucfouca,  Carondelet  recom- 
mended that  his  monthly  salary  of  $45  be  increased  by  one-third 
to  $60.  Speaking  of  de  la  Villebeuvre,  the  governor-general 
write : 

“.  . . he  has  labored  diligently  for  more  than  a year 
among  the  Choctaws  and  with  much  hard  work  he  con- 
cluded this  treaty.  Considering  all  his  valuable  con- 
tributions, I hope  you  will  apprise  His  Majesty  of  them 
so  that  he  may  be  awarded  the  salary  of  army  lieu- 
tenant-colonel.”25 

Fort  Confederation,  built  the  following  year,  formed  a part 
of  the  chain  of  fortifications  which,  together  with  the  Spanish 
Galley  Sqaudron,  units  of  the  Louisiana  Infantry  Regiment, 
and  solidly  backed  by  ten  thousand  Choctaw  braves,  kept  the 
American  frontiersmen  at  bay.  It  was  the  betrayal  at  the 
European  treaty  table  which  undid  the  long  and  arduous  work 
of  such  frontier-minded  Spanish  officers  as  Juan  de  la  Ville- 
beuvre. By  the  Treaty  of  San  Lorenzo  (Pinckney’s  Treaty  of 
1795),  Spain  agreed  to  evacuate  military  posts  north  of  the 
31st  parallel.  In  March  of  1797,  Fort  San  Fernando  de  las 
Barrancas  on  the  Chickasaw  Bluffs  and  Fort  Confederation  on 


“Carondelet  to  Alcudia,  No.  10,  Confidential,  June  11,  1793.  On  the  actual  build- 
ing of  the  fort  and  its  three-year  existence,  see  James  P.  Pate,  "The  Fort  of  the 
Confederation:  The  Spanish  on  the  Upper  Tombigbee,”  Unpublished  paper  read 
to  the  Alabama  Historical  Association,  Birmingham,  April  28,  1972,  and  being 
^considered  for  publication  in  the  Alabama  Review. 

“Carondelet  to  Luis  de  Las  Casas,  No.  82,  Confidential,  New  Orleans,  June  11, 
179.*,  AGI,  PC,  leg.  1447.  A translation  is  in  the  W.P.A.,  Dispatches  of  Spanish 
Governors,  Carondelet,  VIII,  404-405. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


61 


the  Tombigbee  Bluffs  were  both  evacuated.26  Spain’s  final 
retreat  to  Mexico  would  ensue  in  all  too  brief  a time.  And 
then  there  would  be  Louisiana  and  Texas ! 


MDe  la  Villebeuvre  led  the  troops  from  Fort  Confederation,  where  he  had  served 

as  last  Spanish  commandant,  to  "New  Fort  Tombecbe” Fort  San  Esteban  de 

Tombecbe,  down  the  Tombigbee  River.  It  is  possible  to  ascertain  from  pay 
records  that  the  troops  left  the  former  on  March  17  and  arrived  at  the  latter  on 
March  18,  1797.  Juan  Buenaventura  Morales  to  Pedro  Varela  y Ulloa,  No.  9, 
Confidential,  New  Orleans,  March  31,  1797,  AHN,  EST.,  leg.  3902;  certification 
of  Francisco  Fontanillas,  San  Esteban,  April  30,  1797,  AGI,  PC,  leg.  688. 


62 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


THE  HOLTVILLE  SCHOOL 
A PROGRESSIVE  EDUCATION  EXPERIMENT 

by 

William  B.  Lauderdale 

Twenty  seven  miles  northwest  of  Montgomery,  Alabama, 
and  one  mile  beyond  the  community  of  Slap-Out  (in  reference 
to  a once-popular  song,  a huge  billboard  announces  that  Slap- 
Out  is  “where  most  of  the  stars  fell”)  stands  the  white  stucco, 
Spanish-styled,  consolidated  Holtville  School.  That  school  sits 
in  the  center  of  what  was,  during  the  Depression  years,  one  of 
the  most  economically  destitute  counties  in  the  state  of  Alabama. 
As  the  Depression  began,  there  were  no  paved  roads  in  the 
Holtville  community,  no  telephones,  no  water  system,  and  no 
indoor  toilets.  There  were  few  industries  except  for  small 
farms,  and  the  land  was  red  clay  and  poor.  “In  their  eroded  fields 
farmers  raised  little  but  weevil-infested  cotton,  scrawny  chick- 
ens, and  razer-backed  hogs.  Their  wives  perspired  over  hot 
wood  stoves  and  set  unvarying  suppers  of  corn  pone,  fat  back, 
and  hominy  grits.”1  Hookworm  infection  was  rampant  and 
there  was  wide  spread  whooping  cough,  pellagra,  and  measles. 
The  sparse  population  was  politically,  socially,  and  religiously 
conservative.  In  that  setting  and  in  the  World  War  II  years, 
that  Holtville  school  of  approximately  500  students  and  18 
faculty  would  become  one  of  the  nation’s  most  innovative  and 
well-known  progressive  schools. 

Initially,  curricular  and  pedagogical  changes  at  the  Holfc- 
ville  school  began  hesitantly  and  without  benefit  of  any  co- 
herent philosophy  of  education.  Doing  new  things  and  new 
ways  of  doing  old  things  were  begun  in  response  to  specific 
and  immediate  needs,  both  in  the  school  and  in  the  community. 
Slowly,  a philosophy  began  to  emerge  and  by  the  middle  1940’s 
could  be  articulated  as  a consistent  if  admittedly  a very  general 
set  of  theoretical  constructs.  Because  the  philosophy  and  in- 
novative practices  of  the  Holtville  school  were  presented  essen- 
tially in  the  popular  press  and  aimed  at  a low  audience,  inade- 

"Blake  Clark,  "‘Know-How’  at  Holtville,”  The  Rotarian  (May,  1946),  17. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


63 


quate  attention  was  given  in  the  literature  to  concerns  of 
•significance  in  educational  theory.  This  essay  represents  an 
historical  investigation  of  several  of  those  unattended 
namely,  the  factors  which  contributed  to  educational  chanj 
a rather  isolated  school  situated  in  a conservative  community, 
the  relationship  of  the  Holtville  innovations  to  the  broader 
progressive  education  movement  in  America,  and  those  factors 
which  affected  the  decline  of  progressive  practices  and  the  re- 
sumption of  a conventional  curriculum  at  Holtville. 

What  the  popular  press  did  print  was  uniformly  positive 
in  praise  of  the  Holtville  program.  With  that  program,  ac- 
cording to  The  Reader’s  Digest , “the  surplus  energy  of  young 
people  has  been  harnessed  into  a powerful  engine  vitalizing 
the  whole  community.”2  The  Rotarian  claimed  “there’s  a new 
spirit  in  Holtville  . . . [and]  the  boys  and  girls  . . . know  it’s  a 
prosperous,  upstanding  community  because  they’ve  made  it  that 
way  themselves.”3  Life  magazine  published  a four  page  spread 
on  Holtville  High  School,  labeling  the  school  as  a place  that 
“has  completely  taken  a lead  in  all  community  life  by  making 
the  community  a better,  richer  place  in  which  to  live.”4  The 
federal  government  was  so  impressed  with  the  program  that 
the  State  Department’s  Office  of  Education  filmed  “The  Story 
of  Holtville,”  translated  it  into  twelve  languages  and  marked 
it  for  distribution  in  twenty-two  countries  of  Europe  and  South 
America  as  part  of  the  United  States  Cultural  and  Information 
Program.5  Through  such  efforts  by  the  popular  media,  Holt- 
ville attained  fame  without  the  hardships  or  benefits  of  serious 
criticism.  For  a school  as  radically  different  as  Holtville,  there 
existed  in  the  literature  a general  acceptance  or  tolerance  not 
enjoyed  by  other  experimental  progressive  schools  of  that  era. 

2Stuart  Chase,  "Bring  Our  Youngsters  Into  the  Community,”  The  Reader \ Digest, 
XL  (January,  1942),  9. 

3Clark,  "'Know-How’  at  Holtville,”  56. 

‘"Democracy  in  U.S.  Schools:  Holtville,  Ala.,”  Life,  X (January  13,  1941),  68. 

“Bill  Edwards,  "Story  of  Education  in  Holtville  Brings  Student’s  Life  to  Screen, 
The  Birmingham  Post,  October  31,  1947.  A number  of  newspaper  articles  and 
editorials  concerning  the  making  and  showing  of  the  film  "The  Story  of  Holtville 
were  printed  also  in  The  Alabama  Journal  and  The  Montgomery  Adi  er User  in 
1947-48.  The  film  was  made  during  October  and  November,  1947,  by  the  In- 
ternational Motion  Picture  Division,  Office  of  Education  and  Information,  State 
Department,  Washington,  D.C.  A copy  of  the  film,  not  for  distribution,  is 
housed  at  the  Holtville  school. 


64 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


The  Holtville  school  was  marked  for  distinction  even  before 
anyone  thought  of  changing  the  program.  A new  school  build- 
ing was  needed  in  the  mid-1920s,  and  the  county  superintendent 
of  education  and  the  local  board  of  education  requested  the 
counsel  of  the  Alabama  State  Superintendent  of  Education, 
Dr.  Arthur  F.  Harmon.  After  a tour  of  the  school  facilities, 
agreement  was  reached  that  a new  structure  should  be  built. 
Dr.  Harmon  then  took  his  walking  cane  and  in  the  sand  traced 
out  a design  of  a school  he  had  seen  and  admired  on  a trip  he 
had  taken  to  California.  Two  architects  were  present  and 
they  transferred  the  design  to  paper.* 6  Construction  began  soon 
after  that  meeting,  and  the  building  was  completed  in  1929. 

There  was  a striking  incongruity  between  the  new  building 
and  the  physical  appearance  in  the  surrounding  home  dwellings. 
In  describing  the  community  of  Holtville  of  that  era,  Blake 
Clark  noted  “its  unpainted  frame  houses  were  spotted  with  black 
where  weather-beaten  boards  had  rotted.  Dirt  yards  were  dusty 
in  summer  and  muddy  in  winter.  The  inevitable  Chic  Sale 
retreat  leaned  in  the  corner  of  the  barn  lot.”7  In  the  midst 
of  that  stood  the  new  school  — pure  white  stucco  and  of  Spanish 
design.  The  large  central  auditorium  contained  arched  win- 
dows and  large  front  columns  extended  with  the  breezeways, 
leading  to  wings  on  either  side.  One  wing  housed  elementary 
and  the  other  high  school  classrooms,  both  having  small  repro- 
ductions of  the  central  auditorium.  Decorations  of  brown  and 
green  tile  graced  the  front  of  the  building.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  imagine  the  ease  with  which  the  school  became  the  center 
for  community  activity  nor  unreasonable  to  speculate  that  such 
an  imposing  structure  lent  itself  to,  and  actually  encouraged, 
the  development  of  a community-school  concept. 

One  year  before  the  building  was  completed,  two  men  were 
hired  who  would  prove  to  be  critical  to  the  development  of  Holt- 
ville as  a progressive  school.  Historically,  the  success  of  a pro- 
gressive school  seems  to  depend  less  on  the  nature  of  programs 
than  on  the  power  of  certain  personalities  within  the  school. 
For  Holtville,  it  would  be  James  Chrietzberg  as  principal  and 

Florence  C.  Strock  Abrams,  "Stately  White  Spanish  Building,”  The  We  tump  ka 

Herald,  June  20,  1968. 

7Clark,  " 'Know  How’  at  Holtville,”  17. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER.  1978 


85 

John  Formby  as  vocational  agricultural  teacher, 

onstrate  remarkable  dedication  to  a commui 

and  who  would,  by  the  strength  of  their  personalitie  . 1 

a progressive  program  in  a stronghoh  ditical, 

religious  conservatism. 

In  spite  of  what  curriculum  specialists  such  ae  John  I). 
McNeil  have  indicated  recently,  the  program  was  not  associated 
ideologically  with  the  brand  of  social  reconstru  1 

by  such  reformers  as  George  Counts  or  Theodore  Brameld. 
Rather,  the  Holtville  experiment  anticipated  by  several  years 
Life  Adjustment  Education,  and  it  focused  on  key  aspects  of 
that  movement.  The  central  features  of  Life  Adjustment  Edu- 
cation on  which  Holtville  concentrated  were  community  in 
ment  in  school  affairs,  the  need  for  supervised  program  of  work 
experience  for  most  high  school  students  and  the  impoi 
of  ‘‘functional  experiences  in  the  areas  of  practical  arts,  hoi 
and  family  life,  health  and  physical  fitness.  . . 

Having  completed  his  studies  at  Alabama  Polytechnic  In- 
stitute (now  Auburn  University),  John  Formby  arrived  at  Holt- 
ville in  1928.  He  immediately  conducted  a survey  to  determine 
local  needs  in  order  to  delineate  the  methods  by  which  the  school 
might  best  serve  the  community.  Because  the  farming  situa- 
tion was  so  bad,  the  list  of  needs  was  long,  but  a leading  request 
was  for  a threshing  machine.  Oats  was  a Holtville  crop  that 
had  to  be  used  rather  than  marketed  because  no  thresher  was 
available.  Through  the  Farm  Security  Administration,  the 
school  obtained  a loan  and  a thresher  was  purchased.  The 
vocational  agriculture  students  used  the  machine  both  as  a 
learning  experience  and  as  a service  to  the  farmers.  The  small 
fee  charged  for  the  service  was  used  to  repay  the  loan.  The 
students  learned,  the  farmers  profited  and  the  school  made 
money  with  which  to  purchase  other  equipment.  Thereby  began 
a most  incredible  development  where  a school  would  become  not 
only  the  center  of  activity  in  a community  but  also  a major 
industry  for  the  community. 

Farmers  around  Holtville  were  losing  25  per  cent  of  the 

"John  D.  McNeil,  Curriculum  (Boston,  1977),  19-24. 

“United  States  Office  of  Education,  "Life  Adjustment  Education  for  Every  ^outh 
(Washington,  n.d.),  17,  found  in  Lawrence  A.  Cremin,  The  Tran*  for  mat, on  of 
the  School  (New  York,  1961),  3 35. 


66 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


meat  they  slaughtered  because  of  inadequate  processing.  The 
school  built  the  first  refrigeration  plant,  quick  freeze  room, 
and  locker  storage  in  the  area.  Alternative  ways  of  preserving 
meat  were  also  available  to  the  farmers  through  the  school. 
Mr.  Formby  noted  that  the  services  provided  were  thorough  — 
“We  would  kill  the  hog,  chill  him  out,  cut  him  up,  cure  him, 
smoke  the  meat  and  give  the  product  back  to  the  farmer  here 
as  a finished  product.”10  In  one  year,  the  students  handled 
about  95,000  pounds  of  pork  and  6,000  pounds  of  beef,  serving 
655  customers.11  In  a typical  month,  the  boys  would  spray  5,000 
orchard  trees  with  a school-owned  power  sprayer,  contour  plow 
100  acres  of  farm  land  with  three  school-owned  tractors,12  and 
hatch  and  sell  over  3,000  chicks  from  the  school-owned  hatch- 
ery.13 The  girls,  under  the  supervision  of  the  home  economics 
teacher,  Mrs.  Holt,  ran  a fully  functioning  tannery  plant  that 
had  been  scavenged  from  a defunct  federal  relief  project.  They 
were  able  to  process  over  10,000  cans  of  meat,  fruits  and  vege- 
tables a summer.14  Other  profitable  community  services  that 
doubled  as  vocational  training  included  a school  barber  shop, 
a beauty  parlor,  a farm  repair  shop,  a print  shop,  and  electrical 
wiring  done  on  contract.  In  the  science  clashes  the  students 
developed,  packaged,  and  marketed  hand  cream,  tooth  powder, 
corn,  and  varnish  remover.  A community  recreational  center 
was  created  at  the  school  and  the  most  popular  activites  were 
bowling  on  a student-constructed  alley  and  attending  a student- 
operated  movie.  These  and  other  profitable  ventures  required 
the  establishment  of  a student-run  bank  that  would  transact 
business  up  to  $750  per  day.15 

These  projects  were  intended  as  learning  experiences  and 

Taken  from  a tape  recording  of  the  author’s  interview  with  Mr.  John  Formby  in 
^Holtville,  Alabama,  March  20,  1978,  hereafter  cited  as  Formby  interview. 
Whilden  Wallace,  James  Chrietzberg,  and  Verner  M.  Sims,  The  Story  of  Holtville 
(Deatsville,  Alabama:  Holtville  High  School  Press,  1944),  150.  This  paperbound 
book  is  a narrative  account  of  what  happened  at  Holtville  during  the  experi- 
mental years,  written  in  story  form  and  using  data  from  a 1942  Faculty  Report 
to  the  Director  of  the  Southern  Study.  The  authors  felt  that  the  Faculty  Report 
was  too  technical  and  they  wanted  to  tell  the  Holtville  story  in  a more  readable 
fashion. 

“Ibid.,  112. 

^Maxine  Davis,  "Lots  Goes  On  Here,”  Country  Gentleman  (March,  1941),  67. 
Wallace  et  al.,  The  Story  of  Holtville,  147. 

15 Ibid .,  57. 


SPRING  and.  SUMMER,  1978  G7 

vocational  training,  but  they  also  allowed  a significant  ary 

return  for  the  purchase  of  school  equipment,  materials,  and 
construction.  However,  such  returns  were  inadequate  for 
needs  of  a school  that  provided  community  services  requiring 
very  expensive  equipment  and  a construction  program  that 
created  a ten-building  campus.  To  support  these  activities,  the 
administration  and  faculty  allowed  no  opportunity  to  escape 
their  attention  in  the  constant  search  for  sources  of  funding. 
Obviously,  some  monies  came  from  state  and  county  appropria- 
tions. Further,  the  Southern  Association  of  Colleges  and  Sec- 
ondary Schools  provided  assistance.  But  Holtville  pressed  be- 
yond these  typical  agencies  to  demonstrate  unusual  resource- 
fulness in  finding  what  they  needed.  For  example,  the  school 
initiated  several  projects  jointly  with  the  National  Youth  Ad- 
ministration, and  these  efforts  paid  off  not  only  in  programs 
and  material  but  also  in  substantial  on-campus  building  and 
construction.  Aid  was  sought  by  the  school  from  a number 
of  federal  agricultural  programs,  and  loans  were  obtained  from 
the  Federal  Security  Administration  at  3 per  cent  interest. 
As  the  following  vignette  should  illustrate,  obtaining  materials 
could  require  also  grit  and  tenacity: 

United  States  Senator  from  Alabama,  Lister  Hill,  had  suc- 
cessfully introduced  a bill  in  Congress  that  allowed  Army  sur- 
plus materials  to  be  donated  to  schools.  Mr.  Formby  repeatedly 
visited  area  Army  bases  in  hopes  of  getting  vocational  equip- 
ment and  was  repeatedly  turned  away,  in  some  cases  without 
even  making  it  past  the  post  gate.  He  reported  this  to  a com- 
munity resource  group,  and  they  promptly  bought  him  a train 
ticket  to  Washington,  D.C.  His  best  contact  was  Senator  Hill 
himself,  a Senator  chagrined  that  people  from  his  own  state 
were  not  being  assisted  by  his  bill.  He  sent  Mr.  Formby  directly 
to  the  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  United  States  Army  who  personally 
called  the  Chief  of  Staff,  Fifth  Army,  Atlanta  Headquarters,  to 
say  that  he  was  sending  a gentleman  from  Holtville,  Alabama, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  surplus  equipment  and,  he  added 
a little  testily  for  emphasis,  “if  you  don’t  have  what  he  wants, 
you  help  him  find  it.” 

When  Mr.  Formby  arrived  in  Atlanta,  the  Army  staff  was, 
in  his  words,  “looking  for  him.”  The  initial  contact  produced 


68 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


four  large  tractor-trailer  loads  of  equipment.  The  school  eventu- 
ally received,  under  the  provisions  of  the  bill,  a brand  new  crank 
shaft  grinding  machine,  twelve  gas-driven  electric  welders,  and 
fourteen  electric-driven  electric  welders.  For  building  dams, 
fish  ponds,  and  watering  holes,  they  obtained  two  draglines, 
an  angledozer,  a bulldozer,  ditching  machine,  road  patrol,  and 
a large  tractor-trailer  for  transportation  of  the  earth  moving 
equipment.  The  spectacular  result  of  such  enterprising  ways 
was  a school  that  was  able  to  make  available  to  a poverty  ridden 
community  the  services  of  its  youth,  using  equipment  that  in 
the  1940s  was  valued  at  one-half  million  dollars.10. 

Granted,  all  activities  noted  thus  far  are  associated  with 
vocational  education.  Such  involvements  may  be  necessary, 
but  they  certainly  are  not  sufficient  to  warrant  a label  of  pro- 
gressivism  generally  or  Life  Adjustment  Education  specifically. 
In  fact,  until  the  late  1930s,  the  Holtville  school  remained  dis- 
tinctly non-progre&sive  in  substantial  ways.  There  were  regu- 
lar classroom  tests,  subject-centered  teaching,  standardized  ex- 
aminations, report  cards,  letter  grades,  and  a highly  structured 
school  schedule.  A legitimate  date  to  mark  the  turning  point 
of  Holtville’s  commitment  to  progressive  education  is  1938  when 
the  faculty  initiated  broad-based  curriculum  reform.  However, 
the  establishment  of  a context  whereby  that  reform  could  take 
place  had  been  nurtured  through  the  activities  of  a decade. 
Namely,  the  faculty  under  Chrietzberg  had  gained  acceptance 
by,  and  the  confidence  of,  the  community  at  large.  The  beauty 
and  spaciousness  of  the  physical  plant  itself  encouraged  a com- 
munity-school concept.  The  vocational  efforts  received  “good 
press,”  and  the  community  took  pride  in  such  notoriety  and 
hoped  it  would  continue.  People  in  Holtville  had  grown  com- 
fortable with  the  idea  that  education  could  affect  directly  the 
physical  conditions  and  life-style  of  the  community  itself.  Most 
important,  members  of  the  community  had  grown  accustomed 
to  the  presence  of  educational  change.  These  were  the  factors 
that  set  the  context  for,  and  gave  impetus  to,  the  establishment 
of  Holtville  as  a progressive  school.  The  event  that  sparked 
curriculum  reform  in  1938  was  the  invitation  to  the  Holtville 
school  to  participate  in  an  experimental  project  conducted  by 
the  Southern  Association  of  Colleges  and  Secondary  Schools. 

16Formby  interview. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER  1978 


69 

The  Southern  Association  Study  in  Secondai 
Colleges,  known  as  the  Southern  Study,  was  the  work  of  the 
Commission  on  Curricular  Problems  and  R 
tablished  in  1935  by  the  Southern  Association  of  Colleges  and 
Secondary  Schools.  Although 

on  a state-wide  basis  had  been  going  on  in  tl  • 1929 

no  large  scale  “controlled  experimental  inn'  had 
on  a regional  level.17  Some  southern  educators  had  been  pro- 
voked that  the  South  was  not  represented  ii  tl 
Study  instituted  by  the  Progressive  Educi 
1932.  The  Southern  Study  was  to  some  extent  an  attempt  to 
rectify  that  omission.  A number  of  Eight-Year  Study  person- 
nel were  used  in  a variety  of  ways,  and  the  successes  and  fail- 
ures of  the  Eight-Year  Study  were  constantly  monitor* 
advantage  of  the  Southern  Study.18  Although  the  Southern 
Study  eventually  deviated  from  the  format  of  the  Eight-Year 
Study,  the  similarities  were  substantial. 

The  Commission  on  Curricular  Problems  and  Research  se 
lected  as  participants  thirty-three  Southern  schools  and  work 
began  in  1938.  For  the  faculties  and  schools  involved,  the 
Commission  supplied  financial  assistance  and  expertise  for 
workshops  and  conferences,  scholarships  and  grants-in-aid.  on- 
site consultantships,  and  summer  programs  at  Southern  institu- 
tions of  higher  learning.  New  educational  practices  were  to  be 
developed  largely  fry  the  local  participants,  and  each  school  was 
expected  to  create  a unique  program  of  reform.  Early  in  1938 
Holtville  was  selected  as  a Southern  Study  School  and  that  sum- 
mer James  Chrietzberg,  along  with  three  of  his  teachers,  at- 
tended a six- week  Southern  Study  workshop  at  Vanderbilt 
University.19  A commitment  to  progressive  reform  at  Holtville 
was  thereby  formally  established. 

Over  a period  of  time  and  after  a good  deal  of  committee 
and  individual  study,  a consensus  evolved  on  the  part  of  the 
Holtville  faculty 


l7Frank  Jenkins,  Druzilla  Kent,  Verner  Sims,  and  Eugene  Waters,  Cooperative 
Study  for  the  Improvement  of  Education,”  Southern  Association  Quarterly , X 
(February,  1946),  12. 
y*lbid.,  25. 

'"Wallace  et  al .,  The  Story  of  Holtville,  160. 


70 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


. . . that  personality  growth  and  development,  health 
and  physical  development,  economic  well-being,  the 
ability  to  solve  the  many  commonplace  problems  around 
the  school,  in  the  home,  and  the  community,  and  simi- 
lar problems  should  be  the  real  aims  of  education.20 

Because  of  the  precedent  set  by  and  success  of  the  vocational 
efforts  prior  to  1938,  the  progressive  orientation  continued 
throughout  the  1940s  to  focus  on  using  the  school  to  improve 
the  physical,  economic,  social  and  recreational  conditions  in  the 
community. 

With  the  assistance  of  Southern  Association  consultants, 
summer  workshops  for  the  faculty  and  help  from  the  state  col- 
lege at  Auburn,  a curriculum  model  developed  at  Holtville  on 
the  secondary  school  level  that  was  unique,  radically  progressive, 
and  highly  individualized.  Each  student,  with  parental  assist- 
ance, selected  a vocation  or  a generalized  goal  that  became  “the 
focal  point  for  his  learning  and  all  his  courses  (were)  pointed 
at  it.”21  It  was  on  the  basis  of  that  vocation  or  goal  that  the 
student  selected  an  advisor  from  among  the  teachers. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  school  year,  the  student 
worked  closely  with  the  advisor  on  developing  a plan  of  study 
for  the  next  year.  Always  keeping  in  mind  the  general  goal 
and  previous  skills  attained,  provisions  were  made  through  the 
plan  to  further  refine  and  give  direction  to  learning.  When 
school  resumed  in  September,  plans  were  solidified  in  terms 
of  specifying  the  organized  groups  and  activities  in  which  the 
individual  would  participate.  By  1943,  there  were  119  different 
groups  and  activities,  ranging  from  the  traditional  algebra, 
chemistry,  and  Spanish  to  the  more  non-traditional  gardening, 
sewing,  and  salesmanship  groups.22 

The  school  day  was  organized  around  four,  ninety-minute 
blocks.  This  arrangement  gave  some  basic  structure  for  plan- 
ning, but  the  blocks  lasted  long  enough  to  allow  for  a great 

“James  Chrietzberg,  "A  Rural  High  School  and  its  Community,”  Southern  Associa- 
tion Quarterly,  III,  (August,  1939),  469. 

Milbrey  Frazer  Covert,  "A  Report  on  Holtville,”  Southern  Agriculturist  (January, 
1948)  19. 

“Wallace  et  al.,  The  Story  of  Holtville,  32-33. 


71 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 

deal  of  flexible  scheduling  of  individual  programs.  Each  day 
the  student  planned  specific  activities  for  those  blocks  of  time 
to  meet  both  his  or  her  intermediate  as  well  as  long-range 
goals. 

In  the  home  room,  the  teacher  examined  each  student’s 
plans,  helping  to  see  that  he  had  a balanced  day  if  at 
all  possible  — some  indoor  work,  some  outdoor  work; 
a certain  amount  of  study,  something  requiring  the  use 
of  the  hands ; some  individual  work,  some  group  work ; 
a reasonable  amount  of  play;  some  service  to  other 
people,  some  work  on  personal  goals.23 

Serious  attempts  were  made  to  interrelate  activities.  For 
example,  the  creation  of  a plan  of  study  was  itself  used  as  an 
exercise  in  writing  skills  and  the  document  was  checked  care- 
fully by  an  English  teacher.  This  procedure  was  also  used 
with  project  proposals,  whether  group  or  individual.  In  the 
area  of  mathematics,  the  actual  problems  that  boys  encountered 
in  their  farming  efforts  required  computation  skills,  and  mathe- 
matics was  thus  learned  as  a real-life  activity.  The  science 
of  nutrition  was  learned  and  the  diets  of  families  improved  as 
home  economics  students  were  assigned  projects  for  planning 
and  preparing  well-balanced  meals.  Whenever  possible,  subject 
matter  was  to  be  learned  through  working  on  actual  life  prob- 
lems. 

One  difficulty  faced  by  every  progressive  school  involved 
the  process  of  student  evaluation.  The  traditional  practice  of 
periodically  rating  students  by  use  of  letter  grades  was  incon- 
gruent  with  the  entire  progressive  mode  of  the  Holtville  school. 
Therefore  a system  of  reporting  was  devised  in  which  oach 
student  completed  a written  self-evaluation  approximately  every 
six  weeks.  This  report  included  a statement  of  aims  in  terms 
of  personality  growth,  social  learning,  and  academics  along  with 
an  itemized  account  of  accomplishments.  The  report  was  in- 
cluded in  a folder  containing  samples  of  the  student’s  work  and 
a detailed  written  evaluation  of  the  student  by  the  teachers. 
The  folder  was  shared  with  the  parents  who  were  themselves 
encouraged  to  enter  comments.  Further,  provisions  were  made 


,3Ibid.t  63. 


72 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


for  program  and  faculty  evaluations  by  the  students. 

As  was  the  case  with  the  Eight- Year  Study,  the  college 
bound  student  from  Holtville  did  not  seem  to  be  hampered  aca- 
demically by  the  flexible  scheduling,  self-directed  learning,  and 
interrelating  of  subject  matter.  Of  course,  the  sample  size  from 
Holtville  was  too  small  to  warrant  generalizations  or  infer  sub- 
stantive conclusions.  For  example  the  class  of  1942  had  only 
six  people  out  of  sixty-two  graduates  go  on  to  college.24  How- 
ever, those  who  did  go  to  college  during  the  years  of  the  South- 
ern Study  did  extremely  well.  Discussing  that  era,  Blake  Clark 
notes  that  “a  comparative  record  of  Alabama  high  school  grad- 
uates in  various  colleges  shows  that  Holtville  High  boys  and 
girls  were  first  one  year,  and  always  rank  in  the  top  quarter.”25 
Further,  Mr.  Chrietzberg  reported  that  standard  achievement 
and  ability  test  scores  were  unaffected  by  the  switch  to  progres- 
sive techniques.26 

Holtville  was  at  its  peak  as  an  innovative  and  progressive 
school  when  the  Southern  Study  ended  in  1944.  The  school  had 
achieved  national  acclaim,  and  the  community  that  supported 
it  had  itself  been  revitalized.  A beautification  program  initiated 
and  sustained  by  the  students  had  given  the  homes  and  yards 
a new  and  brighter  look.  Agricultural  education  and  home 
economics  had  changed  radically  the  diets  provided  in  the  homes 
and  the  earning  power  of  the  farms  themselves.  School  services 
in  the  area  of  health  and  dental  care  also  affected  positively  the 
physical  well-being  of  Holtville  students.  Community  recrea- 
tion was  centered  in  the  school.  Most  important,  students  were 
given  substantial  responsibility  for  directing  their  own  educa- 
tion although  the  atmosphere  of  the  school  certainly  provided 
pressure  for  organizing  learning  around  the  world  of  work. 

The  Holtville  school  could  have  served  as  a model  for  the 
Life  Adjustment  Education  movement  that  developed  in  the 
late  1940s.  Ironically,  the  articulation  of  a progressive  philoso- 
phy at  Holtville  emerged  as  a result  of  initiating  certain  educa- 
tional practices  while  the  prime  task  of  Life  Adjustment  Edu- 

™lbid.,  141. 

Blake  Clark,  'Holtville  Youth  Leads  the  Way,”  Readers  Digest  (June,  1946),  68. 
'6Wallace  et  al.,  The  Story  of  Holtville,  76. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


cation  was  one  of  “translating  conventional  progressive  wisdom 
into  contemporary  educational  practices.”-7  Of  furth 
the  experimental  programs  at  Holtville  were  slowly  being  dis- 
mantled as  Life  Adjustment  Education  wa- 
in his  dissertation  entitled  “The  Eight-Year  Study  — 

Years  Later/’  Frederick  Redefer  reported  that  little  remained 
of  any  experimental  programs  in  all  thirty  high  schools  that 
participated  in  the  Eight-Year  Study.28  Progressive  schools 
generally  have  a way  of  returning  to  that  which  is  conventional. 
Holtville  was  to  be  no  exception.  Some  of  the  factors  that 
contributed  to  the  decline  of  that  experimental  program  are 
common  to  those  that  advanced  the  loss  of  the  national  pro-' 
gressive  education  movement.  Other  factors  are  unique  to  the 
Holtville  experience. 

Two  devastating  events,  both  fires,  played  a major  role 
in  crippling  the  service  function  of  the  Holtville  school  to  the 
community.  The  first  fire  occurred  in  1945,  destroying  the 
refrigeration  plant,  hatchery,  canning  plant,  dehydration  plant, 
printing  press,  and  dark  room.  Damage  was  estimated  at 
$75,000  and  the  school  had  no  insurance  against  such  a loss.*'’ 
Money  was  borrowed  and  the  facilities  were  rebuilt  and  a fire 
engine  purchased.  In  1949,  a fire  started  in  the  wood  shop, 
-spread  to  the  machine  shop,  the  automobile  mechanic  shop,  the 
quick  freeze  plant,  the  canning  plant  and  the  grist  mill.  The 
estimated  damage  this  time  was  $250, 000.80  To  add  humiliation 
to  the  loss,  the  fire  truck  stood  with  a dead  battery  outside 
the  building  that  housed  the  automobile  mechanic  shop  and  it- 
self was  burned.  Again,  some  rebuilding  was  done  but  it  was 
that  second  fire,  according  to  Mr.  Formby,  that  disabled  the  vo- 
cational aspects  of  the  program  in  a substantial  way.’1  Further, 
small  businesses  were  developing  in  Elmore  County  which 
lessened  the  need  for  the  school’s  involvement  in  serv  ice  areas. 
Some  of  these  activities  were  begun  as  a part  of  the  school 
program  and  then  sold  to  private  ownership,  e.g.,  a wood  work- 
ing plant  that  provided  forty-five  jobs  in  the  community.12 

*7Cremin,  The  Transformation  of  the  School,  3 35. 
tsIbid.,  256. 

i9Covert,  "A  Report  on  Holtville.” 

“"Famous  Holtville  High  is  Burned,”  The  Birmingham  Post  (May  12,  1949),  1. 
!1Formby  interview. 

“Film,  "The  Story  of  Holtville.” 


74 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


It  is  clear  also  that  there  was  never  any  intention  of  sus- 
taining all  of  the  innovations  created  during  the  period  of  the 
Southern  study.  It  was,  as  Mr.  Chrietzberg’s  daughter,  Mrs. 
Florence  Abrams,  stressed,  an  experimental  study.  She  also 
pointed  out  that  the  easy  access  was  diminished  to  material  for 
the  school  from  the  military.33  Further,  many  of  the  experi- 
mental programs  ran  counter  to  Alabama  State  Department  of 
Education  regulations,  and  it  is  a credit  to  that  agency  that 
they  released  Holtville  from  such  requirements  during  the  pe- 
riod of  the  Southern  Study.34  However,  these  special  arrange- 
ments which  had  allowed  Holtville  tremendous  latitude  for 
experimentation  could  not  be  continued  indefinitely. 

Many  of  the  teachers  in  the  1930s  and  1940s  were  single 
and  boarded  out  in  the  community  or  lived  in  the  teacherage 
on  the  school  grounds.  As  Mrs.  Abrams  pointed  out,  the  school 
and  the  community  were  their  chief  concerns  and  they  were 
willing  to  focus  all  their  time  and  energy  on  the  experimental 
program.35  The  teaching  profession  was  changing  after  World 
War  II  in  such  a way  that  such  singularity  of  purpose,  even  in 
rural  settings,  was  no  longer  typical. 

The  national  conservative  swing  in  the  1950s  extended 
to  the  state  of  Alabama  and  that  may  be  the  most  significant 
factor  affecting  the  decline  of  the  experimental  program  at 
Holtville.  In  Alabama,  the  conservative  reaction  was  coalesced 
through  an  election  for  a State  Superintendent  of  Education. 

W.  J.  Terry  rode  the  crest  of  the  conservative  swing 
and  campaigned  for  the  state  superintendency  on  the 
promise  to  return  the  schools  to  quality  education  of 
former  times  when  education  meant  the  development 
of  the  intellect  through  the  subject  matter  disciplines. 
Though  he  avoided  the  typical  polemics  against  pro- 
gressive education,  his  message  was  clear  and  his  cam- 
paign successful.  He  became  Alabama’s  State  Super- 
intendent of  Education  in  1951.36 

Taken  from  a tape  recording  of  the  author’s  interview  with  Mrs.  Florence  Abrams 
in  Montgomery,  Alabama,  February  21,  1978,  hereafter  cited  as  Abrams  interview. 
MFilm,  "The  Story  of  Holtville.” 

“5Abrams  interview. 

^William  B.  Lauderdale,  "A  Progressive  Era  for  Education  in  Alabama  (1935- 
1951)  ” The  Alabama  Historical  Quarterly , XXXVII,  (Spring,  1975),  61. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


Key  personnel  that  supported  progressive  programs  left  the 
State  Department  of  Education.  A new  State  Course  of  Study 
was  written  reflecting  an  extremely  conservative  philosoph>  of 
education.  There  was  an  influx  of  people  into  Elmore  County 
in  the  1950s  who  supported  strongly  the  conservative  reaction 
that  was  evident  state-wide.  County-wide,  there  developed  a 
diminishing  vocational  orientation  to  the  lay  public’s  expecta- 
tion of  the  school  and  an  expanding  need  for  assurances  that 
the  young  people  were  learning  the  basics.07 

By  the  time  Mr.  Chrietzberg  retired  in  1959,  the  school  that 
he  had  led  to  national  acclaim  and  notoriety  for  its  radical 
innovations  had  settled  into  a rather  conventional  mode  with 
a fairly  conservative  curriculum.  Mr.  Chrietzberg  did  not  find 
this  disillusioning.  He  had  started  the  experimental  program 
as  a response  to  the  needs  and  desires  of  the  local  community 
and  to  the  principle  of  local  control  he  held  true  when  his  school 
became  conservative. 

The  Holtville  School  still  stands  as  a remarkable  structure 
in  what  remains  a very  rural  county  in  Alabama.  The  main 
building  has  recently  been  added  to  the  Alabama  Register  of 
Landmarks  and  Heritage  and  so  funds  may  now  be  available 
for  much  needed  repairs.  More  important,  such  registration 
insures  preservation.  In  spite  of  all  the  new  school  plant  ad- 
vantages with  modular  designs,  open  spaces,  and  movable  walls, 
there  is  something  very  special  about  the  character  of  a build- 
ing with  solid  brass  thresholds  beneath  entrance  doors  which 
hang  below  arched  sixteen-paned  windows  and  lead  to  hallways 
with  high  ceilings,  wainscoting,  ant  reaky  hardwood  floors. 

Demographic  changes  continue  to  occur  in  the  Holtville 
community.  There  is  a decreasing  proportion  of  families  who 
make  their  living*  solely  by  farming.  People  who  work  in 
Montgomery  and  even  Birmingham  are  moving  into  the  county 
to  escape  city  life  and  often  to  build  on  lake  property  provided 
by  the  back  waters  of  Jordan  Dam.  The  migration  allows  for 
increasing  social  and  economic  heterogeneity  and  diversity  of 
thought,  belief,  and  value  systems. 

37Taken  from  a tape  recording  of  the  author’s  interview  with  the  present  principal 
of  the  Holtville  school,  Mr.  William  Earnest,  in  Holtville,  Alabama,  March  20, 
1978. 


76 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


The  school  continues  to  serve  grades  one  through  twelve, 
and  there  are  now  enrolled  slightly  more  than  1,000  students. 
The  curriculum  is  single  tracked  and  the  only  evidence  of  a 
vocational  program  is  in  the  area  of  industrial  arts,  which  can 
be  taken  as  an  elective.  The  school  is  still  used  consistently  as 
a meeting  place  for  community  organizations.  Unfortunately 
but  unavoidably,  the  central  auditorium  has  been  turned  into 
classroom  space,  and  this  arrangement  has  curbed  substantially 
the  kinds  of  programs  that  the  school  can  accommodate.  Prin- 
cipal William  Earnest  hopes  to  re-establish  the  auditorium  in 
the  next  several  years  for  school  and  community  events. 
The  most  obvious  and  significant  change  from  the  progres- 
sive era  is  that  the  student  body  is  now  19  per  cent  black. 
All  of  the  students  see  “The  Story  of  Holtville,,  and  a substan- 
tial number  of  white  children  can  identify  relatives  and  other 
members  of  the  community  who  had  roles  in  the  film.  Through 
the  film  and  from  the  parents  many  -students  come  to  know 
that  the  Holtville  school  has  an  important  heritage.  It  would 
be  interesting  to  know  if  that  affects  even  partially  the  atmos- 
phere of  the  school.38 


My  wife,  Vicki,  and  I have  consistent  and  frequent  contact  with  public  schools  in 
Alabama,  and  Holtville  to  us  had  a very  special  feeling.  There  seems  to  be  an 
absence  of  any  racial  tensions,  and  the  students  appear  unusually  relaxed,  ex- 
tremely pleasant  and  considerate.  They  smile  and  speak  to  strangers  who  pass,  and 
they  perform  simple  courtesies  willingly  and  with  ease.  If  their  behavior  in  the 
school  does  not  come  from  the  knowledge  of  its  history,  such  behavior  certainly 
seems  a tribute  to  it. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER.  1978 


®l*  \\ topic  of 

Tallapoosa  County,  (Alabama, 

ani>  ttje 

^iforsesljoe  £ienh  Rattle  (Anniversary 
Commission 

extend  gou  an  earnest  anh  corbial  invitation 
to  be  present  at  tbje  site  of  tt]c 

Rattle  (§rounb,  ttnelbe  miles  norilj  of  JlabrOille, 

on  J&aturim^,  4,  1914, 

at  10:00  o’clock  a.  m. 
for  tf|c  celebration  of  tlje 

(Due  JfunbreMl]  (Anniversary  of  the 
Rattle  of  ^forsesl|oe  ££eni>, 

fought  between  tl]e  American  forces 
ani)  tf|e 
Creek  3nirians 

at  tijat  point,  on  ^fHarrlj  27,  1814 


78 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


THE  CENTENNIAL  CELEBRATION  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF 
HORSESHOE  BEND 

by 

Paul  A.  Ghioto 

When  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Horse- 
shoe Bend,  the  final  battle  of  the  Creek  Indian  War,  was  ob- 
served on  Saturday  July  4,  1914,  more  people  visited  the  battle 
site  than  on  any  previous  occasion  — or  any  date  since.  The 
crowd  that  festive  summer  day  was  estimated  at  being  from 
eight  to  ten  thousand  people. 

Planning  for  the  big  event  first  began  in  March,  1907 
when  Decatur  banker  Samuel  Sinclair  Broadus  visited  the  his- 
toric peninsula  in  Tallapoosa  County.  Aware  of  the  battle’s 
national  significance,  he  pressed  the  Alabama  Legislature  for 
creation  of  a special  committee  to  plan  a proper  centennial 
celebration. 

Accepting  Sinclair’s  arguments,  the  Legislature  established 
the  Horseshoe  Bend  Battle  Anniversary  Commission  on  Au- 
gust 6,  1907,  and  appropriated  a sum  of  $2500.00  for  expenses. 
Members  of  the  original  Commission  (who  served  without  pay) 
were  as  follows:  chairman,  Gov.  Braxton  Bragg  Comer;  sec- 
retary, Dr.  Thomas  McAdory  Owen,  Director  of  the  Ala.  Dept, 
of  Archives  and  History;  Samuel  Blount  Brewer,  Tuskegee; 
Thomas  Lafayette  Bulger,  Dadeville;  John  William  Overton, 
Wedowee ; Felix  L.  Smith,  Rockford ; and  James  William 
Strother,  Dadeville. 

The  Commission  met  formally  for  the  first  time  in  Febru- 
ary, 1909.  On  July  3,  1909,  it  sponsored  a holiday  picnic  at 
Horseshoe  Bend.  This  occasion  laid  the  groundwork  for  the 
greater  festivities  to  come  five  years  later.  Governor  Comer, 
Commission  of  Agriculture  and  Industries  J.  A.  Wilkinson,  and 
Fifth  District  U.  S.  Congressman  J.  Thomas  Heflin  were  prin- 
cipal speakers.1 


1 Tallapoosa  Courier,  (Camp  Hill,  Ala.)  Thursday  July  8,  1909.  On  file  in  Talla- 
poosa County  Courthouse. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


79 


The  nucleus  of  the  present  Horseshoe  Bend  National  Mili- 
tary Park  was  acquired  by  the  Commission  on  January  18.  1911 
when  it  bought  5.1  acres  of  land  for  the  sum  of  one  dollar 
Mrs.  Nora  E.  Miller  of  Dadeville.  Mrs.  Miller,  st  torian 

for  the  recently  formed  U.  S.  Society  of  the  D aught  i u, 

was  an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  the  battlefield  for  national 
park  status.  In  the  deed  of  sale  she  had  written  that  if  a momi 
ment  to  Andrew  Jackson’s  victorious  army  was  not  erected  on 
the  Gun  Hill  acreage  within  four  years,  that  the  land  would 
revert  to  her  possession.2 


To  prevent  this,  Representative  Heflin  sought  passage  of  a 
monument  bill.  On  April  2,  1914,  the  63rd  Congress  authorized 
the  appropriation  of  $5000.00  for  a suitable  memorial  stone  to 
mark  the  spot  where  Jackson's  force  broke  forever  the  power 
of  the^  Creek  Nation.3 

The  actual  centennial  of  the  battle  was  observed  on 
March  27,  1914  at  the  county  courthouse  in  Dadeville  when, 
following  the  customary  speechmaking,  a bronze  plaque  was 
unveiled.  The  inscription,  in  part,  reads : “This  tablet  is  placed 
by  Tallapoosa  County  in  commemoration  of  the  One  hundredth 
anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Horseshoe  Bend  fought  within  its 
limits  on  March  27,  1814.  There  the  Creek  Indians,  led  by 
Menawa  and  Other  Chiefs,  were  defeated  . . . This  battle  . . . 
brought  peace  to  the  Southern  frontier  and  made  possible  the 
speedy  opening  up  of  a large  part  of  the  State  of  Alabama 
to  civilization.”4 

The  greater  anniversary  observance  was  scheduled  for 
Saturday,  July  4th,  As  the  date  approached,  preparations  began 
in  earnest. 

2Deed,  Mrs.  Nora  E.  Miller  to  Horseshoe  Bend  Battle  Anniversary  Commission.  Janu- 
ary 18,  1911.  Copy  on  file  at  Horseshoe  Bend  National  Military  Park. 

3U.  S.  Congress,  House,  An  Act  to  appropriate  $5000  to  erect  a suitable  monument 
at  the  battle  ground  at  the  Horse  Shoe,  on  the  Tallapoosa  River , in  the  State  of 
Alabama.  Pub.  L.  79,  63rd  Cong.,  1st  sess.,  H.  R.  9671,  Sunday  Cii  il  Appropria 
tions  Act.  Statutes  at  Large  Vol.  XXXVIII,  636.  Made  of  unpolished  North 
Carolina  granite,  the  Congressional  Monument  was  erected  on  the  battlefield  in 
August,  1918  and  formally  transferred  from  the  War  Department  to  the  State  of 
Alabama  on  November  11. 

Trogram  and  Order  of  Exercises,  celebration  of  Battle’s  One  Hundrcdtn  Anniver- 
sary by  Tallapoosa  County,  March  27,  1914. 


80 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


J.  B.  Rylance,  Dadeville,  headed  the  Commission’s  Trans- 
portation Committee.  Roads  were  not  the  best  then  and  his 
job  was  not  an  easy  one. 

On  May  29,  he  suggested  in  a newspaper  article  that  “in 
order  to  avoid  confusion  and  accidents  on  July  4th  . . . auto- 
mobile drivers  are  earnestly  requested  . . . not  to  use  the  state 
highway  between  Dadeville  and  a point  one  mile  south  of 
Miller’s  Bridge.”  Wagons  and  buggy  drivers  were  allowed  to 
use  the  state  highway.  Rylance  promised  that  the  alternate 
route  would  be  “marked  and  in  good  condition.” 

On  June  5,  and  again  on  the  12th  he  advertised  for  rental 
of  fifty  wagons,  surreys  and  automobiles  to  transport  visitors 
to  Horseshoe  Bend  on  July  4th.  Good  pay  was  offered. 

Rylance  advised  all  overnight  visitors  who  wished  hotel  ac- 
commodations in  Dadeville  to  telegraph  ahead  and  obtain  reser- 
vations. Townspeople  were  also  asked  to  help  provide  housing 
for  the  hundreds  of  guests  expected. 

The  week  before  the  celebration,  Rylance  travelled  to  Mont- 
gomery and  on  his  return  placed  flags  at  strategic  road  points 
to  direct  travellers  to  Horseshoe  Bend.  Those  coming  by  auto- 
mobile from  the  capital  were  to  come  by  way  of  Tallassee.5 

On  the  battlefield,  a speaker’s  stand  was  erected,  and  Mrs. 
Miller,  who  owned  the  surrounding  fields,  ordered  them  cleared 
for  the  occasion.  By  Friday  morning,  July  3,  visitors  were 
already  beginning  to  arrive  and  set  up  camp  for  the  night. 

Montgomery  Advertiser  reporter  Paul  Stevenson  was  in 
Dadeville  Friday  night  and  filed  the  following  report:  “All 

Dadeville  is  aglow  tonight  and  ail  offices,  stores,  and  residences 
are  bedecked  in  flags  and  bunting.  Japanese  lanterns  are  swing- 
ing in  all  parts  of  town  and  the  place  is  imbued  with  true 
holiday  spirit.  All  trains  into  Dadeville  tonight  were  met  by 
automobiles  and  visitors  were  spirited  to  their  respective  hotels.” 

That  evening  Governor  and  Mrs.  Emmett  O’Neal,  and  their 
daughter  Olivia,  were  the  principal  guests  at  a reception  given 


8Dadeville  Spot  Cash , May  29,  June  5,  12,  July  3,  1914. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


31 


by  the  Tohopeka  Chapter,  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, at  the  Tallapoosa  County  High  School  building.  A heavy 
rain  fell  and  forced  the  punch  bowls  and  handshaking  inside 
from  the  front  lawn  but  did  not  dampen  the  merriment  of  those 
who  crowded  into  the  hall  and  auditorium.  Music  was  furn- 
ished by  the  East  Alabama  Boys  Industrial  School  Band. 

At  early  light  on  Saturday  morning,  “automobiles,  wagons 
and  every  other  description  of  conveyance  . . . kept  up  a steady 
procession  out  of  town”  for  the  battlefield.6 

One  family  journeyed  by  wagon  from  Reeltown,  35  miles 
to  the  south.  Having  left  home  at  about  3 a.m.,  they  finally 
arrived  at  eleven.  Then,  later  that  same  day,  they  began  the 
return  trip. 

Mrs.  Nora  Blankenship  Gunn  came  from  Equality,  Alabama. 
She  recalled  in  1978  how  her  father,  W.  M.  Blankenship,  had 
promised  to  take  the  family  to  the  celebration  if  everyone 
“worked  real  hard”  in  the  meantime.  She  remembers  that  “it 
had  not  rained  in  eleven  weeks”  — everyone  said,  “you  can’t 
get  there  in  a covered  wagon  for  the  dust  was  ankle  deep.” 

Well,  Daddy  tried  to  pay  us  to  stay  home  — but 
we  had  chopped  cotton  for  my  brother  and  had  a couple 
of  dollars.  We  wanted  to  go.  Soon,  Friday  the  third 
day  of  July  came  and  we  started  out.  My  mother  and 
mv  brother’s  wife  in  a buggy.  My  Daddy,  my  older 
brother,  and  two  children,  his  father-in-law,  my 
younger  brother  and  myself  went  in  the  covered  wagon. 

I was  fourteen  years  old. 

It  rained  a slow  rain  all  afternoon  and  at  iast 
settled  the  dust.  We  made  camp  near  a big  spring. 

There  must  have  been  250  people  camped  there 
that  night  for  most  people  had  to  go  by  wagon  or 
buggy.  There  were  a few  cars  the  well-to-do  came  in.* 


Montgomery  Advertiser,  July  4,  1914. 

TNora  Blankenship  Gunn  to  R.  Wayne  Hay,  Horseshoe  Bend  NMP,  May  30,  1978 
(Horseshoe  Bend  National  Military  Park). 


82 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


A Montgomery  reporter  later  estimated  the  number  of 
campers  at  close  to  2000. 

In  the  Dadeville  area,  Saturday  morning’s  weather  was 
cloudy  without  rain.  The  dust  was  laid  by  Friday  night’s 
showers  making  travelling  conditions  perfect.  At  noon  the 
sun  appeared. 

Opening  ceremonies  began  at  10  a.m.  under  the  shade  of 
large  hardwood  trees.  Governor  O’Neal  presided  over  the  day’s 
exercises,  welcomed  those  present,  and  delivered  a speech  about 
the  battle’s  history  and  its  importance  to  the  modern  citizen. 
In  speaking  of  the  courage  and  dedication  displayed  by  both 
sides  a hundred  years  ago  he  said: 

We  boast  that  we  live  in  a more  civilized  age, 
an  age  in  which  man’s  inventive  skill  and  progress  in 
arts  and  science,  has  added  enormously  to  the  comforts, 
the  conveniences,  and  the  luxuries  of  life.  It  is  not, 
however,  an  age  which  breeds  the  stern,  intrepid,  and 
adventurous  race  of  men,  who  penetrated  the  wilder- 
ness and  with  muskets  in  their  hands,  hewed  down 
these  forests,  and  laid  deep  and  permanent,  the  founda- 
tions of  great  imperial  commonwealths. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  if,  in  the  future,  we  are 
menaced  by  the  same  danger  which  confronted  these 
adventurous  pioneers,  that  we  will  meet  and  solve 
the  crisis  with  the  same  courage  and  heroic  perse- 
verance and  brilliancy  of  achievement,  which  charac- 
terized the  men  that  made  the  battle  of  the  Horseshoe 
immortal  in  American  history. 

The  Creeks,  who  with  desperate  courage  resisted 
Jackson’s  invincible  columnus,  were  native  Alabamians. 

They  were  fighting  for  their  homes  and  the  graves 
of  their  dead.  If,  in  the  future,  the  soil  of  Alabama 
should  be  invaded  by  a foreign  foe  we  should  be  con- 
tent if  her  sons  resisted  the  invaders  with  the  same 
splendid  courage  which  inspired  these  untutored  sav- 
ages in  this  bloody  contest.8 


8 Birmingham  News,  July  5,  1914. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


83 


Mrs.  B.  F.  Wilson,  regent  of  the  Hermitage  Association 
in  Nashville,  Tennessee,  followed  the  governor  and  spoke  on 
her  organization’s  effort  to  preserve  the  memory  of  Andrew 
Jackson  and  his  homeplace. 

Chancellor  John  Allison,  also  of  Nashville,  described  the 
role  that  Tennessee  played  in  the  Creek  War.  An  orator  of 
the  “Old  South”  school,  he  kept  the  crowd  entertained  through- 
out his  address. 

S.  S.  Broadus,  when  he  spoke,  called  for  a proper  monu- 
ment to  commemorate  the  valiant  deeds  of  Jackson’s  army. 
In  closing,  he  introduced  Mrs.  Cherokee  American  Rogers, 
daughter  of  Colonel  Gideon  Morgan,  a participant  in  the  battle, 
to  the  crowd.  Other  descendants  present  were  also  introduced. 

Miss  Maud  McLure  Kelly,  Birmingham  lawyer  and  state 
president  of  the  U.  S.  Daughters  of  1812,  presented  to  the 
State  a granite  marker.  Placed  at  the  eastern  foot  of  Gun 
Hill,  it  marks  the  terminus  of  the  trace  Jackson’s  men  cut 
through  the  wilderness  from  Tennessee  to  the  Horseshoe. 
Thomas  L.  Bulger  accepted  the  marker  for  the  State  and  the 
Battle  Anniversary  Commission. 

Congressman  Heflin  delivered  the  day’s  last  speech.  He 
outlined  the  Government’s  plan  to  erect  a suitable  monument 
on  the  battlefield  saying: 

We  owe  it  to  the  memory  of  those  brave  men  to 
perpetuate  their  deeds  of  valor  and  to  keep  aloft  in 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  the  living  their  heroic  service 
to  their  country.9 

One  of  the  day’s  highlights  was  a sham  battle  fought  be- 
tween Company  G,  Alabama  State  Militia,  a 52  man  contingent 
from  Opelika,  and  the  Company  H from  Alexander  City.  As 
the  maneuvers  were  conducted,  great  clouds  of  dust  were 
created,  for  the  previous  day’s  rain  had  not  reached  the  battle- 
field. When  a man  fell,  dust  billowed  high.  A hospital  de- 
tachment of  militia  from  Montgomery  stood  by  to  attend  any 
real  injuries  to  soldiers  and  civilians. 


Montgomery  Advertiser,  July  5,  1914. 


84 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


The  speechmaking,  sham  battle,  tours,  and  dinners  were 
finished  by  late  afternoon  and  the  huge  crowd  began  to  disperse. 
Wearily,  all  climbed  back  into  their  conveyances  for  the  long 
ride  home. 

S.  J.  Darby,  editor  of  the  Alexander  City  News , wrote: 

“.  . . the  people  conducted  themselves  with  perfect  de- 
corum so  far  as  I know.  There  was  no  bloodshed,  but 
I learned  that  one  bootlegger  was  arrested.  I learned 
also  that  there  was  plenty  of  beer  out  in  a little  house 
that  had  been  built  ostensibly  for  other  and  more 
natural  purposes. 

I was  told  that  one  had  to  be  in  possession  of  a 
certain  tribal  token  before  he  was  permitted  to  enter 
that  seemingly  necessary  structure. 

Good  speeches  were  made  by  our  orators,  and  by 
some  that  did  not  belong  to  us. 

Cold  drink  stands  were  numerous;  in  fact,  more 
than  I ever  saw  before,  and  I learned  they  all  belonged 
to  a trust.  The  idea  of  cold  drinks,  parched  peanuts 
and  ham  sandwiches  being  in  the  trust  was  novel  to  me 
and  really  it  was  the  first  time  I ever  met  a trust  face 
to  face  in  the  open.  One  thing  I can  say  for  a trust 
is,  it  gave  me  a square  deal  on  a paper  bag  of  parched 
peanuts  for  a nickel  . . .”10 

The  centennial  observance  was  a big  success.  Dr.  Thomas 
Owen  afterwards  declared:  “The  citizens  of  Dadeville  and 

Tallapoosa  County  showed  themselves  the  best  of  hosts  . . . 
Transportation,  housing,  clearing  of  grounds,  subsistence,  and 
other  things  were  looked  after  with  the  thoroughness  of  a 
trained  business  man  . . . The  program  was  carried  through 
without  a single  break.”11 

Sixty-four  years  have  passed  since  the  centennial  obser- 
vance. The  battlefield,  however,  has  not  been  forgotten.  Un- 

10 Alexander  City  News,  July  10,  1914. 

“Dadeville  Spot  Cash,  July  10,  1914. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER.  1978 


85 


til  1959,  it  served  as  cropland,  annually  yielding  harvest  of  corn 
and  cotton.  Youngsters  of  all  ages  have  camped  overnight  upon 
it,  searched  for  military  and  Indian  relics  in  its  soil,  and  swum 
in  the  river  along  its  edges. 

In  August,  1959,  Horseshoe  Bend  National  Military  Park 
was  finally  established  bringing  to  fruition  the  hopes  and 
dreams  of  many  people  — many  of  whom  were  present  during 
the  big  celebration  in  1914. 


86 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


BOOK  REVIEWS 

Hugh  B.  Hammett.  Hilary  Abner  Herbert:  A Southerner  Re- 
turns to  the  Union.  Memoirs  of  the  American  Philosophi- 
cal Society  Held  at  Philadelphia  For  Promoting  Useful 
Knowledge,  Volume  110  (Philadelphia:  The  American 

Philosophical  Society.  1976.  Pp.  xvi,  264,  $5.00.) 

Professor  Hugh  B.  Hammett  of  the  Rochester  Institute  of 
Technology  has  written  a long-overdue  biography  of  Hilary 
Abner  Herbert,  Congressman  from  Alabama  for  sixteen  years 
and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  President  Grover  Cleveland 
from  1893  to  1897.  The  author’s  stated  purpose  is  four-fold : to 
contribute  further  understanding  to  southern  Reconstruction 
historiography;  to  discuss  the  “return  of  southerners  to  na- 
tional life  after  1877”;  to  introduce  the  reader  to  a kind  of 
southern  racial  attitudes  as  seen  in  Herbert;  and  to  rehearse 
the  development  of  the  “New  American  Navy”  and  Herbert’s 
role  in  it. 

Herbert’s  racial  attitudes  — those  of  the  benovelent  pa- 
ternalist — were  ingrained  in  him  in  his  infancy  (b.  1834), 
boyhood,  and  youth  as  he  observed  his  father’s  treatment  of 
his  slaves  in  South  Carolina  (until  1846)  and  in  Alabama. 
Professor  Hammett  concludes  that  Herbert  “remained  a pa- 
ternalist par  excelle7ice”  throughout  his  life. 

In  1853  Herbert  enrolled  in  the  sophomore  class  at  the 
University  of  Alabama.  He  quickly  became  the  leader  of  a 
revolt  over  the  regimen  imposed  on  students  by  “Basil  Manly, 
a Baptist  preacher.  . . .”  Unfortunately  Professor  Hammett 
does  not  identify  Manly  as  “Sr.”,  and  as  a man  considered  by 
many  social-religious  historians  as  one  of  the  outstanding 
presidents  of  the  University  as  well  as  a leading  figure  in  the 
founding  of  The  Southern  Baptist  Convention  and  The  Southern 
Baptist  Theological  Seminary.  It  was  perhaps  fortunate  that 
“a  Baptist  preacher”  expelled  Herbert  from  the  University 
because  he  continued  his  studies  at  the  University  of  Virginia 
where  Professor  James  P.  Holcombe  “undoubtedly”  helped  form 
Herbert’s  ardent  belief  in  secession.  Because  of  illness,  Her- 
bert never  earned  a degree  at  the  University  of  Virginia 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


87 


but  returned  to  Alabama,  studied  law,  was  admitted  to  practice, 
and  quickly  joined  the  secessionist  wing  of  Alabama  Democracy. 

Upon  Lincoln’s  election,  Herbert  became  an  officer  in  the 
Eighth  Alabama  Infantry  Regiment  in  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia.  Severely  wounded  at  the  Battle  of  the  Wilderness, 
he  retired  from  active  service,  but  remained  an  apologist  of 
the  “Lost  Cause”  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  One  of  Professor 
Hammett’s  recurrent  themes  is  that  Herbert  was  thoroughly 
“nationalized”  by  his  twenty  years  of  public  service  in  Wash- 
ington from  1877  to  1897.  Therefore,  the  author  poses  a 
paradox  if  not  a contradiction,  when  he  maintains  that  for 
Herbert  “when  it  [the  Civil  War]  ended,  little  else  ever  mattered 
again”  and  that  Herbert  “learned  very  little  from  the  experi- 
ence” remaining  an  outspoken  advocate  of  the  constitutionality 
of  secession  and  states  rights. 

It  is  also  in  the  chapter  on  the  Civil  War  that  Professor 
Hammett  introduced  his  first  historiographical  discussion  cen- 
tered around  Herbert’s  book,  The  Abolition  Crusade  and  fts 
Consequences:  Four  Periods  of  American  History  (1912).  It 
is  Herbert’s  “most  ferocious  attack  on  the  northerners  whose 
extremism  he  blamed  for  the  Civil  War.”  The  author’s  com- 
mentary is  about  a book  published  fifteen  years  after  Herbert 
ostensibly  had  been  “Unionized”  and  seven  years  before  his 
death.  Many  readers  of  the  Abolition  Crusade  would  hold  that 
Herbert  concludes  that  true  constitutionalism,  usurped  by  the 
abolitionists  from  1831  to  1861,  had  been  restored  after  1877 
with  the  redemption  of  the  last  southern  states ; in  the  end  the 
constitutional  principles  for  which  the  South  had  fought  won 
out.  In  several  of  Herbert’s  papers  this  vindication  of  the 
South  is  seen  as  the  will  of  God,  a strong  historical  leit-motif, 
which  Professor  Hammett  chooses  not  to  exploit. 

Professor  Hammett’s  second  venture  into  Reconstruction 
historiography  appears  in  the  chapter  entitled  “Redeeming  Ala- 
bama.” Herbert  was  active  from  1867  to  1874  in  the  redemp- 
ti  n of  his  state,  to  the  neglect  of  his  law  practice,  but  Pro- 
fessor Hammett  concludes  that  “in  spite  of  Herbert’s  pride 
in  listing  himself  among  the  'Redeemers,’  the  objective  re- 
searcher can  only  conclude  that  his  role  . . . was  of  no  particular 


88 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


significance.”  The  “objective  researcher”  offers  no  proof  for 
his  generalization.  The  author's  next  move  to  prove  that 
Herbert  was  not  a typical  Redeemer  a la  C.  Vann  Woodward 
is  to  minimize  the  role  in  Reconstruction  historiography  of 
Herbert's  first  book,  Why  the  Solid  South?  or  Reconstruction 
and  its  Results  (1890).  Herbert  edited  this  book  of  essays  by 
leading  Redeemers  and  contributed  three  essays  to  it  himself, 
prompting  Professor  Woodward  to  name  him  “the  editor  of 
the  leading  apology  for  the  ultraconservative  Redeemer  re- 
gime. . . .”  Professor  Hammett  contends  that  Why  the  Solid 
South?  is  “virtually  unrecognized  today  even  by  specialists  in 
southern  history”  and  that  Herbert's  book  has  had  “influence 
all  out  of  proportion  to  its  merit  as  a historical  work,  on 
scholarly  writing  concerning  Reconstruction.”  In  the  first 
instance,  Professor  Hammett  again  offers  no  proof  — no  poll 
of  historians  of  the  South  — to  substantiate  his  generalization. 
Secondly,  those  who  have  read  Why  the  Solid  South?  recognize 
it  as  a piece  of  propaganda  to  rebute  the  Lodge  Bill,  not  as 
historical  scholarship  about  Reconstruction.  The  author  does 
subsequently  refer  to  Why  the  Solid  South?  as  “propaganda.” 

Herbert  served  as  a Congressman  from  Alabama  from  1877 
to  1893.  In  discussing  Herbert’s  career,  Professor  Hammett 
again  sallies  forth  to  refute  Professor  Woodward's  contention 
that  Herbert  was  one  of  the  South's  leading  Bourbon  apologists. 
The  author  admits  that  Herbert  had  a few  typically  Bourbon 
characteristics  but  concludes  that  he  was  a South  Carolina 
agrarian  conservative  who  did  not  “look  forward  to  a better 
world,  but  to  a re-created  one,”  namely  that  of  the  ante-bellum 
South.  “Undoubtedly  [implying  certitude;  undisputed],  Hilary 
Herbert  was  much  closer  to  ideology  and  practice  to  the  South 
Carolina  Bourbons  than  to  the  Redeemers  whom  Professor 
Woodward  has  described.”  Having  established  the  certainty 
of  Herbert's  view,  Professor  Hammett  questions  the  un- 
doubtable  by  qualifying  it.  He  finds  in  Herbert's  thinking  a 
dualism : he  was  a committed  southerner  of  the  first  rank 

with  roots  deep  in  ante-bellum  history,  but  he  was  also  forward 
looking  — a view  of  Bourbonism  akin  to  that  of  Professor  Wood- 
ward. Saint  George  has  not  slain  the  dragon. 

Professor  Hammett  devotes  three  of  the  later  chapters  of 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


89 


his  book  (forty-three  per  cent  of  his  narrative)  to  Herbert’s 
membership  or  chairmanship  of  the  House  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  (1885-1893)  and  secretaryship  of  the  Navy  (1893- 
1897).  This  twelve-year  period  of  Herbert’s  life  is  well  docu- 
mented, organized,  and  balanced.  Herbert  carried  his  concept 
of  gradualism  (do  not  build  too  many  ships  too  fast),  developed 
on  the  naval  affairs  committee,  into  his  secretaryship,  a “per- 
petuation and  enlargement  of  policies”  effected  by  four  previous 
secretaries  of  the  Navy,  a Republican  and  Democratic.  Having 
placed  Herbert  in  a proper  context  of  sixteen  years  of  the 
development  of  the  “New  American  Navy,”  the  reader  is  some- 
what confounded  when  the  author  inserts  an  illustration  of  what 
appears  to  be  the  entire  fleet,  captioned  “Hilary  Herbert’s 
legacy  to  the  nation:  The  United  States  Navy,  1898.”  Fur- 

thermore, Professor  Hammett  gives  proper  credit  to  William 
Whitney  and  Benjamin  Tracy  (particularly  the  latter)  for  the 
development  of  the  all  steel  Navy,  but  in  his  “Preface,”  he 
maintains  that,  “No  man  was  more  intimately  connected  with 
the  rise  of  the  “New  American  Navy”  than  Herbert  — this 
for  a man  who  was  an  anti-imperialist  and  simply  enlarged  on 
the  policies  of  predecessors,  gradually. 

The  final  chapter  of  Professor  Hammett’s  work  is  en- 
titled: “Elder  Statesman:  Old  Wine  in  New  Flasks.”  In  it 

he  traces  the  final  twenty-two  years  of  Herbert’s  life.  Herbert 
set  up  law  practice  in  Washington  with  his  son-in-law  and  de- 
veloped a moneyed  clientele,  East  and  West,  in  a typical  Bour- 
bon fashion.  But  “as  the  years  waned,  Herbert  seemed  more 
and  more  to  be  a man  who  had  lived  beyond  his  time.”  He 
had  helped  to  “midwife”  the  “New  American  Navy”  and  had 
been  an  “unapologetic  ‘New  South  man,’  ” but  in  the  end  it 
was  the  Old  South  that  captured  his  heart.  Then,  quoting  this 
reviewer,  Professor  Hammett  states:  “Herbert  always  hoped 

that  the  result  of  “Redemption”  for  the  South  would  be  a re- 
turn to  the  ideas  and  values  of  the  pre-Garrison  era.”  In 
Herbert’s  mind  this  had  been  accomplished  with  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  southern  states  and  with  a resurgence  of  states 
rights  sentiment  in  the  nation  at  the  turn  of  the  century.  In 
the  opinion  of  the  reviewer  he  satisfied  himself  and  man  of 
the  disappearing  “Brigadiers”  that  this  was  true  by  writing 
The  Abolition  Crusade  in  1912. 


90 


ALABAMA  HISTORICAL  QUARTERLY 


Professor  Hammett  has  written  a biography  of  the  third 
of  three  southern  conservative  cabinet  members  in  President 
Grover  Cleveland’s  second  administration.  His  book  is  written 
with  felicity  and  thoroughly  documented  and  indexed.  It  is  the 
subtitle  of  Professor  Hammett’s  book,  “A  Southerner  Returns 
to  the  Union,”  which  may  cause  -some  difficulty  for  the  reader. 
It  suggests  that  Herbert  was  a forward-looking  southerner,  a 
typical  Bourbon  after  the  Woodward  School.  Throughout  his 
work,  however,  the  writer  refutes  this  thesis  by  interpreting 
Herbert  as  an  “Old  South”  reactionary.  It  remains  to  be  seen 
if  Professor  Hammett’s  biography  will  take  on  the  stature  of 
Professor  Dewey  W.  Grantham’s  biography  of  Hoke  Smith  or 
James  A.  Barnes’  life-story  of  John  G.  Carlisle. 

Hugh  C.  Davis 
Baylor  University 


Gary  M.  Fink  and  Merl  E.  Reed  (Eds.),  Essays  in  Southern 
Labor  History:  Selected  Payers,  Southern  Labor  History 
Conference,  1976 . (Westport,  Connecticut:  Greenwood 

Press,  1976.  pp.  27b.) 

The  essays  found  in  this  volume  are  as  a result  of  the  first 
Southern  Labor  History  Conference  held  on  the  campus  of 
Georgia  State  University,  Atlanta,  Georgia,  April  1-3,  1976. 
Although  the  papers  presented  before  the  conference  were  as 
varied  as  were  the  author’s  chosen  professions,  each  supported 
the  main  purpose  of  the  Southern  Labor  History  Association’s 
attempt  “to  encourage  the  study  and  understanding  of  the  rise 
and  development  of  organized  labor  in  the  South  and  to  promote 
the  dissemination  of  that  knowledge.” 

Although  not  all  papers  presented  before  the  Labor  Con- 
ference are  included  in  this  first  volume,  the  reader  is  presented 
with  a variety  of  subject  matter  ranging  from  the  Knights  of 
Labor  to  the  Congress  of  Industrial  Organization.  By  glancing 
through  the  table  of  contents,  one  can  readily  see  the  wealth 
of  material  presented.  There  is  something  for  all  labor  en- 
thusiast whether  one’s  interests  be  in  the  area  of  textiles,  coal, 
oil,  transportation,  or  politics. 


SPRING  and  SUMMER,  1978 


91 


Contributors  to  this  first  volume  of  labor  essays  included 
Melton  McLaurin  and  Stephen  Brier,  both  of  whom  attempt  to 
zero  in  on  the  successes  and  failures  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
to  organize  southern  workers.  Dennis  Nolan,  in  collaboration 
with  Donald  Jones,  present  a specific  analysis  of  unionism  in 
the  Textile  Industry  in  the  Piedmont  Area,  1901-1932,  while 
Bruce  Raynor,  in  more  general  terms,  presents  a contemporary 
look  at  the  textile  workers  in